A  Text-Book  on  Commercial  Law, 


lameiital    Principles    Govern'mir    Bi: 
-        For   Try     Dge    of    <  'omnierrial    Colleges,    High 
*rvA'Ryill('s)     '\v  SAI.TKK  S.  ( 'i,  \KK,  Counsel: 

"  '-uunj's  Government.  ( 'lass- Book.    Handsomely 
JJOO  ]>] 

Tlnidosi?$Wf Offc(J0fhor|in  this  volumo  has  been  !••  aiply, 

ami  rnmpTtrflVi  till    prj"'  ''P^1'  /"*'  ':lw  all'eetintf  the  onlinary  transact  i 
commercial   life,  in  the  form  of  a  •  hoo|s  and  < 'oinmercial 

The  pla:i  of  the  book  is  as  follows  : 

iort  introduction  upon  the  relations  of  Xatimml  finrl  State  law, 
ami  of  constitutional,  statute,  and  common  law,  it  to  divided  into  two  parts. 

Tart  I.  treats  of  principles  applicable  to  all  kimls  of  business,  in  three  divi- 
sions, treat::  Ively  of  Col  ncy  and  1'artnei-sliip.  with  a 
fourth  division   emtiracin^  tile  subject   of  Corporations,  and  a  few  others 
1   in  their  nature.     Cart   II    takes  up  in  order  the  most   prominent 

i. -lions,  paying  chief  attention  to  the  subject 

>d  roinmercial  Taper,  and  is  to  a  larffi-  extent  an  application  of 
tnc  principles  contained  in  the  preceding  part. 

'  n  throughout  to  make  it  a  book  practical!] 

fill,  an  ijht.  understood  ami  remembered.     As  subserving 

•n   ma.v  be  called  to  the  followinir  features  nim.mr 

in  irraded  t.\  pe.  which  .summari/.ii 

upon  the  mind   tliroiiffh  the  eye;    the  summaries  of  leading 
table   of  definitions:    the  forms  of   bu-ine-s 
most  frequently  met  with;  ami  the  frequent   use  of  cxampi 
.  it-«  s 

T1  leading  Commercial  Codeoet 

'nj.  

m 

I  find  tlic  work  fully  iiil:ipic>-l  for  use  in  l>u«in-  -.1   hook,  on 

.  points 
forms,    it  i-  omplete  and concUe  work 

(in  tin-  t 

J.  J.  SorilKR,  I'rop'r. 

Uv.-inki-i'.  \\"is  .  Am:.  1. 
forward  inc.  l>v  <  \piv-.-. 

K.  C.  SPK.NCF.I!.  Trincipal. 

TIIK  i 

.  hy  fixM^'lu.  1-JO  Clark's  Oommei 

Ml.I.i  \  Al.ENTIM-:.  I'rincipiilH. 

MKTKOPOI  i 

merclal  Law,  llo\VK  A  I'OWEKS,  Prop're, 

'oiiuiirrniil  I 

P.I  n  u;  A    M,  II.K'AVV.  Trop're. 

.  a-J.  1882. 
Mil. I. K.K  A    DKAKK.  Principals. 


CLARK  &  MAYNARD,  Publishers,  New  York, 


A  COMMERCIAL  ARITHMETIC; 

DESIGNED  FOR 

Academies,  fligl  Schools,  Counting  Rooms  and  Business  Colleges. 

By  JAMES    E.    THOMSON,   LL.D., 
AUTHOR  OF  A  MATHEMATICAL  SERIES. 

This  work  Las  been  prepared  with  sole  reference  to  a  business 
education  in  its  higher  departments.  To  this  end,  subjects  fully  ex- 
plained in  the  author's  elementary  Arithmetic  or  an  equivalent,  and 
with  which  the  student  is  .supposed  to  be  familiar,  are  omitted. 

In  thf  fundamental  rules,  many  labor-saving  methods  of  operation 
arc  given  under  the  appropriate  name  "  Counting  Room  Methods." 

Business  forms  in  great  variety  are  introduced,  and  their  nature 
and  uses  explained.  The  manner  of  keeping  Book  Accounts,  Averaging 
Payments,  Partnership  Settlements,  etc.,  is  fully  explained  and  illus- 
trated. 

The  chapter  on  the  Metric  System  of  Weights  and  Measures  in- 
cludes all  the  latest  recommendations  of  the  Metric  Bureau. 

The  facts  and  methods,  procured  from  reliable  persons  who  are 
tJnn'i»njltli/  versed  in  their  several  departments,  are  authentic  business 
facts,  and  in  accordance  with  the  present  usage. 

KJK  ri/tl  care  has  been  devoted  to  the  chapter  on  Stocks  and  Bonds, 
and  TO  Stock  Exchange  business,  which  is  a  full  and  reliable  summary 
of  affairs  as  now  conducted  on  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange.  The 
examples  embrace  true  specimens  of  daily  operations  in  Wall  Street. 

The  chapters  on  Banking,  Clearing  Houses,  and  Custom  House 
business  have  also  been  subjected  to  the  most  careful  scrutiny,  as  also 
Life  Insurance,  Annuities,  Sinking  Funds,  etc. 

The  examples  are  all  new,  and  have  been  selected  with  a  special 
view  to  their  practical  application  to  business,  and  not  as  a  trial  of  the 
mathematical  skill  of  the  learner. 


"It  is  doubtful  whether  a  man  better 
fitted  than  Dr.  Thomson  to  write  such  a 
book  could  be  found     His  books,  as  all 
wlio  arc  acquainted  with  them  know,  have 
always  leaned  strongly  toward  the  prac- 
tical side  of  tli-.-  subject  treated,  and  when 
to  a  work  like  this  he  is  at  home. 
It  is  impossible  to    go  into  particulars 
without  occupying  too  much  space     Suf- 
say  that  it  is  a  complete  business 
arithmetic  for  everybody,  Diving  all  the 
short  ways  of  computing  employed  by  the 
well  as  the  general 

rule-  and  bu<ini  M  methods  which  every 
man  needs  to  have  at  hand."-  New  Eng- 
land Journal  of  Education,  Boston,  Mass. 


"lean  say  that  I  consider  it  an  excellent 
work  and  well  adapted  to  the  wants  of  our 
public  schools."—  W.  W.  CoUntrn,  Prin.  of 
High  School.  Springfield,  Mass. 

•'  If  any  young  man  masters  its  contents 
he  will  start  in  life  with  a  very  creditable 
knowledge  of  the  way  in  which  the  busi- 
ness of  the  world  is  transacted,  and  will 
be  able  to  do  his  share  of  it,  too."—  C.  C 
Stauffer.  A  M.,  Prin.  of  High  School,  Wil- 
liamsport.  Pa. 

"  It  is  excellent.  We  like  it  exceeding- 
ly.1'— Jerome  AHen,  State  Normal  School, 
St.  Cloud,  Minn. 


332  pages,  12mo,  cloth. 


CLARK  &  MAYNARD,  Publishers,  New  York, 


£*X.'v**^x*»'--»v'\»tv'*r^ 

*-'~,\s  ^'&''-'s*'*  •''**'''•'''''•''*•' .''^ 


ANDERSON'S   HISTORICAL   SERIES. 


HISTORY 


OF 


ROME. 


AMPLY    ILLUSTRATED    WITH 


MAPS;   PLANS,   AND   ENGRAVINGS. 


/R_F.  LEIGHTON,  PH.  D.  (LIPS.), 

Author  of  "  Critical  History  of  Cicero's  Letters  ad  Familiares, 
"Latin  Lessons"   ''''Greek  Lessons"  Etc, 


fiey    erat  rraieia 
Poll/bins,  I..  2. 


Sei'ac  (tai    yvnvairiav  npos  ras  TroAiTticas    wpofe;?,  T»)r  e*  T? 


NEW  YORK  : 

CLARK   &   MAYNARD,    PUBLISHERS, 

771  BROADWAY  AND  67  &  69  NINTH  ST, 

1881 


Anderson's  Historical  Series. 


A  Junior  Class   History  of  the  United  States. 

Illustrated  with  hundreds  of  portraits,  views,  maps,  etc.    272  pages.    ICmo. 

A  Grammar  School  History  of  the  United  States. 

Annotated ;  and  illustrated  with  numerous  portraits  and  views,  and  with  more  than 
forty  maps,  many  of  which  are  colored.  340  pp.  16mo. 

A  Pictorial  School  History  of  the  United  States. 

Fully  illustrated  with  maps,  portraits,  vignettes,  etc.    420  pp.    12mo. 

A  Popular  School  History  of  the  United  States, 

m  which  are  inserted  as  i  part  of  the  narrative  selections  from  the  writings  of  eminent 
American  historians  and  other  American  writers  of  note.  Fully  illustrated  with  maps, 
colored  and  plain  ;  portraits,  views,  i-tc.  356pp.  12mo. 

A  Manual  of  General   History,    illustrated  with  numerous 

engravings  and  with  beautifully  colored  maps  showing  the  changes  in  the  political  di- 
visions of  the  world,  and  giving  the  location  of  important  places.  488  pp.  12mo. 

A  SchOOl  History  Of  England.  Illustrated  with  numerous 
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different  periods.  832  pp.  12mo. 

A  School  HistOiy  Of  France.  Illustrated  with  numerous  en- 
gravings, colored  and  uncolored  maps.  873  pp.  12iro. 

A  History  Of  Rome.  Amply  illustrated  with  maps,  plans,  and 
engravings.  M3  pp.  By  U.  P.  LEIGHTON,  Ph.D.  (Lips.). 

A  School  History  of  Greece,    in  preoaration. 
Anderson's  Bloss's  Ancient  History,     illustrated  with 

engravings,  colored  maps,  and  a  chart.    4-15  pp.    12mo. 

The  Historical  Reader,  embracing  selections  in  prose  and  verse, 
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CLARK  &  MAYNARD,  Publishers, 

New  Fork. 


Copyright.  18'S.IW  CLARK.  A  V  \  YN  \RU 


PREFACE. 


TTTITHEN'  the  last  twenty-five  years  historical  criticism 
VV  has  made  nowhere  greater  advances  than  in  the  his- 
tory of  Kome.  Aside  from  a  more  careful  and  critical  exam- 
ination of  the  ancient  authors,  many  other  departments  of 
study  bearing  directly  or  indirectly  on  Roman  history  have 
within  that  period  been  begun  and  pursued  with  the  most 
gratifying  results.  Great  progress  has  been  made  in  the  study 
of  comparative  philology  and  that  of  the  Italian  dialects.1 
The  inscriptions2  for  the  time  of  the  republic  and  the  em- 
pire, as  well  as  those  in  the  provinces  and  in  the  city  of 
Rome  itself,  have  been  collected  and  edited,  and  they  have 
served  in  very  many  cases  to  correct  or  supplement  the 
statements  of  ancient  writers.  The  excavations3  that  have 
been  made  at  Rome  and  Pompeji 4  have  settled  many  disputed 
questions  of  topography  and  brought  to  light  inscriptions5 
that  have  added  to  our  knowledge  of  the  manners  and  cus- 
toms and  private  life  of  the  Romans.  In  fact,  within  twenty- 
five  years  the  whole  subject  of  Roman  history  has  been 
reviewed  in  the  light  of  these  accessory  means  of  informa- 
tion, and  very  important  contributions  have  been  added  to  our 
knowledge  of  the  regal  period  and  the  early  republic,6  of  the 
internal  history  in  the  time  of  the  republic,7  of  the  organ- 
ization of  the  senate  and  the  popular  assemblies,8  of  the  con' 
quest  of  Italy  and  the  manner  in  which  the  subject  states 

>  Those  of  Lower  Italy,  edited  by  Mommsen  in  1850 :  the  Sabellian  and  Oscan,  by 
Huschke  in  1856.  and  the  Etruscan  and  Oscan,  by  Corssen  in  1874. 
3  Edited  by  Ritschl,  Mornmsen,  Henzen,  and  others,  1863-74. 

*  Begun  by  Canina,  but  soon  discontinued ;  resumed  by  the  Italian  government, 
under  the  supervision  of  Pietro  Rosa,  in  1871.  «  Overbeck. 

*  Used  by  Dr  Henzen  and  Jordan,  the  first  part  of  the  first  volume  of  whose  work  on 
Roman  topography  appeared  in  1878. 

*  Mommsen,  Lange,  Schwegler,  Clisoii,  Rubino,  Peter,  and  Bme. 

'  Drumauu,  Mommsen,  and  Lauge.  *  Mommsen,  Lange,  and  Rubiiio. 


Vl  PREFACE. 

were  governed,1  of  the  influence  of  oriental  conquests  and  of 
Hellenism  on  the  Roman  character,8  of  Grecian  philosophy  and 
the  Roman  religion,3  of  the  provincial  system 4  and  the  mili- 
tary organization,5  of  the  history  of  the  empire,6  the  revival  of 
the  study  of  philosophy,7  the  influx  of  oriental  forms  of  wor- 
ship, the  revival  of  Paganism  and  the  spread  of  Christianity, 
In  short,  all  who  have  busied  themselves  with  the  subject  are 
aware  how  valuable  and  interesting  the  contributions  to  Ro- 
man history  have  been,  and  how  few  of  them  have  found  their 
way  into  our  school-books  on  that  subject.  The  aim  of  the 
present  volume  is  to  treat  Roman  history  in  the  light  of  the 
most  recent  investigations,  and  to  present  the  results  so  far  ;is 
they  have  been  unanimously  accepted  by  scholars  in  a  form 
suitable  for  school  instruction. 

The  various  subjects  have  been  worked  up  after  a  careful 
and  critical  study  of  the  original  as  well  as  the  latest  and  best 
modern  authorities.  Besides  a  general  obligation  to  many 
works  on  Roman  hi.-fory  and  antiquities,  I  am  especially  in- 
debted to  the  published  works  and  the  private  instruction  of 
Professors  Ludwig  Lange  and  Georg  Voigt,  of  the  University 
of  Leipsic. 

Statements  have  often  been  substantiated  by  notes  and 
references  to  ancient  and  modern  authorities,  but  the  object 
in  these  cases  was  more  to  suggest  the  means  for  additional 
reading  and  investigation  than  to  introduce  scientific  informa- 
tion. 

The  book  has  been  prepared  on  the  theory  that  history  is 
something  more  than  mere  biography  and  the  records  of  bat- 
tles ;  that  it  ought  to  set  forth  the  connection  of  events,  show- 
ing how  each  was  the  product  of  what  preceded  and  the  cause 
of  what  followed ;  that  it  deals  with  the  inner  life  of  the 
people ;  that  its  aim  is,  as  it  were,  "  to  penetrate  into  the 
workshop  of  the  national  mind  and  watch  the  operations 


1  Mommsen  and  Marquardt.  *  Mommsen  and  Thne. 

*  Prellcr.  4  Znmpt,  Mommsen,  Madvii',  and  others. 
Rfistow,  fMHer,  Lange.  Marqnardt,  an.',  others. 

•  Walter,  Kului,  Rudorff.  and  MoinmseuV  edition  of  the  Monnmentmn  Ancyrauum, 
1865.  '  Frit-dlJinder. 


PREFACE.  Vll 

going  on  there.'*  Hence  an  unusual  amount  of  space  for  a 
book  of  this  kind  has  been  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  inter- 
nal government,  the  inner  life,  the  religion,  manners  and  cus- 
toms, the  influence  of  foreign  conquests  and  foreign  religions, 
the  provincial  system,  the  military  organization,  military 
roads,  etc.  The  space  for  this  extra  matter  has  been  gained 
without  enlarging  the  book  so  as  to  make  it  unserviceable  for 
school  use,  by  omitting  details  of  battles  and  sieges  and  briefly 
indicating  the  results — a  plan  that  was  made  possible  without 
detracting  from  the  value  of  the  book,  by  the  use  of  engrav- 
ing?, plans  and  maps. 

The  summaries  have  been  prepared  with  a  great  deal  of  care, 
and  although  they  have  added  somewhat  to  the  size  of  the  book, 
it  is  hoped  that  they  will  be  found  serviceable.  If  we  leave  the 
summaries,  the  space  occupied  by  maps,  engravings  and  notes, 
the  chapter  on  military  organization,  which  Avill  be  mainly  for 
reference,  except  for  advanced  classes,  and  the  chapter  on  man- 
ners and  customs,  out  of  consideration,  the  narrative  is  brought 
within  the  moderate  compass  of  three  hundred  pages. 

Many  interesting  topographical  details  of  the  ancient  city 
have  been  introduced,  illustrated  by  maps,  modified  to  cor- 
respond with  what  we  have  learned  from  the  excavations. 

The  whole  book  is  amply  illustrated  with  maps  (mostly  from 
Spruner's  and  Kiepert's  Atlases),  plans  and  numerous  engrav- 
ings selected  from  Becker,  Guhl  and  Koner,  and  others. 

The  table  of  contents  gives  a  complete  analysis  of  the  whole 
work.  It  is  so  arranged  that  it  suggests  topics  as  well  as  ques- 
tions for  examination  and  review,  and  affords  a  full  chrono- 
logical index  of  the  whole  volume. 

R  R  L. 

BROOKLYN,  N.  Y.,  March,  1879. 


viii      LIST    OF    WORKS    ON    ROMAN    HISTORY. 


For  convenience  of  reference  or  for  special  study  of  Roman  history  and  antiquities 
Ihe  following  list  of  the  best  modern  authorities  is  subjoined: 

Abeken,  Life  and  Letters  of  Cicero 1864 

(Translated  by  Merivale.) 

Arnold,  History  of  Rome 1846-1849 

(To  the  Second  Panic  War.) 

Brlickiier,  Leben  d.  Ciceros 1852 

(Very  valuable.) 

Brycc,  J.,  Holy  Roman  Empire  1870 

(The  author  has  availed  himself  of  the  beat  German  authorities.) 
Becker,  W.  A.,  (Jallu-.  or  Roman  Scenes  of  the  Time  of  Augustus,  with  Notes 

and  Excurses  illustrative  of  the  manners  and  m-tom-  of  the  Romans  1847 

De  Coalmines,  The  Ancient  City  ;  a  Study  OB  the  Religion,  L.iws,  and  Institu- 
tions of  Greece  and  Home.    (Trans,  by  W.  Small :  n  work  of  prat  value,  as 

giving  the  view  of  the  ancients  of  then-  own  instil  tit  ions.) 1877 

Dnimaitit.  VV.,  Geschichte  Roms,  6  vols .1834-44 

A  biographical  history  of  the  Fall  of  the  Republic. 
(A  copious  citation  of  authorities.) 

Dyer,  Kings  of  Rome 1868 

(Written  mainly  from  the  old  standpoint ;  to  be  used  with  care.) 

Foray  tit,  Life  of  Cicero 1863 

(Popular,  but  prepared  with  discrimination  and  care.) 

Frledlander,  Li.,  SittengWChlcnte  Roms,  ;>  vols     1873 

(Indispensable;  it  covers  the  time  from  Augustus  to  the  last  Antoniiie.) 

Fronde,  Caesar,  a  sketch 1879 

Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Empire,  8  vols 1854 

Giilil  &  Kouer,  Life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans 1874 

(Very  valuable.) 

Hultsch,  P.,  Griech.  und  ROm.  Metrologie 1862 

(The  latest  and  best.) 

lime,  History  of  Rome,  3  vols 1871 

(This  ia  a  very  valuable  work,  although  some  of  the  author's  views  in 
regard  to  the  earlv  institutions  are  not  accepted.) 

Jordan,  Topographic  d.  Stadt  Rom  im  Alterthum 1871 

(The  second  volume  containing  a  list  of  authorities  appeared  in  1871; 
the  first  part  of  the  first  volume,  in  1877.) 

Kicpcrt,  Atlas  Antiquus  d->  maps,  with  index) 1877 

bailee ,  1, -,  Rom.  Alterthttmer,  3  vols isrii 

(The  tii si  and  third  volume's  \ven-  revised  in  1870;  a  new  edition  of  the 
second  volume  has  not  yet  appeared.  The  greatest  living  representative  of 
the  conservative  echoolof  Roman  history.) 

Lecky,  History  of  European  Morals,  2  vols     1877 

Lewis,    Inquiry  into  the  Credibility  of  Early  Roman  History,  2  vols 1855 

(Destructive.) 

Liddell.  History  of  Rome.  1  vol 

Liniii;,  Decline  df  the  Roman  Republic,  4  vols ?872 

Meri  vale  ,   History  of  the  Kmpiru,  8  vols 

Merivale,  (icnenl  Hi -lory  of  Home,  1  vol 

Middle  ton.   Life  of  Cicero,  6  vols 

Mar<|iiarilt  At,  MomiiiHcii,  Handbuch  d.  ROm.  AlterthfliiHT,  G  vols 1871 

Moimnseii,  Roman  History,  I  vols 187i 

(To  the  Establishment  of  the  Empire.) 

"  Gcsch.  d.  ROm.  Mumzwesens.     (French  translation) ISfil 

"  ROm.  Forsclitingen,  Vol.  1 1864 

Niebuhr.  History  of  Rome 1833 

(Later  researches  have  modified  Niebuhr's  theories,  still  his  works  are 
of  great  value.) 

Niebuhi-'*  Lectures,  ed.  Schmitz     (To  the  Fall  of  the  Empire) 1870 

Pnuly,  Ueal-Kneyclopadie  d.  class.  Alterthuinerwissenschaft,  7  vol.- ]••»;*< 

Peter,  C.,  (icsch.  Roms.  3  vols 1871 

»•  Rom.  Zeit-tafeln 

Prellcr,  ROm.  Myttiologit- 1865 

Kaiusay,  Manua"l  of  Roman  Antiquities  1870 

(Not  reliable  for  the  early  institutions.) 

Schvregler,  ROm.  Gesch.,  3  vols :  continued  by  Clason 1873 

(To  the  capture  of  Rome  by  the  (iauls.) 

Smith,  Diet,  of  Grecian  and  Roman  Antiquities  and  Biographies 1858 

Sprinter,  Atlas  Antiquus  (27  maps) 1874 


PAGB 

Roman  Forum  restored  (Frontispiece). 

Map  of  N.Italy 2 

Map  of  Latium  Vetus..... 4 

Map  of  Italy:  No.  1 6-7 

Diagram  of   the  Indo-European  Lan- 
guages      10 

Diagram  of  Races  in  Italy  12 

MapofRome:  No.  2 16-17 

Cloaca  Maxima — 17 

Suovetaurilia 24 

Temple  of  Vesta 44 

Celtic  Arms 77 

Map  of  Rome  and  vicinity    94 

Map  of  Naples  and  vicinity 98 

Sarcophagus  of  Scipio 101 

Plan  of  Tarentum 104 

Via  Appia  in  its  present  condition Ill 

Map  of  Italy:  No.  3 112-113 

Via  Appia  near  Naples 113 

Channel  of  an  Aqueduct 113 

Map  of  Carthage  and  her  dependen- 
cies  116a 

Map  of  thu  territory  of  Syracuse 119 

Coiumna  Rostrata    122 

Map  illustrating  the  H'.yrianWars 130 

Route  of  Hannibal 136 

Plan  of  Cannae 141 

Map  of  t  he  city  of  Syracuse  146 

Map  illustrating  the  Wars  hi  the  East,  157 

Map  of  Spain ......     175 

Siege  of  Numantia 178 

The  Modern  Capitol  199 

Temple  of  Concord  restored 213 

Map  of  Numidia  and  the  old  Province 

of  Africa  217 

Map  of  the  East  in  the  times  of  Milhrl- 

dates:  No.  4 248-249 

Pompejus  Magnus  867 

Marcus  Tullius  Cicero 288 

Temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinns  restored,  300 
Gajus  Julius  Caesar 301 


BAG! 

Map  of  Gaul  In  the  time  of  Caesar : 

No.  5 308-309 

Plan  of  Csesar's  Fortifications 309 

Map  of  the  Provinces  of  Gaul 314 

Bmndisium 327 

Gajus  Octavius  345 

Map  of  Italy :  No.  6 346-347 

Map  of  the  regions  of  Italy S51 

Marcus  Antonius  . .  351 

Tactic  Order  of  the  Maniple 369 

Slinger,  Legionary.,  Lictor,  Knight 371 

Order  of  Battle 373 

Order  of  the  Centuries 373 

Order  of  the  Cohorts 374 

Defensive  Order  of  the  Legion 874 

Plan  of  the  Camp 376 

Plan  of  Camp  in  the  time  of  Caesar 377 

Plan  of  the  Tents  of  the  Cohorts 379 

Catapiilta 881 

Ballistic 381 

Besieging  Tower 380 

Engines  for  Besieging  a  City 38i 

Plan  of  Roman  Forum  in  its  present 

condition 384 

Plan  of  Roman  Fornm  in  the  time  of 

the  Early  Republic 386 

The  Atrium 387 

The  Vestibule 388 

Plan  of  a  Roman  House 390 

Cooking  Utensils 391 

Implements  of  Writing 402 

Tablets  for  Letters 403 

Covering  for  the  Feet 405 

The  Toga  405 

Dress  of  Women 406 

Empress  Livla 406 

Baths  of  Caracalla.  408 

Racing  Chariots 409 

Gladiatorial  Combat 410 

Flavian  Amphitheatre  In  Its  present 

condition 413 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLE — SUMMARIES. 


PAGE  PAGE 

Theatre    of     Pompejns    restored    by  Forum  of  Trajan 460 

C'anina 414  Map  showing  the  extent  of  the  Roman 

Plan  of  Roman  Forum  in  time  of  the  Empire  A.  D.  120-170    461 

Empire 416     Mole  of  Hadrian 4(13 

Pantheon  in  its  present  condition 426     Antoninus  Pius 465 

Map  of  Germany 431      Aquedu-.-t  Pont  du  Ganl 405 

Mausoleum  of  Augustus  restored 438     Marcus  Aurelius 466 

Map  showing  the  extent  of  the  Roman  Alexander  Severn* 481 

EmpireA.D.23 439     Ruins  of  Palmyra 48? 

Tiberius  440  Map  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  time 

Section  of  the  Claudian  Aqueduct  com-  of  Diocletian  :  No  7. ..  486-"< 

pared  with    the  triple  aqueduct  of  Arch  of  Constantino 4S7 

Agrippa 447  Map  of  the  Roman  Empire  from  the 

Hero 449  time  of  Constautine  to  that  of  Theo- 

FlaVian  Amphitheatre 454        dosius:  No.  8 492-3 

Arch  of  Titus 455     Map  of  Ganl  about  A.  D.  500 494 

Trajan 458 

GENEALOGICAL    TABLE 

FAGE 

Of  Demaratns  of  Corinth 45 

Of  L.  Csecilius  Metellus 124 

Of  Applus  Claudius  Ceecus. . .  125 

Of^Emilius  Paulus 140 

Of  L.Scipio  M3 

Of  M.  Porcius  Cato 

Of  Tiberius  Gracchus 202 

OfM:isinis-u 216 

Of  M.  Metelius  Calvus 219 

OfM  Antonius,  orator 228 

Of  L.  Licinius  Cnissiis,  orator 232 

OfM.  Livius  Drusus 231 

Of  On.  Pom  pi-jus 252 

Of  Marcus  Tullins  Cicero 

Of  A.  Claudius  Pulcher 306 

OfM  PorciusC:ito  Uticensis... 334 

Of  M.  Antonius,  triumvir 343 

Of  G.  Julius  Caesar 34(j 

Of  Augustus 434 

Of  Liv-ia  Brasilia 440 

Of  Bassianus 480 

SUMMARIES. 

PAGE 

I.— The  Settlement  of  the  Latins 90-92* 

n. -Conquest  of  Italy 114-116a 

III.— First  and  Second  Punic  Wars;  Wars  in  Spain,  Sicily,  Italy,  the  East  and 

the  West 195-1986 

IV.— Civil  DN-'-ii-ii'ii- 361-364* 

V.— First  and  Second  Periods  of  Imperialism 502-5U 

List  of  Magistrates 1166 


ANALYSIS. 


INTRO  I3UCTIO3ST. 
I.  Geography  of  Italy. 

PAGE 

ftaly  in  early  times 1 

Its  divisions 1 

I.  Northern  Italy 1 

1.  Liguria 3 

2.  Gallia  Cisalpina 3 

3.  Venetia .  3 

n.  Centralltaly 3 

1.  Etruria 3 

2.  Latium :    it*    two    senses   (see 
note) 3 

S.Campania 4 

4.  Umbria 4 

5.  Picenum 5 

6.  Sabini 

7.  Marsi 


9.  Paelisjni 

10.  Vestini I 

11.  Frentani ....  J 

12.  Samnium 5 

III.  Southern  Italy 5 

1.  Lucania 5 

2.  Bruttii  (see  note) 6 

3.  Apulia •  6 

4.  Calabria 6 

Mountain  systems  of  Italy 6 

The  Campagna 7 

Its  fertility 7 

River  systems  of  Italy 8 

Islands  of  Italy 8 

Position  of  Italy 8 

Its  climate 9 

Its  fertility 9 

II.  Early  Inliatoitants. 

I.  lapyffians 9 

IL  Italians ,, 


MM 

III.  Etruscans 9 

Italians 9 

I.Latins 9 

2.  Umbro-Sabellians 10 

Umbrians 10 

Sabini...  ] 

Samnites !•  Sabellians 10 

Picentes j 

Etruscans 11 

Their  name 11 

Theircities 11 

Their  civilization 11 

Their  influence  on  the  Latins 12 

Their  origin 12 

Unity  of  the  races  in  Italy 12 

I. 
Foundation  of  Rome,  B.  C.  753. 

Latins 13 

Their  primitive  civilization 13 

Their  language 13 

Comparison  of  words  (note)  .......  13 

Latins  enter  Italy 14 

Their  social  constitution 14 

Households 14 

Clans 14 

Villages 14 

Cantons 14 

Alba  Longa 14 

Rome  a  Latin  settlement 14 

The  Cantons 

Its  location 14 

The  Palatine  city 15 

Square  Rome 15 

Pomerium 15 

Sabine  city IS 

Union  of  the  two  cities 15 

Curia 15 

Qnirite*  (note) 15 

Ri >me  the  capital  of  Latium 16 


ANALYSia 


PAGE 

Theforam 16 

Thehills 17 

The  streets  (note) 17 

Cloaca  Maxima 17 

The  con  i  i  t  ium 17 

The  rostra 17 

The  capitol  17 

The  senate-house 18 

Temple  of  Diana 18 

Temple  of  Jupiter 18 

II. 
Early  Government  of  Route. 

Form  of  government 18 

Modelled  on  the  household 18 

The  clan 18 

Tribes 18 

1.  Ramnes 19 

2.  Titles 19 

3.  Luceres 19 

Theking 19 

The  senate 19 

Comitia  curiata 19 

Thearmy 20 

Patricians SO 

Clients    20 

Slaves.... 21 

Plebeians 21 

The  reform  of  Tarquinius  Priscus 21 

The  reform  of  Servius  Tullhw 22 

Division  of  Roman  territory 22 

Clarification  of  the  population 22 

Thearmy 22 

The  census 22 

Five  classes 22 

The  armor  of  the  different  classes 23 

Comitia  centuriata 23 

Thelegion 23 

The  chancier  of  the  constitution 24 

The  Lustrum 24 

III. 
Llvy's  History  of  the  Regal  Period. 

Other  authorities 25 

Early  records 25 

Oral  tradition 25 

Origin  of  Rome 26 

Story  of  Romulus  and  Remus 26 

Rome  founded 27 

War  with  the  Latins 27 

War  with  the  Sabines 28 

Union  of  Romans  and  Sabines 28 

Constitution  ascribed  to  Romulus,  29 


PAGE 

Numa  Pompilius  .....................  80 

Ancus  Marcius  ........................  80 

Tarquinius  Priscus  ....................  30 

Servius  Tullius  ........................  80 

Tarquinius  Superbus  ................  .  .  80 

The  value  of  Livy  '»  narrative  ........  30 

Other  sources  .......................  81 

1.  Excavations  ...................  31 

2.  Comparative  philology  .........  'A' 

3.  Physical  geography  .............  81 

The  results  ...........................  89 

IV. 


Religion  of  (lie  Roman*. 

Its  general  character  :  three  periods  '. 
Worship  of  Italian  deities  (Faunus)... 

Lupcrcalian  ft.-ast  ................. 

Various  forms  of  worship  ........ 

Jupiter  and  Mars  ................. 

Quirinus  .......................  . 

State  religion  ................... 

Wor-hi,)  of  Vesta  ................ 

Jupiter  Capitolinus  .............. 

The  Colleges  of  Sacred  Lore  ...... 

Second  period  :  Grecian  influence  ____ 

Sibylline  books  ...........   ....... 

Divination  ...................... 

Auspices  ..........  ............. 

Art  of  the  haru*pices  ............. 

Other  ceremonies  ............... 

The  character  of  the  Roman  religion  . 
Causes  of  its  decline  ......  ............ 


:a 

S3 

:;4 

34 

34 

35 
35 
30 

37 


42 
•12 
43 
44 


V. 


Attempts  of  Tarquinius  to  Regain 
I  lie  Royal  Power. 

The  legendary  narrative  (note) 48 

First  attempt 41 


1  In  the  first  period  (from  the  foundation 
of  the  Roman  state  until  the  time  of  Tar- 
qninius  Priscu-0  Italian  deities  alone  were 
worshipped.  The  second  period  extends  to 
nearly  the  end  of  the  Second  Punic  War. 
During  this  period  new  forms  of  worship 
were  introduced;  the  old  patriarchal  and 
priestly  character  of  the  constitution  gave 
way  before  the  influence  of  civilization 
and  intercourse  with  foreign  nations.  The 
third  period  extended  to  the  time  of  Augus- 
tus Durinir  this  time  the  state  religion  lost 
its  hold  ou  men's  minds. 


ANALYSIS. 


Xlll 


PAGE 

Second  attempt 47 

Third  attempt...  48 

Battle  of  Lake  Regillus 48 

Credibility  of  this  narrative 49 


VI. 
Establishment  of  the  Republic. 

B.  0. 

5O9.  The  power  (imperium)  returns 

to  the  fathers 60 

Interregnum  declared 50 

Spurius  Lucretius  interrex 50 

Consuls  elected. 50 

Publius  Valerius    51 

Comitia  centuriata  a  legislative 

assembly 51 

Comitia   centuriata    the    army 

(note) 61 

Patrician  influence 52 

Tributum 52 

Popular  measures. 52 

Vacancies  in  the  senate  filled. ..  62 

608.  Valerian  laws 52 

First  dictator 64 


VII. 

Rich   and  Poor.—  Tribunes  of  the 
People. 

Condition  of  the  plebeians  .....  . 

The  plebeians  oppressed  by  debt, 
Patricians  and  plebeians  ........ 

The  con  servative  element  ....... 

Claudian  gens  .................. 

Law  of  debtor  and  creditor  (note, 
p.  56)  .........  ............... 

Sufferings  of  the  poor  .......... 

Publicland  .................... 

Right  of  appeal  ................. 

The  object  of  the  plebeians  .... 

The  first  crisis  ................. 

Its  cause  ........................ 

First  secession  ................. 

M'  Valerius  ..................... 

The  sacred  mount  .............. 

The  lex  facrata  ............ 

Tribunes  of  the  plebs  ........... 

Their  original  powers  (note)  ---- 

The  first  plebiscitum  .......... 

Second  plebipcitum  ............. 

Plebeian  iPdiles  ............... 


vm. 

Development  of  the  Power  of  th« 
Tribune  g.—  Agrarian  Agitations. 

B.  C.  PAGB 

491.  The  story  of  Coriolanns  ........    69 

TheVolscians  ..................    60 

The  position  of  the  tribunes.  ...    60 

The  public  land  ................    60 

How  managed  ..................    61 

486.  The  Agrarian  law  of  8.  Cassius,    62 
The  three  parties  in  the  state  ...    62 
The  policy  of  the  Fabian  house,    63 
Their  slaughter  at  the  Cremera,    63 
The  Publilian  law  .....  ........    63 

Its  importance  (note)  ...........    63 

Arrogance  of  Appius  Claudius..    f4 
Legislation  (note) 

Comitia  centuriata.. 

Comitia  curiata  ..... 

Concilium    tributum 
plebis  ............. 

Comitia  tributa  ..... 

LeXt  scitum,  rogatlo^ 


471. 


64 


(note),    64 


494. 


IX. 

The  Decemvirs  and  the  Laws  of 
the  Twelve  Tables. 

Efforts  of  the  plebeians  to  obtain 

written  code  of  laws 65 

The  Terentilian  Rogation 66 

64               Opposition  of  the  patricians  —  65 
54               Violence    of    Kseso    Quinctius 

54  (note) 6» 

64  Herdonius    seizes    the    capitol 

55  (note) 65 

The  Aventine  given  up  to  the 

55  plebeians 66 

66  454.  Appointment  of  the  commission- 

56  era 67 

56  ;              They  visit  Athens 67 

57  451.  Decemvirs  appointed 67 

67  The  Twelve  Tables  of  Roman 

57                  Law 67 

57               Their  character 68 

57    45O.  Decemvirs  re-elected 68 

67  Then-tyranny 68 

57  449.  They  continue  in  office  .. 69 

68  Murder  of  Sicinius  Dentatus  ....  69 

68                Death  of  Virginia 69 

68                Second  secession 70 

58  Resignation  of  the  decemvirs  ...  70 
50                Valerio-Horatian  laws 70 


XIV 


ANALYSIS. 


445 


440. 


PAGE 

Increased   powers   of  the  trib- 
unes   71 

Quaestors  elected  by  the  people,  71 

X. 

The  plebeian  opposition.    ....  71 

The  plebeian  nobility 72 

The  Canuleian  law.. 72 

Military  tribunes  '  with  consular 

power,' 72 

Censors  appointed 73 

Their  duties 73 

Spurius  Ma'lius 74 


421.  Qiuestorship  opened  to  the  ple- 
beians       74 


XL 

Wars  with   Neighboring   Nation-,. 
— Sack  of  Home  by  the  Gauls. 

Volscians  and  ^Equians 75 

396.  Conquest  of  Veji 75 

Pay  given  to  the  soldiers 76 

Gauls,  or  Celts '. 76 

Their  nomadic  character  .......  76 

They  enter  Italy 76 

39O.  Capture  of  Rome 76 

The  narrative  of  Livy ;  that  of 

Polybius  (note) 77 

Distress  of  the  poor 77 

Bate  of  interest 77 

484.   Death  (  f  Manlius 78 

Further  Gallic  wars  (note) 78 


XII. 
The   Equalization  of  the  Orders. 

Condition  of  the  plebeians 79 

376.   The  Licinian  Rotations 79 

Opposition  of  the  patridans  ....  80 

366.  Ltefaka  Bogatkns  adopted   ...  80 

L.  Sextius  first  plebeian  consul,  80 

The  office  of  pr.rtor  created  ....  80 

Hi<  duties M 

Meaning  of  the  word  pr>f>nliix. .  81 
Further  progress  of  the  plebe- 
ian*    81 

The  Temple  of  Concord    81 

Rot;,                           81 

3.">6.    Fir-l  plebeian  dictator 81 

351.    First  plebeian  censor 81 

336.   First  plebeian  pnetor 81 

BOO.   The  Ogrnlnian  laws .  81 


PAGH 

Number  of  pontiffs  and  augurs 
increased 81 


xm. 

Continued  Agitation.— Mutiny  of 
II  C.  342.—  The  Puhlilian  and 
Horteitaiun  Laws. 

Political  equality 82 

Rate  of  intere-t 

342.  Mutiny  of  B.  c.  342 82 

The  Genucian  law  (note) 82 

The  plebeians  appeiwed 83 

339.  The  Publilian  laws 83 

Their  character 83 

The  changes  effected  by  11  • 

laws  (note) 83 

The  Hortensian  law-t 84 

The  character  of  these  laws  ...  85 
The  nobility  still,control  legisla- 
tion    85 

The  plebiscitum  Ma>nium  (ne'e),  85 

XIV. 

People     and     Government.  —  The 
Rise   of  the    .\.  \v   Nobility. 

The  condition  of  the  people  ....  85 

Commerce  and  war 85 

Political  equality   88 

The  new  nobility 86 

The  popular  as.-emblies 86 

Coii.'                   >in 86 

Camilla  tributa 86 

Con                     '"in ...  86 

Thccitizens 86 

The  members  of  the  tribes 87 

309.   Innovation  of  A.  Claudius 87 

304.   His    arranircmcnt    reversed    by 

Fubiusand  Decius 87 

The  consular  power 87 

How  weakened 88 

The  senate 88 

Its  powers 88 

Its  members — 88 

Vacancies 88 

Its  place  of  meeting  (note). ...  88 

How  summoned  (notel 88 

How  business  was  conducted 

(note) 88 

It  -  original  powers     89 

Its  aristocratic  character 89 

The   general   character   of   the 

government 89 


ANALYSIS. 


:xv 


XV. 
Conquest  of  Italy. 

B.  C.  PAGE 

TheSamnites 93 

Their  history 93 

The  Yer  Sacrum  (note) 93 

The  Samnites  of  the  mountains 
attack  Teanum,  a  city  of  the 

Sidicini 95 

The    Campanians     assist    the 

Sidicini 95 

They  are  defeated  by  the  Sam- 

uites  95 

The  assistance  of  Rome  is  solic- 
ited  

843.    Tin-  First   Sam n itt-  War...     05 
Success  of  the  Romans  95 

3-11.  Conclusion  of  peace  95 

340.  The  revolt  of  the  Latin  League,    95 

Treaty  with  the  Samnites 95 

The  battle  at  Mt.  Vesuvius. .. .  9ft 
Self-sacrifice  of  Decius  (note) ...  96 
Capture  of  Antium 98 

338.  Conclusion  of  the  war 96 

Terms  of  peace 97 

326.    The  Second  Stnnnite  War..     97 

Its  cause 97 

War  declared 98 

The  first  period 98 

321.  The  Caudine  Forks 99 

Success  of  the  Samnites 99 

311.   War  with  the  Etruscans 99 

310.  Battle  at  the  Vadimonian  Lake,    99 
The  Samnites  defeated 100 

304.   Peace  concluded 100 

The  results  of  the  war..     100 

298.    The  Tttird  Snniiiitt-  War..     100 

Its  cause . .  100 

An  alliance  of  the  Samnites  and 
the  Etruscans 101 

2*»5.  The  battle  of  Sentinum 101 

The  epitaph  of  Scipio  (note)  ...  101 
G.Pontius  taken  prisoner.  ....  102 

29O.  The  conclusion  of  peace 102 

}M*»   1 1*     Colonies  established 102 

283.  War  with  the  Gauls   and  the 

Etruscans 108 

283.  Battle  of  the  Vadimonian  Lake,  103 
War  with  the  Lucanians 103 

283.  Most  of  the  Greek  towns  sub- 
mit   103 

Condition  of  the  Italian  Greeks,  103 

Tarentum 104 

Romans  assist  the  Thurinians..  104 

282.  Roman    fleet   attacked   by  the 

Tarentines , 104 


B.  O.                                                                  l>.\ ' ;  K 
Boman  embassy  sent  to  Taren- 
tum (note) 105 

281.  Wardeciared 105 

The  Tareutines  apply   to  Pyr- 

rhus 105 

280.  The  arrival  of  Pyrrhus  in  Italy,  105 

Battle  of  Heraclea 105 

Remarks  of  Pyrrhns  on  the  bat- 
tle  106 

Embassy  of  Cineas  to  Rome —  106 

279.  Battle  of  Ascuhim 106 

Alliance  of  Rome  and  Carthage,  107 

278.  Pyrrhus  retires  to  Sicily 107 

His  arbitrary  rule  in  Sicily 108 

276.  Returns  to  Italy 108 

274.  Battle  of  Beneventum .-...  108 

266.   Conquest  of  Italy ...  108 

27*     The   manner   in   which   Rome 

ruled  her  subjects 1C9 

The  population  classified , .  109 

I.  Roman  citizens 109 

1.  Of  the  thirty-three  tribes,  109 

2.  Of  the  Roman  colonies  . 

n.  Gives  sine  mffrayio...  .  109 
m.  The  allies 110 

Colonization .- 110 

Military  roads Ill 

AppianWay Ill 

Flaminian  Way Ill 

^EmilianWay Ill 

Aqueducts 1*1 

Appian  Aqueduct 112 

AnioVetus 113 

The  military  system 113 

XVI. 
First   Punic   War,  B.  C.  264-241. 

Carthage 117 

Its  prosperity ..  117 

Its  trade 117 

Its  government 118 

Relative  strength  of  Rome  and 

Carthage 118 

Conquest   of   Messana   by  the 

Mamertines   119 

The  Mamertines  appeal  to  Rome,  119 

Siege  of  Messana    120 

264.  Appius  Claudius  sent  to  Mes- 
sana    190 

He   defeats  the   Carthaginians 

and  Syracusans 120 

263.   Hiero  makes  peace  with  Rome,  120 

262.   Capture  of  Agrigentum 120 

26O.   The  first  Roman  fleet  ...   121 


XVI 


ANALYSIS. 


B.  C.  PAGE 

260.  Naval  victory  off  Mylse 121 

The  plan  of  the  campaign 120 

256.   Invasion  of  Africa 122 

256.   Naval  victory   123 

255.  Defeat  of  Regu lus 123 

Destruction  of  Roman  fleet  by  a 

storm 123 

254.  The  capture  of  Panormus 124 

25O.  The  battle  at  Panormus 124 

Embassy  of  the  Carthaginian* 

toBome 125 

Siege  of  Lilybsetim 125 

249.  Defeat  of  Claudius 125 

Destruction  of  the  Roman  fleet 

by  a  storm 126 

247.  Haoiilcar  Barcas  appointed  gen- 
eral    126 

He  takes  a  position  at  Mount 

Eryx 126 

241.  Battle  at  the  JE-atian  Wand*..  136 

Peace  with  Carthage 127 

Terms  of  the  peace 127 


XVII. 

Events  between  the  First  and 
Second  Panic  Wars.— The  Pro- 
vincial System.—  The  Illyriaii 
Wars.— Wars  willi  the  Gnuls. 

240-238.  War  with  the  Mercenarie-  l-r 

I]  The  Provincial  System 128 

238.  Sardinia  and  Corsica  a  province  128 

The  praetor 128 

It  Taxes 128 

Hamilcar  Burcas  goes  to  Spain  128 
229-228.     The     tirst     llhji-i,,,, 

"'"• 128 

Its  cause 128 

229.  Queen  Tenta  compelled  to  sub- 
mit    120 

JJ    Demetrius  of  Pharos 128 

232.  The  Agrarian  law  of  G  Flamin- 

ius 129 

The  senate  resists  the  law 129 

The  Flaminian  way 129 

225-222.  Ti,<-  OmUieWar 129 

i      cause 131 

Terror  at  Rome 1,31 

223.  The  battle  of  Telamon 1!?1 

318.  Roman  colonies 131 

Cremona 1.31 

Placentia 131 

219.    Tin-    Srrninl    Illi/finn     Iftir  l:W 
D«  mctrins  of  Pharos 1.32 


B.  C.  PAGE 

Pharos  destroyed 13* 

Demetrius  iln-  to  Macedonia. ..  KtJ 


xvni. 

Second  Punic  War,  B.C.  218-2O1. 

Carthaginian  policy I-'!.' 

The  popular  party 

236.  Hamilcur  in  Spain !:?.< 

228.  Hasdrubal  in  Spain ]:;:{ 

New  Carthage  founded 138 

Rome   forms  an  alliance  with 

2it          Saguntnm  133 

221.  Death  of  Hasdrubal 133 

219.  Hannibal  chief  commander 133 

Siege  of  Saguntum  133 

Its  capture 138 

Roman  embassy 133 

War  declared 133 

Comparative  strength  of  Rome 

andCarthage 134 

Preparations  of  Hannibal  134 

218.   He  crosses  the  Ebro 134 

His  march  t<>  the  Rhone 134 

Arrival  of  Scipio  at  Ma-silia 135 

Hannibal  crosses  the  Rhone  ...  135 
Scipio  sends  his  brother  to  Spain  135 

Hannibal's  route 135 

Hi- arrival  in  Northern  Italy. ..  135 

Skirmish  on  the  Ticinus 136 

Battle  at  the  Trebia 137 

217.  Hannibal  crosses  the  Apennines  137 
The  Romans  defeated  at  Lake 

Trasimenus 137 

Great  consternation  at  Rome...  138 
Fabius  Maximus  appointed  dic- 
tator   13s 

Plans  of  Hannibal 138 

The  policy  of  Fabius 138 

The  Romans  <lissati-nVd 130 

The  firmness  of  the  Romans    .  139 

210.    Ji'ittfr  of  Cumin- no 

Plan  of  the  battle 

Great  defeat  of  the  Romans 141 

Heroic  spirit  of  the  people. .   .   .  142 

Fall  of  Capua 142 

New  difficulties  beset  Hannibal  142 

218.  War  in  Si>riin 143 

Thr  Scipios  carry  on   the  war 

with  enerzy 144 

The  battle  at  Ibera 144 

Preparations  of  the  Romans 144 

Plan  of  the  war 1 1 } 

•21  I  -21O.    II  a,-  in   sir//,/ MO 


ANALYSIS. 


xvn 


B.  C.  PAGE 

212.  Capture  of  Syracuse 145 

215-2O6.    War  in   XfHiin 147 

llasdrubal    forms   an    alliance 
with  Gala  " 147 

Defeat  of  the  Romans 147 

21O.    P.   Cornelius   Scipio    sent    to 

Spain 147 

Success  of  Scipio  148 

207.  Capture  of  New  Carthage 148 

Departure  of  Hasdrubal 148 

206.  Conquest  of  Spain 148 

Scipio  and  Syphax 148 

211-206.    H'H i-  in  Itolij 149 

2 1 1  •  The  war  centres  around  Capua 

and  Tarentuui  149 

Romans  recover  Capua 149 

209.  Romans  recover  Tareutum 149 

208.  Defeat  and  death  of  Marcellus ..  150 
Movements  of  Hasdrubal 150 

407.  He  crosses  the  Alps 150 

March  of  Nero 151 

Rattle  of  Mi-taunts 151 

Defeat  and  death  of  Hastiruhal  151 
Hannibal  retires  to  Bruttium. . .  151 

Scipio  elected  consul 152 

His  plan  to  compel  Hannibal  to 
evacuate  Italy 152 

204.  War  in  Africa 152 

Scipio's  first  successes 153 

Efforts  for  peace 158 

202.    Hattte  itf' Xinna 154 

Defeat  of  Hannibal 154 

201.  Terms  of  peace 154 

Scipio's  triumph 154 

Results  of  the  war 155 

Roman  policy 155 

New  colonies 155 

Military  roads 155 


XIX. 

The   Conquest  of  tlie  East — 214- 
146. 

The  condition  of  the  East 156 

Macedonia  — 156 

Syria 156 

Egypt 156 

Free  Greek  cities 158 

Byzantium 158 

Cyzieus 158 

Rhodes 158 

The  Achfpnn  L*>acrne 158 

The  jEtolian  League 158 


B.  C.  P. 

214-205.  The  first  Macedonian 

n  <ir 

Its  cause 

Its  indecisive  character 

200-196.     Second     Ma<-i-<l<niian 

War 

Its  cause 

197.  Battle  of  Cynocephate  ...  

Terms  of  peace 

192-190.  Si/ro-^toliau  War.  . 

Antiochus 

Intrigues  of  the  ^Etolians 

tff       Hannibal   expelled   from    Car- 

t9*t*        thage 

tj      Antiochus  crosses  over  to  Greece 

191.  His  defeat  at  Thermopylae 

His  retreat  to  Asia  Minor 

The  Romans  follow  and  defeat 

him  at  Magnesia   

189.  The  jfitolian  war  

J^T     Battle  at  Ambracia 

The  Achaean  League  

171-168.      Third      Macedonian 

fJ9          War 

|f$     Policy  of  Rome  towards  Mace- 

If  »        donia 

17%.  Death  of  Philip 

Condition  of  Greece 

Rome  determines  to   take  the 
^j.        government    into'  her    own 

if         hands 

168.  Battle  of  Pydna 

ijHow  Macedonia  was  governed 
Treatment  of  the  other  Greek 


56°- 


i¥  states  

<hf     The  Achaean  League 

147-146.    Th>-    Acha-an  Win-.... 

149.  Corinth  captured  and  destroyed 

Cause  of  its  destruction 

Macedonia  a  Roman  province.. 

149-146.  Tfie  Third  J'niiic  War 

Roman  policy 

f$4f'  Condition  of  Carthage 

150.  War  with  Masinis=a 

Rome  interferes 

Determination  to  destroy  Car- 
thage   

Siege  of  Carthaee 

146.  Its  capture  and  destruction 

Africa  a  Roman  province 

The  Roman  empire 

Causu  of  Rome's  success 

Situation  of  Rome 

Secondary  causes 

200-153.  Spanish  Wars 


158 
159 
159 

159 
T60 
160 
160 
161 
161 
161 

161 
162 
162 
162 


162 
168 
163 

163 

163 
163 
164 


164 
164 

164 

165 
166 
1<J8 
16G 
166 
167 
107 


tf« 


168  y; 

169 
169 

170 
170 
170 
171 
171 
1T3 
173 
173 
174 


XV111 


A  N  A  LYSIS. 


B.  C.  PAGE 

195.  Marcus  Porcius   Cato   gent    to 

Spam 174 

The  Spanish  governors 175 

The  Spanish  service  disagreeable  175 

15-4.   War  with  the  Celtiberiaus 175 

15O.  War  in  Lnsitania  176 

Wf    Viriathus 176 

143-133.  T/i>-X,,,n,iuHn<-  Hat:.   177 

Its  cause 177 

Its  character 177 

134.  Scipio  sent  to  S;  ain  177 

Siege  of  Numantia 179 

133.  Destruction  of  Nuuwntia 179 

129.  Province  of  Asia 

Increase  of  slavery 179 

134-133.  Sci-rilt-  H<it- 180 

The  success  of  the  insurrection  180 
Rupilius  brings  the  war   to   a 
close 180 

XX. 
Tlie   Internal  Government. 

The  provinces 181 

When  acquired  

How  governed 

The  governors  receive  no  salary.  1  <-j 

Their  exactions  132 

Titles  and  insignia 133 

The  Italian  allies j   1 

The  Latins isi 

The  Italians 184 

Their  burdens 

Roman  citizens 

Their  rights 

Right  of  appeal 

The  revenue 1$5 

.  Exemption  from  taxation         185 

Formation  of  new  parties 185 

The  new  nobility 185 

The  people J. 185 

Elections 

Bribery  at  elect  ion- l>f> 

The  initiative  of  th"  a 

Curtiie  magistracies lsr> 

External  insignia 185  i 

Noble  families 185  j 

The  aim  of  the  nobility 185  | 

The  senate 186 

The  eqnites 136 

The  censors 186 

The  public  assemblies 187 

The  voters 187 

Tho  rabble 1ST 

Condition  of  the  people 187 


B.  C.  PAGE 

The  condition  of  the  Italians. ..  187 
Influence  of  foreign  conquests,  188 

Largei->i>  uf  corn      188 

232.  The  Agrarian  of  Flaminiue 188 

218.  The  Claudian  law 189 

Reform  in  the  order  of  voting 

(notel 189 

The  number  of  centuries  (note)  189 

The  ballot  (note) 189 

Cato's  efforts  for  reform  .  .   ...  18!) 

His  early  life 189 

His  habits    189 

His  service  in  the  army 189 

He  resists  the  appeal  of  the  Op- 

pian  law 190 

Prosecution  of  the  two  Seipios,  190 

195.   Censorship  of  Cato 191 

His  parsimony  (n.  4) 191 

The  general   character  of   the 

government 191 

Its  stability 192 

The  decline  of  the  government 

gradual 192 

Hellenic  influences 292 

The  character  of  the  Greeks  . .     192 

Luxury 192 

Immorality 192 

Indolence 192 

Literature  192 

Cato's  opposition 192 

Justness  of  Cato's  opposition  . .  192 

Philosophy  and  religion 193 

Epicurean  philosophy 193 

New  Academy 193 

Stoic  philosophy 193 

Compromise  between   philoso-  193 

phy  and  religion 193 

The  ne.xv  stat'1  ivlii_rion 193 

The  "  Scipionic  "  circle 193 

Oriental  forms  of  worship 193 

Laws  of  repression 193 

They  become  domesticated  in  193 

Italy 1C8 

Slave  labor  193 

Farming  on  a  large  scale 194 

The  importation  of  corn 194 

Price  of  corn  (note) 194 

The  importation  of  corn  com- 
pelled farming  on  a  large  scale 

to  be  abandoned 194 

The  Claudian  law 194 

Its  effect 194 

Roman  merchants 194 

The  tendency  of  legislation  —  194 
Moneyed  aristocracy 194 


ANALYSIS. 


XIX 


XXI. 
Th»  Gracchi,  B.  C.  133-121. 


B.o. 
1*9 


137 
133. 


129. 
126. 


125. 
i23. 


PAGE 

The  condition  of  the  state 199 

The  necessity  for  reform 200 

The  government  controlled  by 

the  nohility 201 

The  aim  of  the  nobility  (note)..  201 
The  decrease  in  the  population 

(note) 201 

Tiberius  Gracchus 201 

His  connections 202 

Quaestor  in  Spain 202 

His  alienation  from  the  oligar- 
chy    202 

His  measures  for  reform 202 

Opposition  of  the  landowners..  203 

Deposition  of  Octavius 203 

The  law  enacted  and  commis- 
sioners appointed 204 

Efforts  to  re-elect  G.  Tiberius  . .  205 

Murder  of  Tiberius 205 

Death  of  Scipio 206 

Expulsion  of    the   allies  from 

Rome    207 

Revolt  of  Fragellse 208 

G.  Gracchus  elected  tribune. . .    208 

His  legislation 209 

Largesses  of  corn 209 

Change  in  the  mode  of  taxa- 
tion in  the  provinces 209 

Extension    of    the   Agrarian 

law 210 

Soldiers   equipped   at  public 

expense 210 

The  judicial  power  transferred 

to  knights 210 

Limitation  of  the  power  of  the 

senate 21Q 

Gajus  re-elected  tribune 211 

He  proposes  to  confer  the  fran- 
chise on  the  Latins 211 

Reaction  against  his  laws 211 

Drusus   outbids  Gajus  for  the 

popular  favor       211 

Gajus  declines  in  popularity. . .  212 
His  death 213 

XXII. 
Rule  of  the  Oligarchy. 

'  fft      The  Agrarian  law  not  enforced,  214 

Corruption  of  the  government,  215 

118.   Troubles  *n  Numidia 216 


122. 


B.  0.  fa  PAGE 

117.  Jugurtha    usurps    the   govera- 

//y        ment...  217 

111.  The  Romans  declare  war 217 

Jugurtha  bribes  the  consul 218 

Treaty 218 

Indignation  at  Rome 218 

110.   Renewal  of  the  war 218 

1 09.  Metellus  defeats  Jugurtha 219 

Rise  of  Marios 219 

108.  Elected  consul 22C 

The  people  give  him  the  com- 
mand in  Africa 221 

107.  He  arrives  in  Africa  221 

106.  Jugurtha   defeated   and   taken 

prisoner 221 

Ihe  condition  of  the  provinces 

at  the  north 221 

Incompetency  of    the    Roman 

government 222 

The  Cimbri  and  Teutones 228 

105.  Battle  of  Arausio 222 

,  1 04j^Marius  re-elected  consul 222 

1 02.T1he  Tentones  defeated 223 

101.  The  Cimbri  defeated 224 

The  condition  at  home 225 

Social  distress 225 

Slavery 225 

The  people  look  to  Marins  to 

remedy  the  evils 226 

He  is  no  politician 

He  falls  under  the  control  of 

demagogues 227 

100.  The  laws  of  Saturninus 227 

f£     Reaction  against  Mari  us 229 
Saturninus  put  to  death 229 

QS     Evidences    of    decline   in    the 

03         state 229 

•         Superstition 230 

How  the  oligarchy  governed  the 

allies 231 

The  wrongs  of  the  allies 231 

The  senate  and  equestrian  order,  238 

91 .      The  tribunate  of  Drusus 233 

His  measures  for  reform 234 

His  death 235 

90.      The  revolt  of  the  allies 235 

They  organize  a  new  govern- 
ment    236 

The  first  year  of  the  war 237 

90.      The  Romans  make  concessions,  237 

The  lex  Julia    237 

89.         The  lex  Plautia  Papiria 2§7 

The  Varian  prosecutions 238 

The  allies  lay  down  their  arms,  239 
The  conditions  of  peace . .  239 


ANALYSIS. 


88. 


87. 
86. 

120. 

88. 
8T. 


86. 
85. 
84. 


83. 

82. 
82. 


81. 


f* 

79. 

78. 


PAGE 

The  financial  crisis 240 

Dispute    between    Mantis    and 
Sulla  for  the  command  in  ibe 

East 241 

Marius  courts  the  favor  of  the 

allies 241 

The  Sulpician  laws 212 

Sulla  goes  to  Koine  to  prevent 

thr  pas-age  of  these  laws 242 

Sulpicius  put  to  death 243 

Marius  Hies  from  Koine 243 

Sulla's  legislation 243 

The  wanderings  of  Marius 244 

The  Marian  party  regain  powv 

Marius  return>  to  Rome 245 

The  proscription  of  the  nobles,  245 
The  seventh  cousul.-hip  of  Ma- 
rius   246 

His  death 246 

Valerius  Flaccus  consul 246 

The  condition  of  the  East     --'47 

Accession  of  Mithridates. ...   .     247 
His  plans  of  comitie-1  •*. .  2-17 

His  disputes  with  the  Romans. .  24  s 

He  invades  Asia 248 

Massacre  of  Romans  and  Ital- 
ians    249 

Greece  declares  in  favor  of  Mith- 

ridates 249 

Sulla  lands  in  Greece 249 

Lays  siege  to  Athens 250 

Victory  at.  ChiL-ronea 250 

Victory  at  Orcuomenus 250 

TVrin-.  of  peace $X> 

Fimbria  sent  to  supersede  Sulla.  250 

Death  of  Fimbria 251 

Sulla  returns  to  Italy 

Cm-dies  the  Marian  party 252 

Battle  of  C'liiMuin 253 

Battle  with  the  Samnitfs.    253 

Sulla  returns  to  Rome 254 

Proscription 251 

The  rule  of  the  senate  restored.  25G 

Sulla  dictator 

UN  reforms  in  the  constitution,  257 
Tribunes  deprived  of  power  .  257 

The  fea-  (innali*  enforced 257 

The  number  of   pnetors  ;uid 

<|U;e-tor-  i IK T vi -I'd 257 

Tin-  -enate 

The  popular  a-seinbii,.* 258 

The  pi-  258 

The  judicial  system 258 

i  MS  the  dictatorship 260 

His  death 260 


79 
72. 


73 
71. 


. 

7*^ 

7** 


PA« 

The  rule  of  the  oligarchy  grow- 
more  scandalous  .............  2Ci 

Condition  of  Italy  and  the  prov- 
inces ......................  261 

Increase  of  luxury  .............  261 

The  opposition  ............... 

Iii-urrection  of  Lepidu.-  ........  202 

Condition  in  Spain  .............  263 

,  The  war  with  Sertorius  ........  263 

Death  of  Sertoriu-  .............  :y,i 

EDd  of  the  war  in  Spain  .......  264 

War  with  the  gladiators  .  .       .    *;t 
Success  of  Spartac  us  ..........  265 

His  defeat  and  death  ...........  266 

Pompejus  cuts  to  pieces  a  body 
of  gladiators  .................  266 


70. 


XXI  IL 
Fall   of  'the  Oligarchy,  B.  C.  70. 

The  popular  party  ............  267 

Pouipcjus  and  Crassus  elected 

consuls  .........    ..........  268 

The  powers  of  the  tribunes  re- 

stored ......................  269 

The  rule  of  the  oligarchy  in  the 

provinces  .............  »  .....  269 

The  abuses  ....................  270 

Verres  .  .  .  :  ....................  270 

Hi-  -cam  ialou-  exaction^  ......  270 

His  trial  ......................  271 

The  Aurelian  law  .   ............  271 

The  jurymen  to  be  selected 
from  the  senators,  knights 
and  tribuni  itrarii  ..........  271 

The  popularity  of  Ponipcjus  .  .  .  v'72 
The  condition  of  Roman  affairs,  272 
The  pirates  .......  ............  273 

The  Gabinian  law  ..............  273 

Pompejus  ends  the  war  ........  275 

Roman  power  in  the  East  ......  275 

Smnxl  Mitln-iilntic    tl'n  r  .  .   -^l\ 
Defeat  of  Murcna  ............  27fi 

Thi  t-if  Mitln-hldtic  Mi  r  ...  276 
Preparations  of  Mnrena  .......  276 

Mithridates  l>i-i.  ••_'!•-  Cyxicns.  ..  277 
His  defeat  ..................  277 

He  retires  to  Armenia  ........      277 

Lncullus    settle^   the  affairs  of 

Asia  .........................  278 

Unpopularity  of  Lncnllus  .....  yfe 

69.      Battle  of  TisrannceHn    ........  27S 

67.      Mithridatos  returns  to  Pontus..  278 


83. 
82. 
7  \. 

74. 

?A 
1. 


ANALYSIS. 


XXI 


B.  0.  PAGE 

Mutiny  in  the  army  of  Lucnilus,  279 
The  command  given  to  Glabrio,  280 

66.     The  Manilian  law 280 

It  is  opposed  by  the  oligarchy,  280 
Pompejus  appointed  comman- 
der in  the  Mithridatic  war 281 

Defeat  of  Mithridates 281 

Mithritlates  retreats  to  the  Cim- 
merian Bosporus 281 

Pompejus  pursues  him 281 

85,      He  returns  to  Pontus 281 

64.      He  makes  Syria  a  Roman  prov- 
ince   282 

He  takes  Jerusalem 282 

Phoenicia  and  Palestine  subdued  282 

63.      Death  of  Mithridates 283 

Settlement  of  the  East 283 

Pompejus  returns  to  Italy 283 


XXIV. 

Internal  History  During  Pompe- 
jns'  Absence. 

•     Condition  of  Italy 283 

Contests  of  parties 284 

History  of  Catiline 284 

His  career 285 

First  conspiracy 285 

Its  failure 285 

He  lays  his  plant,  more  carefully,  285 

s/'<-<i>«l  Coim/iirticij 285 

Consulship  of  Cicero 286 

His  birth 287 

His  education 288 

His  speech  for  P.  Quintius  ....  289 

He  studies  at  Athens 289 

Impeachment  of  Verres 290 

Cicero's  political  consistency. . .  291 

Cicero,  consul 291 

His  defence  of  Rabirius 292 

Catiline  prepares  for  war 293 

First  Catiliuian  oration 294 

Catiline  quits  Rome 293 

The  conspirators  arrested 295 

The  conspirators  condemned. . .  296 

Efforts  to  implicate  Crassus 296 


65. 

4*. 

63. 

106 

81. 
79. 


63. 


The  conspirators  executed 297 

62.      Defeat  and  death  of  Catiline  ...  298 

The  position  of  Cicero 298 

Pompejus  reruns  to  Italy 299 

Position  of  parries 299 

61 .      Triumph  of  Pompejus 300 

Rise  of  C*sar 301 

102.  His  birth ..302 


B.  C.  I-.M.  K 

His  early  history 802 

68.      Quaestor 302 

65.      He  restores  the  trophies  of  Ma- 

rius 303 

Caesar,  the  greatest  man  of  an- 
tiquity   303 

61.      Csesar  propraetor  in  Spain      ...  303 
60.      He  returns  to  Rome  and  effects 
a  coalition  with  Pompejus  and 

Crassus 304 

60.      First  consulship  of  Csesar 304 

The  Agrarian  law 

Pompejus'  acts  in  the  East  rati- 

fled 304 

9l       The  equites  gained  over 304 

5  8 .      Caesar  uses  P.  Clodius  to  humble 

the  aristocracy 305 

58.      Clodins' legislation 306 

58.     Banishment  of  Cicero  and  Cato,  307 


XXV. 

Conquest    of    the    West,*  B.   C. 
58-51. 

Condition  of  Gaul 308 

Its  civilization 308 

Its  climate 808 

Roman  merchants 308 

Massilia,  the  centre  of  trade  . . .  308 

58.       The  first  Ca.nipiilijn 309 

Defeat  of  the  Helvetians 309 

War  with  Ariovistus 309 

5 7.      Second  Campaign 310 

The  Belgic  war 310 

The  Nervii  defeated 310 

56.      Third  Cantpaif/n 310 

War  with  the  Veneti 310 

Great  naval  victory    310 

The  Morini  defeated 310 

55.      Fourth  Cfinr/ifiit/n 310 

Invasion  of  Germany 310 

Invasion  of  Britain 310 

The  effect  of  these  victories  in 

Rome 310 

54.      Fifth  Cnmiin iijn 311 

Revolt  in  Gaul 311 

53.      Sixth  <'« HI j>'i if/ii 311 

The  Eburones  subdued 311 

52.      Seventh  ('nin/miifit  311 

The  Gauls  revolt  again 312 

Vercingetorix 312 

Siege  of  Alesia 313 

Caesar  victorious 313 

51.       EiyhtU  Campaign 318 


XX11 


ANALYSIS. 


B.  C.  PACK 

The  Gauls  submit 313 

The  Gauls  conciliated 313 

Organization  of  Gaul 313 

Provinces 314 

XXVI. 

Rule    Of  the    Triumvir* 

Anarchy  in  the  capital 315 

57.      Cicero's  recall  from  exile 316 

56.      The  triumvirate  renewed 316 

55.     Pompejus  and  Crassus  consuls,  317 
Pompejus  leans  toward  the  sen- 

_  ate 31» 

'  T       Crassus  proconsul  in  Syria 318 

53.      His  defeat  and  death 319 

The  aristocracy  oppose  Milo  to 

Clodius 320 

52.      Death  of  Clodius 320 

Pompejus  sole  consul 321 

Trial  of  Milo 322 

Pompejus  allies  himself  with  the 

aristocracy 322 

His  measures 822 

Caesar's  position 323 

His  action  in  Gaul 320 

Pompejus    precipitates   a  rup- 
ture   324 

SO.      The  action  of  the  senate 324 

49.      Caesar  ordered  to  pive  up  his 

province 326 

49.      He  crosses  the  Rubicon  and  com- 
mences civil  war 825 

xxvn. 

Great  Civil  War,  B.C.  49-46. 

The  legality  of  Ciesar's  course..  325 
Cicero's  efforts  for  peace 326 

49.  Caesar  at  Ariminuin 327 

Caesar  at  Corfinium 327 

Pompejus  flees  from  Rome 828 

Caesar  has  control  of  Italy 328 

Caesar's  return  to  Rome 328 

He  goes  to  Spain 328 

Battle  of  Ilerda 328 

Caesar  dictator 339 

Resources  of  the  Pompeians  ...  3® 

48.  Caesar  cro-si^  t.>  Greece 330 

Battle  of  Dyrrhachiiiir 330 

Caesar  retreats  .  330 

Htittii-  <it  riiiii-tttitiiH  ...  330 

Defeat  of  the  Pompeians  .33-) 

Pompejus  flees  to  Eirypt 331 


B.  C.  I'.v.  K 

Hi  "death 331 

The  Alexandrian  war 332 

47.      Ptolemy  defeated Sti 

ir  goes  lo  I'ontus 332 

Defeat  of  Phaniaces  . .     332 

Anarchy  at  Rome 333 

Return  of  Caesar 333 

He  sails  to  Africa 334 

46.      Battle  of  Thapsus 334 

Death  of  Cato 334 

C*sar  returns  to  Rome 334 

Powers  conferred  upon  Caesar. .  335 

46.      Cesar's  triumph 336 

Caesar  rules  as  imperator 337 

His  projects  for  reform 337 

His  aim 338 

He  reforms  the  calendar  (note) . .  339 

Insurrection  in  Spain  339 

Caesar  departs  for  Spain 339 

45.      Battle  of  Munda 339 

Caesar's  return  to  Rome 340 

New  marks  of  honor  conferred 

upon  him 340 

Signs  of  discontent 340 

Plot  against  Caesar's  life 341 

44.     His  assassination 341 

The  conspirators  have  no  plan. .  342 

Their  action 343 

'Lepidus 343 

The  intrigues  of  Antonius Stt| 

The  senate  convened 34? 

Caesar's  acts  confirmed 344 

Caesar's  will 844 

His  funeral  obsequies 344 

The  indignation  of  the  people. .  344 
The  flight  of  the  conspirators ...  344 

Success  of  Antonius 345 

Octavius  comes  to  Rome 345 

Caesar's  heir 345 

He  courts  the  favor  of  the  senate  346 

Cicero  and  Octavius 346 

Antonius  besieges  Mutina  ...    847 
Octavius  unites  with  the  consuls 

against  Antonins  347 

The  activity  of  Cicero 347 

43.      The  First  Philippic 347 

The  opposition  of  the  senate  to 

Octavius 348 

Octavius  consul 348 

He  throws  off  all  disguise 343 

He  forms  an  alliance  with  An- 
tonius and  Lepidus 348 

The  proscription 348 

Reign  of  terror 343 

Murder  of  Cicero 848 


ANALYSIS. 


xxm 


xxvni. 

Last  Days  of  the  Republic. 

B.  C.  PAGE 

42.     Octavius  and  Antonius  prepare 

for  war 349 

Brutu>  ami  Cassius 349 

Thi-ir  proceedings  in  the  East..  349 

The  action  of  Brutus 349 

The  triumvirs  proceed  to  Greece  350 

42.      lidttlt- of  l'/iilij>t>i 330 

Defeat  and  death  of  Brutus  and 

Cassiua 350 

The    republicans    take    refuge 

with  Sextus  Pompejus 351 

Division  of  the  Roman  world. . .  351 

Antonius  and  Cleopatra. 351 

Octavius  in  Italy 353 

41.      Confusion  in  Italy 352 

40.      Treaty  of  Brundisium .... 352 

New  partition  of    the   Roman 
world 352 

39.     The  triumvirs  treat  with  8.  Pom- 
pejus   353 

38.      The  treaty  of  Tarentum 353 

36.      Sextus  Pompejus  defeated 353 

The  fall  of  Lepidus 354 

Octavius  in  Italy 354 

His  prudent  measures 354 

His  ministers 354 

Antonius  and  the  East 355 

35.      He  invades  Parthia 355 

34.      He  invades  Armenia  355 

His  infatuation  with  Cleopatra. .  356 

The  popularity  of  Octavius 356 

He  subdues  the  Dalmatians,  Sa- 

lassi,  and  Pannonians 357 

He  rebuilds  and  beautifiVs  Rome  357 

33.     Rupture  between  Octavius  and 

Autonius 357 

War  declared  against  Egypt —  357 

31.       Ktittleof  Actiiim 358 

Flight  of  Antonius 358 

30.      Suicide  of  Antonius 359 

Suicide  of  Cleopatra 360 

Octavins  sole  ruler 360 

Egypt  a  Roman  province 360 

29.      Triumph  of  Octavius 360 


XXIX. 
The  Military  Organization. 

The  military  power 305 

The  legion 365 


B.  c.                                                          PAGE 
First  Period 365 

llastati 367 

J*rincipes 367 

Triarii 367 

The  equestrian  order 367 

The  army  in  B.  c.  840 36? 

The  army  in  the  time  of  Poly- 

bius 368 

The  tactic  order 368 

Offensive  and  defensive  weapons  37C 

The  Second  I'ei-luU 370 

Reduction  of  the  census 371 

The  legion  ia  the  time  of  Marias  371 
The  legion  in  the  time  of  Cse^ar  372 

Order  of  battle 373 

The  pay  of  the  army 374 

The  equipments 374 

The    System    of    I'Jncaiiij)- 

tucnt 375 

First  period 375 

ThPG  uard  of  the  Camp  877 

The  camp  in  the  time  of  Ciesar  378 

The  tents 378 

The  camp  in  the  time  of  the 

empire 379 

Military   I'.ngines 379 

The  besioging  tower 380 

The  catapulta 380 

The  ballista 380 

Manner  of  besieging  a  city 383 

Manner  of  defence 383 


XXX. 

Manners  and  Customs,  Education, 
Private  and  Domestic  Life. 

The  city  of  Rome 385 

Its  streets 385 

Its  buildings 385 

The  forum 386 

Roman  houses 387 

How  constructed 387 

Their  interior 387 

Theatrium 387 

Changes 

Furniture 389 

Wall-painting  389 

Mirrors,  dinner  couches,  etc  .  389 
Carpets 390 

Plan  of  a  Roman  house 390 

Method  of  warming 391 

Furnaces 391 

Cooking  utensils 391 

Method  of  lighting 892 


xx  n 


A  N  A  I 


Meals 

Food 

Courses 393 

Delicacies 393 

Table  usage 394 

The  Roman  family .V.M 

Names 393 

Marriage 3'.)5 

Different  forms 3% 

Ceremonies 396 

The  bride 390 

Children 397 

Medical  men 397 

Trades 398 

Painting  at  Pompeii 399 

Nine  guilds 399 

Implements  of  trade 399 

Education 399 

Schools   399 

Teachers  were  .-laves 400 

Greek  literature * 400 

Course  of  instruction  400 

Methods  of  teaching 401 

Holidays  and  punishments...  401 

Implements  of  writing  401 

Letter-writing 403 

Stylus 403 

Ink 403 

Parchment,  ivory,  etc 403 

Address 404 

Dress  of  men 404 

Covering  for  the  feet 405 

Ornaments 408 

Dress  for  women 406 

Baths 407 

Baths  of  Caracalla 408 

Games  of  the  circus 408 

Gladiatorial  games 409 

The  origin 409 

Schools  of  gladiators 411 

How  advertised 411 

Amphitheatre'     411 

Origin  of  the  word     411 

How  constructed 411 

The  Flavian  amphitheatre 412 

The  theatre 413 

Dramatic  entertainments 413 

Beginning  of  the  theatre 413 

First  regular  plays 413 

First  Roman  theatre 41:' 

The  theatre  of  Pompejus  .   414 

Funerals 114 

Funeral  procession 415 

The  funeral  oration 415 

Cremation , .  4TB 


XXXI. 

The    Empire    Established   by   Au- 
gustus,  B.C.   31    to   A.  D.    14. 

B.  C.  PAOE 

The  policy  of  Augustus   417 

!!••  proe  •  'Is  cautiously 417 

Hi-  .-.\.-;.'in  of  administration  ..  418 
He  disguises  his  rule  under  re- 
publican forms  418 

The  senate:  its  i:  ...  419 

The;  emperor's  artful  policy  ...  419 
29.      Augustus  made  president  of  the 

senate 419 

The  provinces 419 

Tit.'es    and    powers    conferred 

upon  Augustus 420 

Imperator  ( ,  impe- 

rivm  conferred  B.  c.  30) ....  420 
Augustus 420 

23.  The  tribunitian  power 421 

The  aristocracy  humbled 423 

The  policy  of  Augustus  com- 
pared with  that  of  C;e-ar 433 

Augustus  restores  order 

Military  roads 4S5 

Commerce 426 

The  imperial  city 426 

The  aristocracy 427 

The  equestrian  order 

The  people 428 

Number  of  poor  citizens 428 

Largesses  of  corn 428 

Population  of  Rome 428 

The  provincial  senate 429 

The  army,  where  stationed 429 

-»        The  fleet 429 

*•*         Militai-if  <i/i'-rfit ioiifi 430 

27.      Mea-ures  in  Gaul 430 

Conquest   of   the   Iberians  and 
Cantabri 430 

24.  .-Elius  Gallus  in  Arabia 132 

f  £        Secular  games  celebrated 132 

15.      Campaign  of  Dru-us  against  the 

10  432 

ff         Campaigns  of  Tiberius  against 

the  Vindelici 432 

12.      Campaign    of    Drusus    on    the 

Rhine 433 

9.         Death  of  Drusus 433 

JP         The  emperor's  popularity 433 

lie  receives  the  title  of"  Father 

of  his  Country  " 434 

The  imperial  family 434 

12.8  D'-ath  of  Airrippaand  M;econas.  434 
•2.         Disgrace  of  Julia 435 


ANALYSIS. 


A.  D.  PAGB 

4.         Tiberius  is  ail  opted  by  Augustus,  435 
9.         Defeat  of  Yarns  in  Germany  ...  436 
14.      Death  of  Augustus  ...........  437 

Prosperity  of  the  empire  .......    437 

The  Monumentum  Ancyranum,  438 
Tlie  emperor's  will  (note)  ......  438 


Reigns  of  Tiberius  Csrsar,  and  of 
Gajus  Caligula. 


14. 


14. 
16. 

4*1 
1 


31  . 
37, 

37. 


Tiberius  assumes  the  imperial 

power  ...................  440 

Changes  in  the  constitution  ... 
Revolt  of    the  legions  on  the 

Rhine  and  the  Danube  .  ..  .....  441 

Invasion  of  Germany  ...........  441 

The  lost  eagles  of  Varus  recov- 

ered..  .......................  441 

Law  of  Majestas  ...............  442 

Delators  or  informers  .........  442 

Sejanus  aspires  to  the  supreme 

power  ........................  443 

His  death  ............  .   ........ 

Death  of  Tiberius  .........    ..      443 

His  character  ..................  444 

Gajus  Cffisar  becomes  emperor,  444 
His  prudent  measures  ..........  444 

He  engages  in  the  sports  of  the 

amphitheatre    ...............  444 

His  extravagance  .............  445 

His  impiety  ...................  445 

His  insolence  towards  the  no- 

bles .......................... 

XXXIII. 

Reigns  of  Claudius   and    of  Nero, 
Galba,   Oilio   and  Vitellius. 

4  1  .      Claudius  made  emperor  by  the 

pnetorians  ...................  44C 

His  popularity  ................  440 

His  liberal  policy  ..............  446 

43.      The  barbarians  checked  on  the 

Rhine  ........................  446 

Britain  invaded  ...........   ____ 

How    he    treats    the    Eastern 
princes  .....................  447 

The   Claudian   aqueducts   con- 
structed .....................  447 

The  infamous  Messalina  .  ......  448 

Agrippina  becomes  the  wife  of 
Claudius  ...................  448 

Her  son  adopted  .............  448 

54.       Nero  becomes  emperor.  .  .......  448 

T1U  policy  towards  the  nobles..  449 
64.      The  grea  r,  fire  in  Rome  .........  449 


A.  D.  PAGE 

Persecutions  of  the  Christians. .  449 

Nero's  golden  house 450 

Conspiracy      formed      against 

Nero...     450 

Lucan  and  Seneca  perish 450 

68.      Death  of  Nero 450 

68.  Galba  emperor 451 

Piso  associated  with  him 451 

Otho  proclaimed  emperor 451 

Battle  at  Bedriacum . .  451 

Vitellius  emperor 451 

69.  He  is  succeeded  by  Vespasian..  452 

XXXIV. 

Fluvinu      Ktii|)Cfors :     Vespasian, 
Titus,  Domitiaii,  A.  D.  69-96. 

69.  The  revolt  in  Gaul  and  on  the 

Rhine 452 

Vespasian  builds  the  Colosseum,  453 

70.  Capture  of  Jerusalem 

Invasion  of  Britain 454 

Character  of  Vespasian 454 

79.      Titus  declared  emperor 454 

His  character 454 

Eruption  of  Mt.  Vesuvius 455 

Pompeji  and  Herculaneum  de- 
stroyed    455 

Death  of  Pliny 455 

81.      Accession  of  Domitian 456 

His  character 456 

Campaign  In  Britain 456 

The  triumphal  arch  of  Domitian,  457 
He  is  worshipped  with  divine 
honors 457 

96.      His  death 457 

The  last  of  the  "  Twelve  Cae- 
sars,"  457 

Tacitus  and  Suetonius 457 

XXXV. 

Reigns    of   Nerva,    of   Trajan,    of 
Hadrian,   96-138. 

96.      The  senate  appoints  Nerva  em- 
peror      458 

He  adopts  Ulpius  Trajanus 458 

98.      Trajan  emperor 458 

Trajan  crosses  the  Rhine 458 

He  obtains  the  surname  of  Op- 

timus 459 

He  conquers  Dacia 459 

Armenia  and  Mesopotamia  an- 
nexed    459 

Trajan's  forum  and  laws  for  the 
poor 459 


\.\\1 


AN  AM  318. 


A.  D.  PAGE    i 

Prosperity  of  the  empire..   .  ..  4<K> 

117.   Accession  of  Hadrian 460  j 

He  gives  up  the  conquest*  of 

Trajan 460 

His  travels   462 

His  buildings    462 

Roman  colony  of  *Elia  Capito- 

Una. 468 

Hadrian,  emperor  of  the  Roman 

world 464 

XXXVL 

4ge  of  the  Antontnes.— Prosperity 
of  the  I.uipire,  A.  D.  138-192. 

138.  Accession  of  Antoninus  Pius.. .  464 
His  long  and  peaceful  reign  ....  465 
Justin  Martyr 465 

161.  Accession  of  Marcus  Aurelius  ..  466 

His  character 466 

The  barbarians  466 

Aurelins  adopts  Verus 466 

The  plague  466 

The  frontier 467 

Orphan  schools  founded 467 

The  prosperity  of  the  empire. ..  467 

180.  Death  of  Aurelius 467 

XXXVII. 

Internal  Condition  of  the  Empire. 
— Symptoms  of  Decline. 

The  prosperity  of  the  empire. . .  468 

Its  boundaries 468 

The  barbarians 468 

Symptoms  of  decline 468 

The  invasion  of  the  Marco- 

manni  468 

General  prosperity 468 

Causes  ol  decline 469 

Luxury:  meaning  of  the  word. .  469 

Its  meaning  changes 469 

Amount  of  wealth  in  the  Roman 

world 469 

Great  fortunes  compared  with 

those  of  modern  times 469 

The  stories  of  Suetonius 470 

They  givean  exasperated  idea  of 

the  luxury  prevailintrin  Rome  470 
Rich  families  and  their  incomes  470 

The  standard  of  luxury 470 

Varro  and  Pliny 470 

The  standixiint  from  which  they 

view  their  own  age l~0 

Pliny's  idea  of  luxury 470 


A    D.  PAGE 

Friedlander's  opinion 470 

Pliny  depicts  the  prosperity  of 

the  empire 471 

Causes  of  decline 471 

Lack  of  industry 471 

Idleness 471 

Extent  to  which  it  can  be  safely 

carried 472 

Gibbon's  estimate -17^ 

Gap  bet  ween  i  he  rich  and  poor  .  472 

Decrease  of  population  

Decrease  of  population  in  Cae- 
sar's time 472 

Measures  introduced  by  Auyu-- 

tus  to  check  it 473 

The  cause  of  this  decrease  in 

population 473 

The  long  series  of  w;ir>. ..   . 
The  importation  of  grain  can 

farming  to  be  abandoned 473 

Slave  labor 473 

Disappearance  of  free  laborer- . .  4T4 

Exposition  of  children 471 

Infanticide 474 

The  people  practice  no  trades  ..  474 
The  depression  of    the 'higher 

classes 471 

The  barbarians 473 

Settled  within  the  empire 475 

The  influence  of  civilization  on 

them 475 

Tin-  plague 475 

Philosophy 475 

Religion 475 

Worship 475 

Christianity 475 

All  creeds  and  forms  of  worship 

allowed  at  Rome     473 

IVr-ecution  of  the  Christians. . .  476 

Its  cause 477 

Infidelity 47f 


xxxvm. 

Period    of  Transition.    A.  D   180- 

284. 

180-284.  The  first  period  of  imperial- 
ism   475 

Character  of  the  government    •    4T* 

The  revolutionary  age . .  478 

The  soldiery 478 

Reforms .        478 

lSO-19'2.  Commouus  emperor  .    .        479 
Hiscruelty .479 


ANALYSIS. 


XXV11 


A.  D.  PAGE 

Is  assassinated 479 

193.  Pertinax 4T9 

Murdered  by  the  praetorians 47!) 

Empire  sold  at  auction 479 

193.   Julianus  buys  it 479 

Revolt   of   the   armies  on  the 

frontiers 479 

193-211.  8.  Severus  emperor 480 

His  severe  rule 480 

The  pr:i'torians  disbanded 480 

His  campaign  against  the  Par- 

thians  480 

He  visits  Britain,  dies  at  York. .  480 

211-212.  Geta     480 

212-217.  Caracalla 480 

Cruelties  of  Caracalla 480 

Murders  his  brother 480 

Puts  to  death  Papinian 480 

Citizenship  conferred  on  all  free 

subjects..  :  480 

217-218.  Macrinus 481 

218-222.  Elagabalue,  sun  priest. . .    481 

Disappearance  of  literature 481 

222-235.  Alexander  Severus 481 

His  efforts  to  control  the  legions  481 

Death  of  Ulpian 481 

Dio  Cassius,  the  historian 481 

The  emperor  killed  in  a  mutiny  481 

235-238.  Maximin 481 

238-238.  Gordian  I.,  emperor 481 

Gordian  II.,  emperor      ...  481 

238-238.  Papienus  Maxim-is 481 

Balbinus 481 

238-244.  Gordian  m 481 

244-249.  Phillip,  emperor, celebrates 
the  thousandth  anniversary  of 

Rome 481 

249-251.  Decins  emperor 481 

Persecutes  the  Christians 481 

251-254.  Gallus  emperor 482 

253-253.  ^Emilian  emperor 482 

253-26O.  Valerian  emperor  ...  482 

253-268.  Gallienus 483 

Revolt  in  different  provinces. ..  482 

Age  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants 482 

Weakness  of  the  empire 482 

468-27O.  Claudius  II.  emperor  ....    482 
Campaign  against  the  Persians.  482 

27O-275.  Aurelian  emperor 482 

Surrounds  Rome  with  a  \vall . . .  482 

Gives  Daciaup  to  the  Goths 482 

The  barbarians  (note) 482 

The  tribes  on  the  Rhine  and  the 

Danube  (note) 482 

Agri  decumates  (note) 482 


I    A.  D.  PAGE 

Invasion  of  Italy  (note) 482 

The  Franks  ;  the  Goths  (note). .  482 
The  rise  of  the  Persian  mon- 
archy   482 

Captures  and  destroys  Palmyra.  484 

Longinns,  the  critic 484 

275-276.  Tacitus  emperor 484 

276-276.  Florian  emperor 484 

276-282.  Probus  emperor 484 

282-283.  Cams  emperor 484 

Carinus  emperor 484 

283-284.  Numerianus  emperor 484 

XXXIX. 
Second  Period  of  Imperialism. 

2 8 4-3 O5.  Diocletian  emperor 484 

2 8 6- 3 O 5.  Maximian 484 

3O5-306.  Constantius  1 484 

A  new  phase  in  imperialism  —  484 

The  military  power 486 

The   army  recruited  from  the 

barbarians 485 

The  tendency  of  the  empire  to 

break  into  fragments 485 

Antagonism  between  the  East 

and  West    485 

Changes  made  by  Diocletian  . . .  485 
He    divides    the    empire   with 

Maximian 486 

Subdivided  with  two  Caesars. . .    486 
Diocletian  reigns  over  the  East 

(note) ...  486 

Maximian  reigns  over  Italy  and 

Africa 486 

Constantius  defends  the  Rhenish 

frontier 486 

Galerius  defends  the  Danubian 

frontier 486 

Oppressive  system  of  taxation . .  486 
The  price  of  articles  of  food 

(note) 487 

Diocletian  abdicates 487 

Contest  for  the  empire 487 

305-311.  Galerius 487 

306-337.  Constantinel 487 

307-323.  Licinins 487 

Series  of  bloody  wars 487 

324-337.  Constantine  sole  emperor,  488 
He  completes  the  revolution  be- 
gun by  Diocletian 488 

Separation  of  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary power 488 

The  people 888 

The  provinces ;  how  governed,  488 


XXV111 


ANALYSIS. 


\.  D.  PAGE 

The  military  power i-H.< 

The  uew  capital 488 

Taxation 489 

The  army 

The  organization  of  the  court . .  489 

Christianity l^.i 

Eusebius 

The  pretended   vision  of  Con- 
stantino   I'.n 

313.   The  edict  of  Milan 490 

Arian  heresy 490 

323.    The  council  at  Nicsea 490 

The  character  of  Constantine  . .  490 
The  result  of  his  reforms 490 

XL. 

Gradual  Dissolution  of  the  Em- 
pire.—The  fit-union  of  the  East 
uuil  the  West. 

337-84O.    Constantine  n 491 

337-361.     Constantly  II 491 

33T-35O.    Constant 491 

Series  of  bloody  wars 491 

Constantius  sole  emperor 491 

361-363.    Julian 491 

His  apostacy  from  Christianity,  491 

His  administration 491 

Ili-i  campaign  in  the  East 491 

363-364.     Jovian 491 

364-375.    ValontinianI 491 

The  Huns  appear  in  Europe 492 

The  Goths  cross  the  Danube  . . .  492 

375-383.    Oratian  emperor 

383-392.    Yalentinian  II .  4.°2 

394-395.     Theodosiu-  I    appointed 

to  rule  the  East 40-2 

395-1*43.     Honorius  emperor  of  the 

West I!  1-2 

Division  of  the  empire  .     .. ...     I!U 

The  Goths  defeated  by  Stilicho,  -ill:! 

Fall  of  Stilicho 

1 1 0.   Sack  of  Rome  by  Alaric  ... 
412.    Foundation  of  the  West  Gothic 

kingdom 493 

Britain  separated  from  the  em- 
pire   49:i 

4'43-l'i.V     Theodo-ius  IT  em-N'ror  ..  403 
435-455.    Valentinian  III  emperor,  493 

The  Vandai* 493 

452.   The  \l\\n<  defeated  at  Chalon-..    194 
\  ', :, .   Sack  of  Rome  by  the  VandaN       I'.tl 

1  5  .*>  -  I ."» ."»      Maximu< 49 1 

455- 1 5C.     Avitus  emperor    4ft* 


A.  D.  PACK 

He  is  dethroned  by  Ricimer 
457--162      Majorian   made  eiiipi  ror 

by  Ricimer  .................  .  .  495 


462- 
167- 
174- 
4  7:*- 
471- 
475- 
472. 

476. 


465. 
172. 
172. 
17  4. 
175. 
476. 


Severn*  ............. 

Anthemius  ____  .........   4;C, 


Glycerins  .............. 

Xf])o-  .................  495 

Romulus  Angtii-tiilns.. 
Orestes  succeeds  Ricimer  as  pa- 
trician ..................... 

OdMoer  depoM*  .AugMtrihu  .  .  .  495 
Zfiio,  tin-  Eastern  emperor,  con- 
fers the  Italian  provinces  on 
Odoacer  ...................  49*. 

Reunion  of  the  Ea>t  and  We.-t  .  .  4% 
Results  that  sprung  from   this 
reunion  .....................  496 

XLI. 


Internal    History.  —  Fall    of     DM 
AV<-s«eril  Empire.—  (.  lirisl  iaiiity. 

The  Western  empire  ...........  400 

The  imperial  government  .....  49ii 

Tlie  barbarians  ...............  497 

Dismemberment  of  the  empire,  497 
The  fall  of  the  empire  ..........  497 

The  cau-e  ...................  497 

The  barbarians  overrun  and 

tie  Italy  nnd  the  provinces  ____  497 

Character  of  the  barbarians  —  498 
Their  civilization  ...............  498 

Chivalry  ....................  4!» 

Romance  .................. 

The  Romance  languages  ........  499 

Their  origin  ...................    499 

Philosophy  and  religion  ........  500 

Greek  philosophy  ..............  600 

Eastern  forms  of  worship  .....   500 

Process  of  elimination  ........  500 

The  result  of  the  comparison  of 

religions  ...................     600 

Sim-worship  ...................  ROO 

Paganism  ......................  500 

It-  revival  ............  ........  500 

ianity  ..................    501 

Per-eciition  of  the  Christians.  ..  501 
;u<e  .....................   501 

Christianity  triumphs  .........  501 

Efforts  to  harmonize  Paganism 

and  Christianity  ............   ."(i] 

The  fx^ifini'  (not-)    ..........      TXIl 

The  Chri>tinn  churches  (note)..   501 
Sunday  and  Sabbath  (note) 


LIST  OF  ROMAN  PROVINCES  IN  A.D.  117. 

TO  MABQUABDT.)—  Vide  Map,  pp.  492-3. 


XXIX 


Hair  nf  Aiyuirition. 

Aih/nnistration. 

Div,sion.',f  tktte  Province*  A.D.4M, 

1.   SlCILIA  

3.  SARDINIA  BT  CORSICA  
3.  HISPASIA  TARBACONENSIS  OR 

B.C.  241  
B.C.  231  

B.C.  197  

Senatorial  
Senatorial,  later  Im- 
perial. 

1.  Sicilia. 
j  2.  Sardinia. 
|  3.  Corsica. 
4.  Tarraconensis. 
5.  Carthageniensis. 
6.  Galleecia  et  Asturia. 
7.  Insuhe  Baleares. 
8.  Baetlca,  to  which  belong— 
9.  Tingitana. 
10.  Lusitania. 
(jcvtt  Gallic  Provinces.) 
11.  Lugdunensls  I. 
12.  Lugdunensis  II. 
13.  Lugdunensls  III. 
14.  Lugdunensis  Senonla. 
15.  Belglca  I. 
16.  Belglca  II. 
17.  Germania  I. 
18.  Gennnnia  II. 
•    19.  Maxima  Sequanorum. 
20.  Alpes  Grajas  et  Poenins. 
21.  Viennensis. 
22.  Aquitanica  I. 
23.  Aquitauica  II. 
24.  Novempopulana. 
25.  Narbonensis  I. 
26.  Narbonensis  II. 
[  27.  Alpes  Maritimae. 
(28.  Maxima  Caesariensli. 
29.  Flavia  Cajsariensls. 
30.  Britannia  I. 
31.  Britannia  II. 
32.  Valentla. 
j  33.  Rhetia  I. 
j  34.  Rhietia  II. 
)35.  Nnricum  Mediterraneum. 
36.  Noricum  Ripen»e. 
{37.  Pannonla  I. 
38.  Pannonia  II. 
39.  Savia. 
40.  Valeria. 
(  41.  Dalmatia. 
j  42.  Pru-valitana. 
(43.  Mcesia  I. 
44.  Dacia  Ripensls. 
45.  Dacia  Mediterranea. 
46.  Dardania. 
1  47.  Mcesia  II  )    , 
[48.  Sc-vthia     ^nne«d  to  Thrace 

Given  up  by  Aurelian  (A.D.  270-275). 
49.  Europa. 
50.  Thracla. 
51.  Hscmimontm. 
52.  Rhodope. 
{53.  .Macedonia  I. 
54.  Macedonia  II. 
55.  Theaalia. 
56.  Epirns  Nova. 
57.  Achaja. 

4.  BAKTICA  OK  HISPAMA  ULTE- 

B.C.  197  
Separated  from  Hisp. 
Ulterior  B.C.  27  .. 

B.C.  120  

Conquered    in    B.C. 
50;  reduced  to  Pro- 
vinces A.D.  17. 
A.D.  17. 
A.D.  17. 
A.D.  14. 

6.  GALLIA  NABBOXKNSIS  

In  B.C.  27  Impe-  *| 
rial  ;  siuce  B.C. 
22  Senatorial, 
inperial. 
niperinl. 
mperial.                 | 
mperial. 
mperial. 
mperial. 
inperial.                J 

Imperial  
Imperial  

11.  GEBMAMA  INFERIOR  

Under  Nero. 
In  2d  century. 

A.D.  43  

B.C.  15  
B  C.  15  

15    BRITANNIA  
16.  RH.ETIA  

' 

A.D.    10;      divided 
under  Trajan  .... 

Between     B.C.    167 
and  B.C.  59. 

B.C.    29  ;      divided 

under  Domitmn  .  . 

AD   107  

Imperial.  .  .•  

Senatorial.after  B.C. 
11  Imperial. 

19.  PANNONIA  INFERIOR  ) 
20.  ILLTRICUM,  later  DALMATIA.  . 

11.    Mcy.SIA  SUPERIOR  ) 

22.   M<E8IA  INFERIOR       } 

24.  THRACIA  
25.  MACEDONIA  

A.D.  10  

B.C.  148  

B.C.   146.    (At  first 
united  with  Mace- 
donia.) 

Senatorial  (from  Ti- 
berns  tn  Claudius 
Imp.,ri;il  ). 

Senatorial.       (A.D. 
15-14  Imperial). 

XXX 


LIST  OF  ROMAN   PROVINCES. 


Probably  after    the 

1 

time  of  Vespasian 
B.C  133  

[  
Senatorial  

59.  Alia  Proconsular!  s. 
60.  Hrlleipontus. 
61.  Lydla. 
•    62.  Pbrygla  Salutarls. 

63.  Phrygia  Pacatiana. 
64.  Carla. 

65.  Intularum  Provlncla. 
(  66.  Blthynia. 

B.C.    74;     enlarged 
B.C.    63  ;     again 
enlarged  B.C.  1  .  . 

B  C  25   

Senatorial  until  A.D. 
135;  then  Imperial. 

Imperial    

j  67.  Honorias. 
j  68.  Paphlagonla. 
[  69.  Helenopoiitus. 
70.  Pontus  Polemoniactr 
71.  (Jalatla  I. 

A.D.  17  

73.  Lycaonla. 
74.  Pltldla. 
75.  Cappadoda  I. 
76.  Cappadocia  II. 

82.  PAMPHYLIA  ar  LYCIA  

3.C.  25  ;    Lycla  an- 
nexed to  It  A.D.  43. 

Imperial  until  A.D. 
135,  then  Senatorial. 

77.  Annrnia  I. 
78.  Armenia  II. 
j  79.  Pamphylia. 
(  80.  Lycla. 

B.C.    67;     Cllicla 

(  81.  Cillcla  Iv 
•<  82   Cillcla  II?  * 

Campeitrii,     B.C. 
66  ;  org'd  B.C.  64. 
Acquired    B.C.    64  ; 

Imperial  B.C.  27-22  ; 

(  83.  Iianria. 
84.  Cyprus. 

organised  B.C.  27. 
B.C.  64.  

then  Senatorial. 
Imperial;  under  Sev- 

C  85.  Euphratensla. 
86.  Syria  I. 

A  D  105 

erui  divided  Into  — 
1.  Syria  Code  ; 
2.  Syria  Phcenlce  ; 
3.  Syria  Palestina. 

188.  Phcenicia  I. 
89.  Phcenida  II. 
90.  Pala-stins  I. 
91.  Pal»-stlna  II. 
\  92.  Pal.-1-.-tina  III. 

rial 

'(  93.  Arabia. 

A.D.  115;  given  up 

) 

,  imperial    .  . 

(  94.  Otrhoene. 

again  A.D.  165. 
\  D   115     

|  95.  Mesopotamia. 
(Given  up  A.D.  117.) 

B  C  30     ... 

96.  .figyptus. 
97.  Augustamnlca. 
•     98.  Heptanomis  (Arcadia). 

Cyrenalca  B.C.  74  ; 

99.  Thebals. 

Creta     B.C.     67  ; 

Senatorial  

101.  Libya  superior. 

Senatorial  

1  102,  Creta. 
|  103.  Africa  Proconsular!!. 
-|  104.  Byiacena. 

| 

(  105.  Trlpolltana. 

106.  Numidia. 

44.  MirarjAMA  TtHorrASA.  .  ) 

A.D.  211. 
A  D  40  

Annexed  to  Baetica,  see  No.  4. 
107.  ManreUnla  I  (Stifensis). 

45.  MAURITANIA  CASAKII*SIS  \ 

(  Imperial  

TO  THE    LIST   GIVEN    ABOVE    MUST    BE    ADDED   THE    ITALIAN    PROVINCES  I 


109.  Venetia  et  Hlitrla. 

110.  .EniilN. 

111.  Li,-uri.i. 

US.  Flaminl.-  et  Plcsnun 


113.  Tusi-la  et  Umbria. 

114.  Picsnnm  Suburbicarium. 

115.  Campania. 

116.  Apulia  et  CaUbria. 


117.  Lueanla  et  Bra 

118.  Samnium. 

119.  Valeria. 

120.  Alp^s  Cottiae. 


I.  THE  GEOGRAPHY  OF  ITALY. 

1.  Italy  in  Early  Times.— The  history  of  Borne,  like  that 
of  her  great  rival,  Carthage,  is  the  history  of  a  single  city. 
This  city  was  at  first  small  and  insignificant,  but  in  the  course 
of  time  "it  extended  its  dominion  not  only  over  Italy,  but  over 
the  chief  countries  around  the  Mediterranean  Sea.     During  all 
this  time,  however,  Home  remained  the  centre  of  the  empire, 
and  refused  to  extend  her  constitution  to  the  conquered  peoples 
until  a  terrible  war '  compelled  her  to  grant  the  rights  of  citi- 
zenship to  the  whole  of  Italy.    Henceforth  Italy,  like  Eome, 
was  under  the  authority  of  the  ordinary  Roman  magistrates, 
and  the  citizens,  on  going  to  Rome,  had  a  right  to  vote  in  the 
popular  assemblies  and  to  take  part  in  the  government  of  the 
state.    It  will  be  well,  then,  before  beginning  the  history  of  the 
city  itself,  briefly  to  describe  Italy  and  the  several  districts  into 
which  it  was  divided. 

2.  The  Divisions  of  Italy. — Italy,  the  central  one  of  the 
three  peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe,  is  bounded  on  the  north 
by  the  Alps,  on  the  east  by  the  Adriatic  Sea,  and  on  the  south 
and  west  by  the  Mediterranean  and  Tuscan  seas.     The  country 
may  be  conveniently  divided    into   Northern,    Central,   and 
Southern  Italy. 

3.  Northern  Italy. — Northern  Italy  is  watered  by  the  Po 
(Padus)  and  its  numerous  tributaries,  and  embraces  the  coun- 
try between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines.    The  names  of  the 
districts  into  which  Northern  Italy  was  in  ancient  times  di- 
vided may  for  the  sake  of  convenience  be  enumerated,  although 
all  of  this  great  plain,  which  we  now  call  Lombardy,  was  not 
regarded,  at  the  time  Rome  was  founded,2  as  a  part  of  Italy.3 
The  names  of  these  countries  were  : 

1  See  p.  235.  '  B.  C.  753. 

*  The  word  Italia  embraced  at  first  only  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  (see  col- 


THE   GEOGRAPHY   OF   ITALY. 


1.  Liguria,  which  was  situated  in  the  western  part  of 
Northern  Italy.      Its  chief  towns  were   Nicaea  (Nice),  Asta 
(Asti),  Genua  (Genoa),  and  Dertona  (Tortona). 

2.  Gallia  Cisalpina,1  which  was  divided  by  the  river  Padus 
(Po)  into  Gallia  Cispadana  and  Transpadaua,  and  contained  in 
Roman  times  many  flourishing  cities,  among  which  may  be 
mentioned  Augusta  Taurinorum  (Turin),  Augusta  Praetoria 
(Aosta),  Mediolanum  (Milan),  Brixia  (Brescia),  Cremona,  and 
Verona.2    On  the  south  side  of  the  Padus  were  Placentia,  Par- 
ma, Mutina  (Modena),  Bononia  (Bologna),  and  Ravenna.3 

3.  Venetia,  which  was  situated  in  the  eastern  part  of  North- 
ern Italy.    Its  chief  cities  were  Patavium  (Padua),  Altinum 
(Altino),  and  Aquileja. 

4.  Central  Italy. — Central  Italy  extended4  as  far  south  as 
a  line  drawn  from  the  river  Silarus  (Sele)  to  a  point  just  above 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Frento  (Fortore),  and  embraced  the 
following  countries  : 

1.  Etruria  was  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Apennines,  on 
the  east  by  Umbria  and  the  territory  of  the  Sabines,  on  the 
south  by  the  Tiber,  which  separated  it  from  Latium,  and  on 
the  west  by  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea.     The  important  rivers  were 
the  Arnus  (Arno),  the  Umbro,  and  the  Clanis,  a  tributary  of 
the  Tiber.    The  Etruscan  state  consisted  of  a  confederacy  of 
twelve  great  cities,  the  most  important  of  which  were  Tarquinii, 
Perusia   (Perugia),    Clusium   (CJiiusi),    Volaterrae,    Cortona, 
Arretium,   Caere    near  Mt,  Soracte,  and  Veji  on    the  river 
Cremera,  about  twelve  miles  from  Rome. 

2.  Latium  embraced  at  first  only  the  narrow  strip  of  land 
between  the  Alban  hills,  the  river  Numicus.,  and  the  Tiber,5  but 
it  was  gradually  extended  to  the  south  and  west,  until,  after  the 
conquest  of  the  JEquians,  the  Hernicans,  the  Volsciaus,  and  the 
Auruncans,  it  comprised  all  the  country  as  far  as  the  river 
Liris.6    The  Latins 7  were  united  in  a  league  of  thirty  cities,  at 
the  head  of  which  Avas  Alba  Longa.     The  chief  towns  were 
Rome,  Alba,  Tibur  (Tivoli),  Gabii,  Tusculum,  Praeneste,  and 
Corioli. 


1  It  is  called  Cisalpina  because  on  this  (the  Italian)  side  of  the  Alps,  in  distinction 
from  Transalpine  Gaul  (Fra>ice);  Gallia  Cispadana,  i.  e.,  Gaul  on  this  (the  Roman)  side 
of  the  Po. 

"  Interesting  on  account  of  the  remains  of  an  amphitheatre,  which  are  in  a  good 
state  of  preservation. 

1  Those  towns  were  mostly  Roman  colonies.  While  the  country  remained  in  the 
possession  of  the  Gauls  it  was  almost  wholly  without  cities. 

•  See  colored  map  No.  1. 

5  Latinm  Vefm,  or  ancient  Latium.    See  map,  p.  4. 

6  Lati'im  niiji  f! mil.  or  Latinm  after  the  territory  of  these  tribes  was  added  to  it. 
'  Latini  Pj-isci.    For  a  list  of  the  thirty  Latin  cities  see  map,  p.  94. 


TIN:    GEOGRAPHY    OF   ITALY. 


3.  Campania  extended  along  the  roast  from  the  river  Liris  on 
the  north  to  the  Silarus  on  the  south,  and  was  hounded  on  the 
south  and  east  by  Samnium  and  Lucania.     The  soil  was  ex- 
ceedingly fertile,1"  the  landscape  beautiful,   the  climate  mild, 
and  the  'harbors  excellent     The  numerous  thermal  springs  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Bajne2  (Jiaja\  Puteoli3  (Ft  zziioli),  and 
Xcapnlis  (Naples),  gave  it  an    additional    attraction   to    the 
wealthy   classes,    who    crowded    its    shores   with    their   villas. 
Capua,' the  capital,  was  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  plain  of  great 
fertility  and  beauty.4 

4.  Umbria  extended  along  the  Adriatic  from  the  river  Ru- 
bicon to  the  river  .ZBsis,  and  was  separated  from  Etruria  by  the 

1  Hence  call'  fe&X. 

'  Horace  t  Fp  I..  S.V  oay»:  "  Xothin"  in  the  world  can  be  compared  with  the  lovely 
bay  of  Baj.T."  Of  the  numerous  bath"  and  villa-,  whose  foundations  were  often  thrown 
far  into  the  s<>a.  nothing  hut  mere  frairnr-!i!-  t<  mains. 

1  The  pozzolana  earth  from  which  n  cement  is  manufactured  derives  its  name  from 
Pozznoli.  Piiteoli  was  at  one  time  the  chief  commercial  city  in  Italy,  and  the  principal 
depot  for  The  vast  traffic  with  the  East.  AS  many  as  10.000  slaves  were  sometimes 
landed  here  in  one  days  :  see  map.  p.  98. 

•  It  was  within  the  borders  of  Campania  that  Pompeji  and  Hercnlanenm  were  situ- 
ated. These  cities  were  buried  in  A.  D.  79  under  a  dense  bed  of  ashes  and  cinders,  bee 
p.  455. 


THE   GEOGRAPHY   OF   ITALY. 


Tiber,  and  on  the  south  and  east  from  the  Sabines  by  the  river 
Nar.  This  fertile  district  had  been  in  early  times  conquered 
by  the  Gauls,  and  was  therefore  called  by  the  Komans  the 
Gallic  territory.1  Among  the  numerous  cities  were  Arimmum 
(Rimini),  Sena  Gallica  (Sinigaglia),  Sarsina,  Seutinuin,  and 
Narnia  (Narni). 

5.  Pica  num.  extended  along  the  Adriatic  from  the  rivei 
vEsis  to  the  Matrinus  {La  Piomba),  which  separated  it  from 
the  country  of  the  Vestmi.  \In  the  interior  the  hills  were  cov- 
ered with  extensive  forests,  while  the  slopes  along  the  sea  pro- 
duced an  abundance  of  apples,  olives,  corn,  and  wine.  The 
towns  were  Ancona,  Hatria,  Asculum,  and  Firmum. 

G.  The  Sabini  inhabited  the  country  from  the  sources  of  the 
Nar  on  the  north,  to  the  Tiber  and  Anio  on  the  south.  They 
were  one  of  the  most  ancient  races  in  Italy,  and  wrhen  first 
known  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Amiternum,  whence  they 
spread  to  the  south  a«d  became  the  progenitors  of  the  Mar- 
sians,  Marrucinians,  Paelignians,  Vestiuians,  and  Frentanians,  all 
of  whom,  including  even  the  Sabines,  are  comprised  under  the 
general  name  of  Sabellians.  N<At  a  later  time2  the  Sabines 
proper,  under  the  name  of  Samnites,  spread  to  the  south,  and 
mixing  with  the  Oscans,  gave  themselves  also  the  name  of 
Sabellians,  a  name  un-ler  which  modern  writers  have  compre- 
hended the  Sabines  and  all  the  various  races  descended  from 
them.3  The  Sabellians  then  may  be  regarded  as  the  genuine 
Italians,  for  they  and  the  various  tribes  that  sprang  from  them 
spread  over  Italy  and  caused  their  language  and  customs  to 
prevail  over  the  others.  The  Sabines  were  a  hardy  and  indus- 
trious race,  chiefly  engaged  in  agriculture.  Their  country, 
though  densely  populated,  had  but  few  cities,  among  which 
were  Amiternum,  Reate,  and  Nursia, 

7.  Samniuni  was  properly  the  name  of  the  district  bounded 
on  the  north  by  the  Marsians,  Palignians,  and  Frentanians, 
on  the  east  by  Apulia,  on  the  south  by  Lucania,  and  on  the 
west  by  Campania  and  Latium.  The  capital  was  Bovianum. 
The  inhabitants  were  the  most  warlike  people  in  Italy,  and,  as 
the  most  powerful  member  of  the  Sabellian  races,  carried  on  a 
long  war  with  Rome  for  the  dominion  of  Italy. 

5.  Southern  Italy.— Southern  Italy  included  Lucania  and 
Brut  tin  m  on  the  west,  and  Apulia  and  Calabria  on  the  east. 

1.  Lucania*  extended  from  Campania,  Samnium,  and  Apu- 

1  After  Gallicus.  *  Since  B.  c.  450.  '  See  colored  map  2fo.  L 

*  This  country  was  called  by  the  Greeks  Oenotria. 


6  THE   GEOGRAPHY   OF  ITALY. 

lia  on  the  north  to  the  river  Laus  on  the  south,  and  on  the 
Gulf  of  Tarentum  from  Apulia  to  Tlmrii.  The  chief  Greek 
cities  were  Posidonia,1  Thurii,  and  Heraclea. 

2.  The  Land  of  the  Bruttii'*  was  in  the  southern  extremity 
of  Italy,  and  was  bounded  on  the  north  by  Lucaiiia,  and  on  the 
other  sides  by  the  sea.    The  important  cities  u  ere  Pet  elia  ( Strmt- 
goli),  Croton  (Crotona),  Locri,  Rhegium  (/Icyyio),  Medina. 

3.  Apulia  included  the  whole  of  the  southeastern  part  of 
Italy,  or  the  three  districts  inhabited  by  the  Dauni,  Peucetii, 
and  Messapii.    The  Romans,  however,  generally  confined  the 
name  to  the  country  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Frentani, 
on  the  west  and  east  by  the  Apennines  and  the  Adriatic  Sea, 
and  on  the  south  by  a  line  drawn  from  a  point  a  little  north 
of  Tarentum  to  the  eastern  coast.    The  important  toAvns  were 
Luceria,  Arpi,  Asculum,  Venusia,  Canusium,  and  Cannae. 

4.  Calabria  was  called  by  the  Greeks  Messapia,  lapygia,  or 
Salentina,  and  was  sometimes  reckoned  a  part  of  Apulia  ;  but 
the  Romans  confined  the  name  to  the  southern  extremity  of 
Apulia,  or  to  what  is  sometimes  called  the  "heel "  of  Italy.    In 
the  middle  ages  the  name  was  applied  also  to  the  land  of  the 
Bruttii.     The  towns  were  Brundisium    (Briixlixi).    Hydrun- 
tum  (Otranto),  and  Tarentum   (T<iranf<>).      At  a  very  early 
time  the  Greeks  founded  in  Southern  Italy  numerous  cities, 
which  became  so  powerful  and  wealthy  that  the  whole  coun- 
try was  called  Magna  Graecia,  or  Great  Greece.    Tarentum  soon 
became  the  most  flourishing  and  powerful  of  these  cities,  and 
carried  on  an  extensive  commerce  and  inland  trade  that  brought 
to  it  great  wealth  and  prosperity.    The  situation  was  so  delight- 
ful and  the  soil  so  fertile  that  even  after  the  decline  of  the  pros- 
perity of  the  city,  and  its  conquest  by  the  Romans,3  Horace 
called  it  "  the  most  smiling  corner  of  the  world,  where  the 
spring  was  long,  and  Jupiter  vouchsafed  mild  winters."4 

6.  The  Mountain  System. — The  mountains  of  Italy  con- 
sist of  two  chains,  tin-  Alps  and  the  Apennines.  The  Alps,  which 
separate  Italy  from  the  rest  of  Europe,  were  the  natural  bar- 
riers against  the  barbarous  nations  on  the  north  and  west.  The 
Apennines,  extend  ing  from  their  junction  with  the  maritime 
Alps  (Col  di  Tenda]  in  a  southeasterly  and  southerly  direction, 
traverse  the  peninsula  its  entire  length.  Central  and  Southern 
Italy  are  thus  divided  into  two  parts.  In  the  eastern  part  the 

1  The  city  of  Neptune  ;  in  B.  c.  273  the  Romans  founded  the  colony  of  Paestnm  here. 
1  The  name  Brnttium  has  been  iriven  to  this  country  by  modern  geographers.    The 
Romans  called  it  Bruttius  Ager  or  Bruttiorum  Ager. 

»  See  p.  149.  *  Cann.  ii.  6 


THE   GEOGRAPHY   OP   ITALY. 


mountains  approach  nearer  the  shore,  and  lateral  ranges  branch 
off  Avith  considerable  regularity.  Therefore,  the  rivers,  as  the 
Aternus  (A/erno),  Frento  (Fortore),  and  Aufidus  (Ofanto), 
pursuing  nearly  parallel  courses  at  right  angles  to  the  main 
chain,  are  swift,  small,  and  unimportant.  The  valleys  are 
small,  and  separated  as  they  are,  sometimes  by  narrow  ridges 
of  moderate  elevation,  sometimes  by  rugged  ranges  of  consid- 
erable height,  must  have  tended  to  isolate  the  inhabitants. 
Quite  different  is  the  case  in  the  western  part.  Here  between  the 
sea  and  the  mountains  is  an  extensive  tract  of  country  consist- 
ing of  large  valleys  and  fertile  plains,  Avatered  by  the  Arno  and 
Tiber,  the  two  principal  rivers  of  Central  Italy.  Both  taking 
their  rise  in  the  highlands  of  the  Abruzzi,  where  the  Apen- 
nines reach  their  greatest  height,  the  one,  winding  westerly  and 
then  northerly,  turns  to  the  west  and  empties  into  the  Tyrrhe- 
nian Sea;  the  other,  breaking  through  the  mountain  chain  at 
Perugia  (Perusia),  pursues  its  course  in  a  southerly  direction, 
but  after  receiving  the  waters  of  the  Nar,  turns  in  a  westerly 
direction  and  falls  into  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea  by  two  mouths 
forming  an  island  sacred  to  Venus  and  still  called  Isola  Sacra. 

7.  The  Campagna. — Here,  on  the  western  side,  were  the 
largest  and  most  remarkable  of  the  valleys  of  Central  and 
Southern  Italy,  the  present  Campagna  and  the  Campania  of  the 
ancients.  The  Campagna  extends  along  the  coast  for  about 
ninety  miles,  from  a  line  drawn  from  Mt.  Soracte  (Monte  S. 
Oreste)  to  Ostia  on  the  north  and  to  Tarracina  in  the  south. 
The  northern  part  of  the  Campagna  is  watered  by  the  Tiber, 
on  whose  left  bank  about  eighteen  miles  from  its  mouth  is  sit- 
uated the  city  of  Rome.  The  view  of  the  Campagna  from  the 
tower  of  the  Capitol  is  unsurpassed.  To  the  northwest  across 
the  Tiber  lies  Mt.  Janiculus,  and  in  the  distance  flows  the  Aro, 
shut  in  by  the  Etruscan  hills.  To  the  north  rises,  like  a  blue 
island  in  the  ^Egean  Sea,  the  summit  of  Soracte,  rendered 
famous  by  the  poet  Horace,  while  to  the  eastward,  just  where 
the  Anio  breaks  through  the  mountains,  is  Tivoli  (Tibur),  the 
home  of  the  poet,  and  in  the  background  lie  the  Sabine  Apen- 
nines. Here  was  the  home  of  the  Latin  race,  with  their  sanc- 
tuary on  the  Alban  Mount,  and  their  "Long  White  City," 
Alba  Longa,  skirting  its  side.  Far  to  the  southward,  over  the 
line  of  the  Appian  Way1  and  the  ruins  of  aqueducts2  as  far  as 
the  eye  can  reach,  extends  the  bare,  desolate  plain,  with  no 

1  See  p.  112.  *  See  pp.  113  and  113. 


8  THE   GEOGRAPHY   OF  ITALY. 

trees,  no  human  habitation,  until  it  sinks  into  the  sea.  In 
ancient  times  the  country  was  exceedingly  rich  and  densely 
populated,  and  even  the  I'oniptine  marshes  (I'oinjrfiitHx  .!//'•/•') 
were  celebrated  for  their  fertility,  and  contained  twenty-three 
flourishing  cities. 

8.  The  River  System. -4-The  rivers  of  Italy  all  take  their 
rise  in  the  Apennines,  and  all  wash  down  from  the  mountains 
a  slime  that  raises  their  beds  and  would  spread  them  over  the 
adjacent  plains  if  they  were  not  restrained  by  dikes.1     Mo.-t  of 
the  rivers,  with  the  exception  of  the  Tiber  and  Arnns,  particu- 
larly those  on  the  east,  having  no  great  length  of  course,  are  swol- 
len and  violent  in  winter  and  spring,  but  in  summer  are  nearly- 
dry.     The  Tiber  retains  at  all  seasons  a  considerable  body  of 
water,  and  is  navigable  for  large  ships  up  to  Rome,  where  it 
is  about  three  hundred  feet  wide,  and  from  twelve  to  eighteen 
feet  deep. 

9.  The  Islands. — The  islands  about  Italy  are  numerous 
and  important.     Sicily  is  triangular  in  shape,  and   therefore 
often  called  Trinaeria;  it  has  no  large  rivers  or  lakes,  but  its 
mountain  system  traverses  the   island  from  east  to  west,  the 
highest  peak  of  which  is  ^Etna  (10,874  ft.).     There  were  many 
Carthaginian  and  Greek  settlements,  of  which   may  be  men- 
tioned Mcssana,  Syracuse,  (Jela,  Agrigenlum,  Egesta.  Panormus, 
besides  Enna,  a  native  town.      Sardinia  was  traversed  through 
its  whole  length  from  north  to  south  by  mountains,  and  had 
but  few  rivers  or  towns.     The  capital  was  Caralis  (Cdf/Htn •/'). 
The  climate  was  unhealthy,  but  still  the  country  was  noted  for 
its  abundant  harvest  of  wheat  and  its  rich  silver  mines.     Cor- 
sica (Greek  //  Kipvog)  is  much  more  mountainous  than  Sar- 
dinia.    The  mountain  districts  afforded  excellent  pasturage  for 
sheep,  goats,  and  cattle,  and  were  covered  almost  throughout 
the  whole  extent  with  dense  forests  of  fir  and  pine.     The  two 
Roman  colonies  were  Aleria  and   Mariana.     Of  the   smaller 
islands  may  be  mentioned   llva  (Elba},  Igilium  (ftif/lio),  Ca- 
preae  (Capri).  Li  para  (/>/wn),  and  the  ./Egatian  Islands. 

10.  The  Position  of  Italy. — The  position  <(f  [inly  in  the 
Mediterranean,  on  whose  borders  most  of  the  civilized  nations 
of  antiquity  lived,  was  peculiarly  favorable.     Italy  possessed  a 

1  The  Romans  gave  great  attention  to  aqueduct*  (see  p.  112V  construction  of  dikes, 
and  the  whole  subject  ol  irrigation.  "It  WHS  next  propooedL  Mjfi  Tacitus,  "whether 
it  was  not  expedient,  in  order  to  restrain  the  overflowing  of  the  Tib-T.  to  s_'ive  anew 
course  to  the  rivers  and  lakes  by  which  it  was  fed.  Upon  this  question  the  deputies 
from  the  several  cities  were  heard.  The  Flop 'iitines  besought  that  the  bed  of  the 
Clanis  might  not  be  turned  into  the  Arnns.  for  that  would  prove  their  ruin." 


THE    EARLY    INHABITANTS.  9 

fertile  soil  and  a  delightful  climate,  tempered  by  the  Apennines 
and  the  sea,  and  its  rich  alluvial  plains  on  the  Avest  were  well 
suited  to  agriculture,  while  the  grassy  mountain-slopes  and 
highlands  of  the  east  afforded  excellent  pasturage  for  the  rais- 
ing of  cattle.  The  long  extent  of  sea-coast  gave  it  a  favorable 
position  for  trade  and  intercourse  with  the  peoples  of  the  Med- 
iterranean. Still  it  was  not,  like  Greece,  broken  up  by  bays 
and  arms  of  the  sea,  nor  had  it  so  many  islands  around  about 
it,  which  made  the  Greeks  a  seafaring  people. 

II.  THE  EARLY  INHABITANTS. 

1.  The  Races  in  Italy. — Central  and  Southern  Italy  were 
inhabited  from  the  earliest  times  to  which  our  knowledge  ex- 
tends by  three  races.    These  were  the  lapygians,  the  Italians, 
and  the  Etruscans. 

2.  The  lapygians. — The  lapygians  were  found  in  that 
part  of  Southern  Italy  which  the  Greeks  called  Messapia  and 
which  the  Romans  called  Calabria.     Their  language  has  been 
preserved  in  the  Messapian  inscriptions,1  and  has  been  found  to 
be  more  nearly  related  to  the  Greek  than  to  the  other  languages 
of  Italy.     This  suggests  the  probability  that  they  emigrated 
from  Greece  to  Italy  rather  than  that  they  were  the  first  of  the 
various  races  to  enter  Italy  from  the  north,  and  were  after- 
wards pressed  to  the  south  by  other  tribes  that  entered  later. 

3.  The  Italians   Proper. — The  Italians2  entered  Italy 
later  than  the  lapygians,  and  occupied  in  historical  times  nearly 
the  whole  of  Central  Italy.     They  were  of  the  same  common 
stock  as  the  Hellenes,  both  belonging  to  the  Indo-European 3 
family.    They  both  wandered  westward  from  the  highlands  in 

1  The  inscriptions  were  discovered  in  the  Terra  di  Otranto,  and  have  been  edited  by 
Mcnmnaea. 

"  The  term  Italian  or  "  Italic  "  is  used  to  designate  the  races  that  chiefly  peopled  the 
Italy  of  the  Romans. 

3  Philologists  have  designated  the  table-land  where  the  Indus,  Oxus,  and  Jaxartes 
rivers  take  their  rise — the  Bactrian  platean— as  the  place  whence  the  different  races 
were  dispersed.  The  first  which  left  the  common  centre  settled  in  Phoenicia,  Egypt, 
and  Ethiopia.  This  race  has  been  called  Turanian.  The  next  settled  in  the  country 
extending  from  tlie  Mediterranean  Sea  beyond  the  Tigris  ;  to  this  race  the  name  Semitic 
has  been  given.  The  last  race  that  left  the  common  centre  emigrated  to  the -south, 
crossed  the  Hindo  Koosh  mountains,  and  entered  India,  subjugating  the  earlier  Tura- 
nian tribes,  and  advancing  west  over  most  of  Europe,  became  the  progenitors  of  the 
Greeks,  Romans,  Persians,  and  the  Teutonic  tribes.  This  race  has  been  called  Indo-Euro- 
pean, because  different  branches  of  it  settled  in  India  and  Europe,  or  Indo-Germanic, 
because  the  Germans  have  been  the  foremost  to  investigate  its  affinities.  The  name 
Aryan  is  now,  particularly  by  German  philologists,  applied  to  one  class  of  the  great 
Indo-European  stock.  The  following  diagram  shows  the  order  (according  to  Schleicher) 
in  which  the  Indo-European  race  branched  : 


10 


THE   EARLY   INHABITANTS. 


the  western  part  of  Central  Asia,  the  Hellenes  passing  from  Asia 
Minor1  to  Greece,  while  the  Italians,  pushing  further  \\v-t. 
crossed  the  Apennines  into  Italy.  The  Italian  race  was  divided 
into  two  chief  branches,  the  Latin  and  the  Umbr&'SabeUian.  The 
Latins  occupied  the  central  and  southern  parts  of  the  peninsula 
west  of  the  Apennines,  i.  e.,  Latium.  Campania.  Lncania.  and 
Bruttium.  The  Latins  came  in  contact  first  with  the  Greeks 
in  Campania, and  received  from  them  the  name  of  ()/ii<-{  (Osci), 
a  name  which  the  Romans  gave  to  those  Samnites  \\h<>  after- 
wards overran  Campania.  The  Siculi  (early  pressed  to  tlie 
south,  and  finally  crossing  to  the  island  of  Sicily),  as  well  as 
the  J  •/>'///'. v,2  sprang  from  the  Latin  race.  These  races  came 
in  contact  at  an  early  time  with  the  Greek  colonies  in  Southern 
Italy,  and  either  completely  yielded  to  their  superior  civiliza- 
tion or  were  so  fur  weakened  thai  they  could  offer  hut  little 
resistance  to  the  Samnites. 

4.  Umbro-Sabellians. — The  TJmbrians  entered  Italv  later 
than  the  Latins,  and  settled  at  first  in  Kiruria.  They  were  after- 
wards pressed  to  the  east  by  later  incomers,  whence  they  spread 
over  the  whole  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  peninsula,  under  the 
name  of  Subini.  >V//// /////>•.  and  />/>/•////•.«.•.  or  Sabi'lUnax.  a  general 
appellation  for  the  Sabinesand  all  the  races  or  tribes  f.hat  have 
derived  their  origin  from  them.  These  Sabellian  tribes  de- 
scended from  the  mountains  like  streams  that  flood  and  fertilize 


These  movements  took  place  before  the  dawn  of  history.  The  earliest  literary  remains 
are  found  in  the  Iiido-Persian  or  Aryan  branch,  not  far  from  two  thousand  years  before 
Christ.  It  was  formerly  supposed  that  tin-  Iialic  branch  had  a  more  intiniate  relation 
with  the  Hellenic  than  any  other,  because  their  ancestors  lived  IOIILT  together,  in  what  is 
called  the  Graeco-Italic  time;  but  later  researches  have  proved  that  the  Italic  and  Celtic 
branches  were  the  la-*t  to  begin  an  independent  history. 

1  Or  the  valley  of  the  Danube.  *  See  colored  map  No.  1. 


THE  EARLY  INHABITANTS.  11 

the  valleys.  The  Latins,  who  settled  near  the  Tiber,  belonged 
to  the  oldest  of  these  successive  migrations.  Then  came  the 
Sabines,  the  yEquians,  the  Hernicaus,  the  Volsciaus,  who 
pressed  hard  on  the  Latins,  hemming  them  in  on  the  east  and 
south,  so  that  they  were  confined  to  the  small  district  between 
the  Tiber  and  the  spurs  of  the  Apennines  on  the  north  and 
east,  and  by  the  Alban  hills  on  the  south.  This  plain,  the 
home  of  the  Latin  race,  was  a  district1  of  about  700  square 
miles,  and  was  watered  by  the  Tiber  and  the  Anio. 

5.  The  Etruscans. — The  Etruscans2  entered  Etruriafrom 
the  north  and  either  pressed  the  Umbrians  who  were  already 
in  possession  of  the  country,  and  to  whose  further  migration 
southward  the  Latins  of  Latium  set  a  limit,  to  the  east  or 
subdued  them.     It  was  this  conquered  people  probably  that  was 
called  Tusci,  and  to  them  the  Rasenna?  owed  their  great  ad- 
vance in  civilization.    The  Rasennae  assumed  the  name  of  the 
people  whom  they  had  enslaved  and  absorbed,  and  the  whole 
were  known  as  Tusci  or  Etrusci.     They  were  a  powerful  people, 
extending  from  the  Alps  over  the  western  part  of  Italy  as  far 
south  as  the  Tiber.     They  were  driven  from  the  plains  of  the 
Po  by  the  Gauls,  and  were  finally  subdued  by  the  Romans. 
At  an  early  period  they  carried'  on  navigation,  trade,  and 
manufactures,  which  called  cities  into  existence  in  Etruria  ear- 
lier than  elsewhere  in  Italy.     These  cities  were  united  in  a 
league  consisting  of  twelve  communities,  which  recognized  a 
metropolis  especially  for  purposes  of  worship ;  yet  these  con- 
federations, still  more  than  the  Italian  leagues,  were  deficient 
in  a  firm  and  powerful  centraF  authority. 

6.  Their   Civilization. — The   Etruscans  were  especially 
noted  for  their  maritime  ascendency,  and  they  succeeded  in 
founding  towns  on  the  Latin  and  Campanian  coasts.     Their 
religion  was  a  gloomy  and  tiresome  mysticism,  delighting  in 
wild  and  horrible  rites.    The  Etruscans  borrowed  their  arts 
from  the  Greeks,  and  the  remains  which  exist  (particularly  at 
Perugia)  of  temples,  roads,  dikes,  as  well  as  the  castings  in 
bronze3  (Tuscana  *igna),  figures  in  terra-cotta,4  golden  chains 
and  bracelets,  and  other  ornaments  that  have  been  found  in 
the  tombs,  all  attest  that  the  Etruscans  produced  massive  and 

1  See  map,  p.  94,  for  the  extent  of  this  territory  (ager  Eomanus).  «* 

*  They  called  themselves  Rasennae;  they  were  named  by  the  Greeks  Tyrrheni,  and  by 
the  Latins,  Tusci  or  Etrusci. 

s  The  orator  and  chimmra  in  the  Etruscan  Museum  at  Florence  ;  one  found  on  Lake 
Trasiinene,  the  other  at  Arezzo. 

'  In  the  Mnseo  Gregnriano  in  the  Vatican  are  sarcophagi  of  terra-cotta,  vases  and 
bronzes,  mostly  fouud  at  Chiusi.  at  Voiterra.  and  at  Corneto  near  Tarquinii. 


THE   EARLY  INHABITANTS. 


rich  workmanship  ;  yet  their  works  arc  inferior  to  those  of  the 
Latins  and  Sabellians  in  appropriateneaa  ami  utility,  no  !••>< 
than  in  spirit  and  beauty.  The  influence  of  Etruria  on  Latium, 
and  particularly  on  Koine,  has  been  very  much  over-estimaif!  : 
while,  on  the  contrary,  too  little  weight  has  been  laid  upon  the 
immediate  contact  with  Koine  of  the  original  (Umhrians)  Tus- 
cans, produced  by  their  being  pressed  to  the  borders  of  Latium 
by  the  Rasenme.  The  origin  of  the  Etruscans  (Rasennae)  is 
etill'a  matter  of  controversy,  but  they  are  by  many  of  the  best 
authorities  assigned  to  the  Indo-European  family. 

7.  The  Unity  of  the  Races  in  Italy.  —  From  this  brief 
sketch  of  the  different  races  that  inhabited  Italy,  we  learn  that, 
in  spite  of  many  diversities,  they  all  belonged  to  one  and  the 
same  great  family  whose  home  wa<  in  the  western  part  of  Cen- 
tral Asia.  We  are  unable  to  fix  definitely  the  time  when  they 
left  their  home  or  when  they  entered  Italy.  There  is  no  doubt, 
however,  that  it  took  many  years  for  them  to  wander  from 
Asia  to  Europe,  and  that  their  arrival  in  l  Italy  was  very  gradual 
and  extended  over  a  long  period  of  time. 

RACES  IX  ITALY. 

INDO-ECKOPEAS 


IAPYGIAJT  GREEK  ITALIAN  CELTIC  ETBUBCAN 


mx 


LATIN  UXBRO-SABELLIAN 


SICULI  AUSONES 


UMBIUANS  PICENTEB  SABELUAN 


SABINE* 


SAMKITE8 
(.OSCAN) 


MARSI        YOLSCI        JSqui         UEUNICI        RCTCLI         PJJLIOWI        FKENTAHI 
1  It  may  be  asViipiud  to  about  B.C.  2000. 


3-   it" 

HISTORY  OF  ROME. 


i. 

THE  FOUNDATION  OF  ROME. 

J..  The  Primitive  Civilization  of  the  Latins. — With  this 
brief  introductory  sketch  of  the  geography  of  Italy,  and  of  the 
different  races  that  inhabited  it,  we  now  turn  to  the  Latins  as 
historically  the  most  important,  and  as  the  race  with  which  our 
history  has  particularly  to  do.  The  degree  of  civilization  and 
the  social  condition  that  the  Latins  had  attained  on  their  en- 
trance into  Italy  are  questions  of  much  importance,  because,  in 
the  absence  of  all  written  records,1  the  answer  gives  us  a  starting 
point  for  our  history.  This  information,  combined  with  what 
we  know  of  their  social  and  political  condition  at  a  later  time, 
enables  us  to  derive  a  tolerably  correct  idea  of  how  their  insti- 
tutions were  formed.  A  careful  study  of  the  words  of  their 
language  has  given  the  starting  point  for  these  researches.2 
Pursuing  this  investigation,  we  learn  that  the  Latins  be- 
fore they  entered  Italy,  had  learned  the  elements  of  agri- 
culture, how  to  manage  the  plow,  sow  the  seed,  cultivate  the 
vine,  and  press  out  the  oil  from  the  olive.  With  the  knowl- 
edge of  agriculture  arose  the  necessity,  for  a  time  at  least,  for 
a  fixed  habitation  and  the  domestic  hearth.  Hence  the  basis 
of  the  family  was  formed  and  the  elements  of  religion  devel- 
oped. That  the  habitation  was  not  permanently  fixed  was 
owing  to  the  pressure  of  later  migrations  and  the  contests  with 

1  The  whole  history  from  the  founding  of  Rome  in  B.  c.  753  down  to  B.  c.  390,  when 
all  the  written  records  were  burnt  by  the  Gauls,  is  not  derived  from  contemporary  wit- 
nes.-es,  but  was  composed  at  a  later  date.    Some  of  the  Roman  historians,  therefore, 
began  their  narrative  at  B.C.  390,  instead  of  at  the  foundation  of  the  city.    What  little 
we  do  know  of  the  early  history  is  mainly  derived  from  inference. 

2  If  these  words  are  essentially  the  same  in  both  Latin  and  Greek,  it  is  pretty  certain 
that  the  Latins  and  Greeks,  before  their  separation  in  what  is  called  the  Greece-Italian 
time,  were  acquainted  with  the  objects  that  these  words  represent;  e.  g.,  Gr.  86(109  and 
Lat.  domox,  house  ;  apo-rpiv,  aratntm,  plow ;  xopros.  hortm,  garden  ;  dypos,  ager,  a  field, 
etc. ;  hence,  the  house,  the  plow,  etc.,  were  nearly  the  same  among  both  peoples. 


14  T11E   FOUNDATION    OF    Ito.MK. 

other  tribes.     Hence  the  knowledge  of  war,  and  the  use  of  the 
spear,  the  bow,  and  the  war  chariot. 

2.  The  Latins  in  Italy. — The  basis  of  the  social  constitu- 
tion of  the  Latins  \va>  the  households,  which  cither  by  ties  of 
blood  or  nearness  of  locality  were  united  to  r.irm  clans,  the 
dwellings  forming  the  clan-villages.1    These  villages,  although 
each  had  its  own  local  government,  were  not  regarded  as  inde- 
pendent, but  as  forming  parts  of  a  larger  community,  the  can- 
ton.2   Each  canton  had  a  local  centre.8  which  was  situated  on 
some  hill-top  and  was  strongly  fortified,  where  the  markets  were 
held,  games  celebrated,  justice  administered,  and  religious  rites 
observed.     The  foundation  of  this  clan-constitution  was  already 
laid  when  the  Latins  entered  Italy  and  settled  on  the  slopes  of 
the  Alban  hills.     Here,  where  the  position  was  secure  and  the 
springs  fresh,  the  oldest  Latin  towns,4  such  as  Alba,  Lanuvium, 
Tibur,  Praeneste,  Gabii,  and  Rome,  were  founded.     How  many 
cantons  there  were  originally  in  Latium,  it  is  impossible  to 
tell ;  tradition  mentions  thirty  as  forming  the  famous  Latin 
league,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Alba  Longa,  -the  long  white 
city,"  the  oldest  and  most  eminent  of  the  Latin  cantons. 

3.  Rome  a  Latin  Settlement. — Among  the  Latin  cantons 
the  Roman,  or  at  least  its  capital,  Rome,  was  destined  to  be 
the  most  eminent.     On  one  of  the  isolated  hills  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Tiber,  about  eighteen  miles  from  its  mouth,  settled 
a  tribe  of  Latins  called  Ramnes  or  Romans.     The  Romans  had 
their  stronghold  on  the  Palatine  hill,  and  this  was  the  founda- 
tion of  Rome.     Its  territory  extended  at  that  time  little  more 
than  five  miles  to  the  east  and  south,  while  it  embraced  the 
suburbs  of  the  hill  Janiculus  on  the  right  bank,  and  the  whole 
course  of  the  Tiber  down  to  its  mouth.5    The  right  of  trade,6 
and  the  home  which  it  offered  to  adventurers,7  combined  with 
its   favorable  situation,   account   in   a  measure  for  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  city.     Standing  as  it  did  on  the  Latin  bank  of 
the  Tiber,  three  miles  below  its  confluence  with  the  Anio,  it 
seemed  admirably  adapted  to  be  the  emporium  of  Latium. 

1  T7d  or  pagi.  *  ririta*.  or  populus.  '  Called  capitolium,  or  "height." 

•  See  map,  p   I.  •  See  map,  p.  &4.  •  Ju*  commei-cii.  '  Jug  exOii. 


THE  FOUNDATION   OF  BOMB.  15 

4.  The  Palatine  City. — The  original  city  occupied  only 
the  Palatine  hill,  from  the  shape  of  which  it  derived  its 
name  of  "Square  Rome"  or  Roma  Quadrat  a.  From  the  very 
first  the  city,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Latins,  was  en- 
compassed by  a  ring-wall 1  and  the  sacred  belt  of  the  pomerium? 
which  could  be  extended  only  by  those  whose  victories  had 
enlarged  the  Roman  territories.  Under  the  protection  of  the 
stronghold  on  the  Palatine,  suburbs  grew  up,  forming  almost 
from  the  first  a  city  of  seven  hills,3  within  and  distinct  from  the 
more  famous  seven  hills  of  historic  Rome.  The  Palatine  city, 
even  in  its  first  beginning,  was  increased  in  power  by  its  union 
with  a  Sabine  canton. 

5.  Sabine  City. — On  the  Quirinal  hill,  which  lay  entirely 
beyond  the  bounds  assigned  to  the  circuit  of  Rome,  was  an 
independent  city  of  Sabine  origin.     We  have  already  learned 
that  the  Latins  and  Sabines  were  nearly  related,  and  that  the 
latter,  issuing  from  their  mountain  home,  had  hemmed  the 
Latins  in  on  the  east  and  south.    A  body  of  these  bold  adven- 
turers had  settled  on  the  Quirinal,  and  after  coming  in  contact 
with  the  Romans,  had  finally  gained  possession  of  their  strong- 
hold on  the  Capitoline.    This  compelled  the  Romans  to  form  an 
alliance  (foedus)  Avith  the  Sabine  city,  by  which  the  two  races 
were  united  and  both  helped  to  form  the  Roman  state.    After 
their  unifln  the  people  were  divided  into  two  divisions  or  tribes, 
Ramnes  and  Tities,  as  they  were  called,  and  each  tribe  was 
divided  again  into  ten  curies  or  wards;  and  as  the  curia  formed 
the  basis  of  the  union,  the  people  were  called  Quirites.*    Their 
common  place  of  meeting  was  in  the  comitium,  between  the 
Palatine  and  Quirinal  hills.     Tradition  relates  that  the  rule 
was  to  choose  the  king  in  turn  from  the  Romans  of  the  Pala- 
tine and  the  Sabines  of  the  Quirinal. 

6.  The  Union  of  the  Romans  and  Sabines. — By  the 
incorporation  of  the  Sabine  city,  a  conservative  element  was 

1  The  recent  excavations  have  brought  to  light  portions"  of  the  original  wall  in  five 
different  places,  enough  to  trace  its  situation  with  considerable  precision.  Of  the  three 
gates  which  penetrated  the  wall,  the  sites  of  but  two  have  been  found,  Porta  Mugtonls 
and  Porta  Eomatta.  "  See  colored  map  No.  2. 

3  Palatinns,  Germain^,  Velia,  Fagutal,  Oppius.  Cv-pius,  Subura. 

'  By  some  I  he  word  l^uirites  is  derived  1'roin  quirte,  &  spear.  Quirites  and  curia  are 
probably  from  the  same  root,  sku,  cover  ;  cf.  xupios  xvpia,  curare  with  A.  S.  hus,  house. 


16  THE  FOUNDATION  OF  ROME. 

introduced  into  the  Roman  state.  From  the  situation  of  Rome, 
so  favorable  for  trade  and  intercourse  with  foreigners,  the 
Romans  had  made  greater  uduimvs  in  civilization,  while  the 
Sabines,  loving  agriculture  and  the  rearing  of  the  flock,  held 
firmly  to  the  pious  customs  of  their  ancestors.  After  the 
union  of  the  two  cantons,  Rome  was  so  much  increased  in 
power,  that  she  was  able  to  subdue  the  surrounding  tribes  and 
extend  her  boundaries.  The  Latin  communities 1  on  the  upper 
Tiber,  and  between  the  Tiber  and  Anio,  early  forfeited  their 
independence.  A  long  contest  was  carried  on  with  Gabii  :  and 
Alba,  the  ancient  metropolis  of  Latium,  was  subdued  and 
destroyed,  and  the  conquered  population  was  moved  to  Rome 
and  settled  on  one  of  the  hills  around  the  Palatine,  called 
Mons  Ccelius.  Some  of  the  most  distinguished  Alban  families3 
were  admitted  into  the  Roman  state  on  a  footing  of  equality, 
and  formed  the  third  tribe,  called  Lucercs.  They  were  admit- 
ted  to  the  curia  and  the  senate,  thus  completing  the  number 
thirty  and  three  hundred  respectively. 

7.  Rome    the    Capital   of  Latium. — Rome,  after   the 
destruction   of   Alba,    the    head   of    the    thirty   Latin   cities, 
became  the  leading  community  in  Latium  and  the  recognized 
head  of  the  Latin  confederacy.     The  leadership  of  Rome  over 
Latium  was  the  more  readily  recognized  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  only  by  this  means  that  the  Latins  could  defend  their 
coast  against  the  Carthaginians  and  Hellenes,  and  their  ex- 
tended frontier  against  the  Etruscans  and  Sabellians.     Rome 
was  now  able  to  extend  her  power  over  the  ^Eqni  and  Sattini, 
and  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  Ilernici.     On  her  southern 
l'r»n tier  she   carried   on   a  long  contest  \\ith   the   Rutuli  and 
Volsci,  and  in  this  direction  the  Latin  colonies,  as  they  weio 
called,  were  planted  by  Rome  and  Latium. 

8.  The  Forum. — While  the  Latin  stock  was  thus  becoming 
united  under  the  leadership  of  Rome,  the  city  itself  had  been 
converted  from  a  small  commercial  and  agricultural  town  into 
the  capital  of  a  flourishing  province.     The  intrenchments  of  the 

1  See  map,  p.  94. 

3  The  origin  of  the  Luceres  is  very  doubtful ;  see  Schwegler,  Rom.  Gtesch..  I.  505. 


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THE  FOUNDATION   OF  HOME. 


17 


seven  hills  now  seemed  inadequate  for  the  defence  of  the  capital 
of  Latium,  and  hence  was  constructed  the  fortification  ascribed 
to  Servius  Tullius,  which  enclosed  not  only  the  Palatine  and 
Quirinal,  but  also  the  heights  of  the  Aventine,  Capitoline,  Es- 
quiliue,  Viminal,  and  Cgelian  hills,  with  a  great  ring-wall.1 
After  the  city  had  been  protected  from  foreign  foes,  the  neces- 
sity for  internal  improvement  became  more  apparent.  Hence 
the  cloaca?  or  sewer,  was  constructed  for  draining  the  marshy 
valley3  between  the  Palatine  and  Capitoline  hills  down  to  the 
Tiber.  Here  in  this  valley  was  located  the  comitium,  the 
assembling  place  of  the  people,  and  in  the  comitium  were  the 
tribunal  or  judgment-seat,  and  the  rostra  (vetera)  from  which 
the  people  were  addressed.  The  prolongation  of  the  comitium 
towards  the  south 
and  east  formed 
the  forum,  which 
afterwards  became 
tne  centre  of  the 
civil  and  political 
life  of  Rome.  The 
forum  was  cut 
by  streets,  the 
most  important  of 
which  was  the  via 
sacra*  or  Sacred 
W  a  y,  ascending 
the  declivity5  of  the  Capitoline  hill  to  the  capitol,  and  along  its 
sides  were  butchers'  shops  and  traders'  stalls.6  On  the  north 

1  The  wall  is  computed  to  have  been  about  seven  miles  in  circumference  ;  remains  of 
t  are  found  on  the  Aventine  and  Esrjuiline  ;  see  colored  map  No.  2. 

"  The  cloaca  maxima  is  still  to  be  seen  under  the  platform  of  the  Basilica  Julia,  and 
empties  into  the  Tiber  near  the  temple  of  Vesta.  Several  canalicolae,  or  tributary  drains, 
have  been  recently  discovered. 

The  Forum  Velabrum  and  Forum  Boarium. 

*  The  course  of  the  via  sacra  has  not  yet  been  satisfactorily  determined.  It  probably 
entered  the  forum  at  the  temple  of  Antoninus  and  Faustina,  and  continued  on  the  north 
side  of  the  forum  to  a  point  a  little  beyond  the  temple  of  Julius  Caesar,  then  turned 
directly  south  toward  the  temple  of  Castor  and  Pollux,  and  thun  turued  at  right  angles 
running  alon^  the  front  of  the  Basilica  Julia.  When  the  arch  of  8.  Severus  was  erected, 
the  i:\n  sacra  was  probably  continued  alonx  the  northern  side  of  the  forum  ;  this,  how- 
ever, cannot  be  determined  until  the  forum  is  excavated  between  the  temple  of  Julius 
Caesar  and  the  arch  of  8.  Severus.  a  Clivus 

'  TaberruE  tetcres  et  nova.    See  map,  p  386. 


CLOACA  MAXIMA. 
(In  its  present  condition,  1879.) 


18  THE  FOUNDATION  OF  ROME. 

side  of  the  forum  was  the  senate  house,  called  from  the  builder 
curia  Hoxtilia.  On  the  south  side,  beneath  tin-  Palatine  hill, 
rose  the  temple  of  Ye.-ta  with  its  eternal  lire,  and  the  regia  or 
the  official  dwelling  house  of  the  king.1 

9.  Growth  of  Rome. — In  the  valley  between  the  Pala- 
tine and  Aveutine  hills2  a  spa;r  was  set  aside  for  the  r/'/w/.v^ 
where  games,  chariot-racing  and  boxing  were  celebrated  once 
every  year  in  honor  of  the  three  gods  to  whom  the  capitol  was 
built.  Temples  and  sanctuaries  arose  on  the  other  summit-,  as 
the  temple  of  Diana,  the  representative  of  the  Latin  confed- 
eracy on  the  Aventine,  and  above  all,  on  the  summit  of  the 
Capitoline,  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Oapitolinus.4  dedicated  to  the 
three  great  gods  of  the  Latin  and  Sabine  races,  Jupiter,  Juno, 
and  Minerva. 


CHAPTER,   II. 

THE  EARLY  GOVERNMENT  OF  ROME. 

1.  The  Form  of  Government. — The  government  of  the 
people  of  these  three  cantons  at  this  early  time  was  very  simple. 
It  was  modeled  on  that  of  the  Koinan  household,  in  which  the 
father5  ruled  over  all  its  members  and  descendants  with  absolute 
authority.6  As  the  union  of  several  households  formed  the 
clan,7  so  the  union  of  several  clans  formed  the  tribe.8  After 
the  admission  of  the  Sabines 9  and  the  Albans 10  into  the  com- 
munity on  a  footing  of  equality,  the  number  of  tribes  or  parts 

1  The  other  building  attributed  to  this  period,  remains  of  which  still  exist,  is  Career 
Mamertlmtf.  or  prison,  built  over  the  well,  or  TiiU'mnmit. 

1  VattisMurda. 

Thi-  was  the  circus  maximus,  and  the  beginning  of  the  great  Roman  games  (ludi 
iml  Romani). 

The  exact  location  of  this  temple  has  been  in  modern  times  a  matter  of  dispute; 
tic  Italian  topographers  placing  it  on  the  northern  summit,  which  is  now  occnpitd  by 
the  church  and  monastery  of  Aracrsli,  and  the  nr.r  with  the  temple  of  Juno  Moiieta  on 
the  southwestern  point  of  the  hill.  German  scholars  have  reversed  ihis  order.  The 
recent  excavations  for  the  new  (Jerman  Archaeological  building  and  inscriptions  discov- 
ered by  Dr.  Henzen  have  set  this  question  at  rest,  fixing  the  site  of  the  temple  definitely 
on  the SOUth western  summit  nr:ir  where  the  Callarelli  palace  is.  See  p.  37. 

5  PtiftrfuHii'i'ix.  "   /'tit/in /»••  '  <;>  us.  or  house. 

•  That  is.  p;>rt  i///';»*i  of  the  whole  community.  This  division  had  reference  prima- 
rily to  the  people,  but  it  wti-  al-o  applied  to  their 'lands  so  far  as  they  were  divided.  As 
the  curies  were  made  up  of  the  fimtfx  (theoretically  ten  in  each  curia),  there  is  not  much 
doubt  that  the  curies  Lad  their  own  lauds.  This  division  into  curies  had  a  religions 
a-  well  as  a  politic-il  -ocrnific  nice  The  two  peonies  met  a"d  voted  by  curie-  for  judicial 
purposes,  and  the  levie-  ai  d  valuations  wen-  made  by  curi<-s.  Eacli  cmia  \va<  under  the 
charge  of  a  special  warden  (curio),  and  had  a  prie-st  of  its  own  (flu:.  >.  See 

p.  34.  "  See  p.  5.  10  See  p.  16. 


THE  EARLY  GOVERNMENT  OF  ROME.          19 

of  the  community,  was  increased  to  three,  named  respectively 
J!tt  in  ><(>*,  Titiex,  and  Litceres,  each  of  which  was  divided  into  ten 
curice,  or  wardships,  and  each  curia  into  ten  houses  or  gentes. 

2.  The  King. — To  rule  this  enlarged  family  or  household 
of  the  Eoman  state,  there  was  selected  one  from  its  own  ranks, 
called  the  king ; l  who  ruled  for  life  and  exercised  the  same 
unlimited  authority  over  the  community  that  the  father  exer- 
cised in  the  household.    The  king  possessed  the  supreme  civil2 
and  military3  power  ;  that  is,  he  commanded  the  army,  admin- 
istered justice,  and  presided  whenever  he  summoned  the  whole 
community4  or  the  heads  of  the  different  clans5  to  consult 
them  concerning  any  measure  of  public  policy.     He  Avas  also  the 
high-priest  of  the  nation,  for  he  alone  could  mediate  between  the 
gods  and  the  people,  and  perform  the  sacrifices  for  the  state. 

3.  The  Senate. — Just  as  the  father  of  a  household  could 
call  the  different  members  of  the  same  clan  together  in  case  of 
need  for  consultation,  so  the  king,  in  matters  pertaining  to 
the  interest  of  all  the  clana  collectively,  or  that  of  the  whole 
community,   selected  the  clan-elders,   or  heads  of  the  most 
influential  families6  to  form  a  state  council,  called  the  senate7 
or  "  council  of  elders."    The  senate  consisted  of  three  hundred 
members,  because   it   was   intended  that  each   of  the   three 
hundred  houses  composing  the  community  should  be  repre- 
sented in  the  senate.    The  senators  held  their  seats  for  life,  and 
in  case  of  death  the  king  filled  the  vacancy.     The  senate  was 
merely  a  consultative  body,  free  to  give  advice,  but  with  no 
means  to  enforce  its  acceptance. 

4.  The  Comitia  Curiata.— The  king  could  summons  the 
members8  of  the  different  families  that  formed  the  state  to  a 
popular  assembly  called  comitia  curiata,  to  decide  such  matters 
of  general  importance  as  he  chose  to  lay  before  them,     The  king 
presided,  and  the  voting  was  done  by  curice,  that  is,  there  were 
thirty  votes,  as  the  members  of  each  curia  formed  one  vote.    This 

1  Rex,  leader,  or  dictator,  commander^  or  magteter  populi,  master  of  the  people. 
'  Regiajxjt-  •*  Regium  imptrium. 

'  CoiiMia  curiata,  i.  «.,  the  heads  of  the  faniilieb  and  their  grown-up  gems. 
6  Regium  concilium. 

•  The  number  in  the  senate  corresponded  to  the  number  of  clans.  *  Senatus. 

•  /',///».<  i'<tii,',r,<i>s  patriciarum  gentimn  it  fllttfamUtqi,  i.  «.,  the  chiefs  of  the 
;ind  tbtur  sons. 


20          THE  EARLY  GOVERNMENT  OF  ROMK. 

assembly  confirmed  the  election  of  the  king,1  the  declaration  of 
war  or  peace,  enacted  laws,  and,  when  the  king  allowed,  judged 
all  matters  pertaining  to  the  liie  or  privileges  of  the  people. 

5.  The  Army. — In  case  of  war  each  tribe  furnished,  under 
the  command  of  an  officer  called  the  tribune,  for  the  common 
defence,  1000  foot-soldiers,  and  100  horsemen  or  equitcs.    The 
quota  from  the  three  tribes,  the  3000  foot-soldiers  and  the  300 
horsemen,  formed  the  army  or  legion. 

6.  The  Patricians. — The  members  of  those  families  form- 
ing the  state,  exercised  exclusively  all  the  political  power  and 
enjoyed  all  the  honors.     They  alone  rendered  service  in  the 
army  and  constituted  the  people  or  popuhis?    They  guarded 
their  privileges  with  great  jealousy ;   and  that  these  might  be 
enjoyed  by  them  and  their  descendants  alone,  they  denied  to  all 
foreigners  the  right  of  intermarriage.3    When  any  member  of 
one  of  these  clans  concluded  a  marriage  in  the  usual  form,  the 
children  received  the  same  rights  that  their  father  enjoyed,  and 
hence  they  were  called  "fathers'  children,"  or  patricians.4    All 
others  were  not  regarded  as  members 'of  the  community,  and 
were  entirely  destitute  of  political  rights. 

7.  Clients. — By  the  side  of  the  patricians  there  existed  an 
inferior  class,  the  clients,  to  whom  the  patricians  stood  in  the 
relation  of  patron.3     They  were  probably  prisoners  of  war, 
subject  not  as  the  plebeians  were  to  the  state,  but  to  the  dif- 
ferent heads6  of  the  great  patrician  houses,  whose  lands  they 
cultivated,  or  under  whose  protection  they  carried  on  trade.    It 

1  It  was  to  the  head*  of  all  the  families,  the  pfitrfx.  and  not  to  the  few  represented  in 
the  pennte,  to  which  the  full  power  <•'///////<<  /*//<  .>Yf/*  i  returned  in  ca-e  the  king  died.  All 
the  head^  of  familio  (patrtafamUias  /,>ifri<-i<ir>irt<  •  mbk'd  on  the  death  of  the 

kiiii:  in  a  council  (i-o/n-t'inin  i/nlfinin  and  chu-c  from  their  number  a  temporary  king  dn- 
terrex)  for  five  day-,  and  he  nominated  hi-  succe-sor.  To  the  second  Werrexor  hi-  ,-uc- 
cessors  belonged  the  duty  of  nominating  a  kini:  for  life.  Thi-  new  kint;  mu-t.  however, 
before  beintr  in-tailed  in  ofiice.  receive  "  the  authority  from  the  fathers''  i  /in trii in 
auctoritat)  to  convoke  th.  .  e.,  the  body  of  patrician*  before  which  he 

laid  for  their  approval  the  rto,  by  which  the  people  (i.  e  ,  the  fathers  and 

their  grown-np  MM,-  ;«>  him  the  power  to  command  the  army,  impose  taxes 

(fnf»itum)  or  tines  (i,,>i>t,t  ,f;,-f;/,\,  and  decide  absolutely  in  regard  to  the  life  ordeatli  (jus 
•;•'/•<- i  of  a  member  cf  the  community.  By  soiiie  authorities  the  right  of  electing 
the  kini;  i-  a-  -iiri.ed  to  the  senators, ;. , .,  to  those  head-  of  the  families  represented  in  the 
senate,  instead  of  to  the  head*  of  all  the  families  assembled  in  a  council.  Mommsen. 
who  thinks  that  plebeian  families  were  represented  in  the  -eiiaie.  a--igns  the  election  of 
the  kinw  to  the  patrician  part  of  the  -enate.  The  view  presented  in  the  text  accords  with 
the  tradition,  and  seems  more  sati-faerory.  because  the  full  power  ought  to  return,  on 
the  death  of  the  kint:,  to  the  heads  of  all  the  families,  and  uot  to  those  who  happened  to 
be  represented  in  the  senate.  See  p.  50,  n.  3. 

ere  called  Popvli  Rrmnni  O>/in'fx.  bnt  in  their  civil  capacity  simply  Qui 
rite.  Miinubii.          •  /',/  '  /'<t/ ,•<>/">••.          •  Patres  feu 


THE  EARLY  GOVERNMENT  OF  ROME.          21 

was  the  duty  of  the  patron  to  protect  the  public  and  private 
interests  of  his  clients,  and  they  in  turn  were  obliged  to  aid 
and  support  in  every  way  the  patrician  to  whom  they  were 
bound. 

8.  Slaves. — There  were  also  the  slaves,1  who  had  no  per- 
sonal and  political  rights,  but  were  the  mere  property  of  their 
makers,  and  could  be  bought  and  sold  at  pleasure. 

9.  Plebeians. — In  addition  to  these  three  classes,  there 
gradually  grew  up  another  class,  the  plebeians,2  as  they  were 
called,  from  not  being,  like  the  patricians,  members  of  the 
rnri(t>.    This  class  was  composed  of  the  former  inhabitants  of 
conquered  towns,3 — particularly  the  members  of  the   Latin 
communities  and  the  Tusci  in  Etruria,  who  sought  protection 
in  Rome  from  the  victorious  Rasennse,4 — and  of  others  who  had 
fled  to  Rome  for  refuge.5    They  were  personally  free,  could 
acquire  and  bequeath  property  and  engage  in  trade,  but  were 
entirely  without  political  rights. 

10.  The  Reform  of  Tarquinius  Priscus. — In  consequence 
of  the  rapid  growth  of  territory  and  the  removing  of  large 
masses  of  population  to  Rome,  the  plebeians  constantly  in- 
creased in  numbers  and  soon  demanded  a  share  in  the  political 
privileges  of  the  state.  This  demand  was  met  first  by  the 
reform  which  tradition  attributes  to  Tarquinius  Priscus.6  The 
reform  was  brought  about  by  inserting  into  the  existing  tribes 
and  curies  the  most  important  plebeian  families,7  not  on  a 
footing  of  equality,  but  in  the  subordinate  relation  of  the 
second  Ramnes,  Titles  and  Luceres.  The  king,  by  virtue  of 
his  power  to  fill  up  the  senate,8  added  a  number  of  new  mem- 


1  Servi.     *  Plebs,  multitude.     '  Pereyrini  dediticit.  _    *  Vicvs  Tutcus.     *  Transfvgce. 

•  The  king  wished  to  incorporate  the  plebeians  with  the  state  by  adding  three  new 
tribes  ;  but  as  every  change  in  the  constitution  must  receive  the  sanction  of  the  patres 
(pu'rum  anctori(a*)  in  their  assembly  by  curia,  (concilium  curiatum),  and  this  must  be 
ratified  by  the  whole  people  (juasux  iiopuli)  in  the  comifia  curiata,  he  was  unable  to 
accomplish  it.  This  opposition  tradition  has  expressed  in  the  story  of  the  Sabine 
augur  Anus  Navius.  who  said  that  the  pat  res  (i.  «.,  the  Sabines)  refused  their  authority, 
and  that  the  auspices  were  unfavorable.  The  story  runs  that  the  king,  in  order  to  test 
the  aiiLjur.  a-ked  him  if  what  he  was  thinking  of  could  be  done.  The  augur  replied, 
after  consuitinsr  the  auspices,  that  it  could.  Thereupon  the  king  said.  "  I  was  thinking 
that  i  huu  shouldst  cut  this  whetstone  with  a  razor."  Navius  took  the  razor  and  imme- 
diately cut  the  stone  in  two.  In  consequence  of  this  miracle  the  king  gave  up  his  design. 
The  knife  and  the  stone  were  buried  in  the  forum,  and  a  statue  of  Attus  Navius  wftf 
erected  there  to  commemorate  the  miracle  he  had  wrought. 

*  Lectio  senatuq- 


22          THE  EARLY  GOVKKNMKXT  OF  HOME. 

bers,  called  patres  minorum  gentium,  to  distinguish  them  from 
the  old  senators  who  were  termed  patres  majorum  gentium. 
The  number  of  eqiutc*  was  increased  to  six  hundred. 

11.  The  Reform  of  Servius  Tallius. — The  reform  begun 
by  Tarquinius  is  said  to  have  been  carried  out  by  his  successor, 
Servius  Tullius.    His  object  was  to  incorporate  the  whole  body 
of  plebeians  with  the  state.     This  he  did  by  a  new  division 
of  the  people,  in  which  he  assigned  to  property  the  influence 
which  formerly  belonged  to  birth.     The  reform  was  based  on 
the  principle  that  taxes1  and  military  service  should  devolve 
upon  the  freeholders2  or  the  wealthy,8  whether  they  were 
patricians  or  plebeians.     He  divided  the  whole  Roman  terri- 
tory into  four  tribes,  and  the  whole  population  subject  to 
military  service  and  possessing  two  or  more  jugera*  of  land, 
into  five  classes,  according  to  their  property.     The  position  of 
every  citizen  in  the  classes  was  determined  by  a  census,  which 
was  a  register  of  the  citizens  and  their  property.    There  were 
170  centuries  of  infantry — SO  from  the  first  class,  30  from  the 
fifth,  and  20  from  cacli  of  the  other  three — 18  of  cavalry,  and  5 
of  musicians,  armorers  and  carpenters,  in  all  193  centuries. 

12.  The  first  class  embraced  those  who  possessed  a  normal 
farm5  of  about  20  jugera;6  the  other  classes  possessed  respec- 
tively |>  £,  \,  ^  as  much.    The  first  class  was  divided  into 
infantry7  and  cavalry,8  as  were  all  five  classes  into  seniores  and 

1  7*ributiim.          »  Astft?i/l.  »  Lo&rplete*.  •  Jiiqerum,  abont  ?  of  an  acre. 

•  The  MIUIU— of  the  tir-l  cla-s  100,000  HM-fx  or  more,  and  of  the  others  75.000,  50,00f. 
?5,000,  and  11,000  respectively— \va-<  not  until  the  time  of  Appius  Claudius  (B.C.  313) 
expressed  in  money.  The  following  table  will  show  the  census  of  each  cla-ss,and  imuiL«i 
of  centuries  it  contained  : 

I.  HORSEMEN,  on  KNIOHTS. 

1.  fi  old  centuries.  K.X  fujf'rtujia  . .  .census.... first  class. 

2.  12  new  centuries,  '•  " 

n.  FOOT. 

1st  class,  80  centuries  (40  of  sen  lores,  40  jnniores).  cen-ns  100.000  asses. 
2d      "      30         "        (10         "  10       "       V,      "        78,0 

8d  20  (10          "  10       "       ),      "        50.000     " 

4th     '       20  (10          "  10       "        ),      "        2T,(ino     " 

5th     "      30         "         (15          "  15       "        ).      "        11,000     " 

1  century  of  proletarii,  census  under  11.000  n~so- 
4  centuries  of  imiMcinns  and  workmen,  cen.su>  none. 

Total,  l!Ki  centiinc-. 

Dionysins  crive-  the  rensn*  of  the  5th  class  12,500  a-- PS. 

At  the  time  IB.  c.  268)  silver  coinairc  wa>  introduced.  10  assos-  =  1  silver  denarius  = 
•  bout  20  cents.    This  is  about  the  time  that  the  census  was  expressed  in  money  :  1,00? 
-    -  $20. 

>'»'» 


THE  EARLY  GOVERNMEITT  OP  ROME.  23 

juniores.  The  younger  men,  from  seventeen  to  forty-five  years 
of  age,  were  employed  for  service  in  the  field  ;  the  elder,  from 
forty-five  to  sixty,  were  retained  at  home  for  the  defence  of  the 
city.  All  the  classes  had  to  provide  their  own  arms  and  armor. 

13.  The  Armor. — The  first  class  appeared  in  full  armor, 
with  shield  of  brass,1  helmet,2  cuirass,8  greaves,4  spear9  for 
attack,  and  sword,6  and  fought  in  the  front  rank  of  the  pha- 
lanx.   The  second  class7  was  placed  behind  the  first    They 
wore  no  cuirass,  but  had  instead  a  large  wooden  shield 8  cov- 
ered with  leather.     The  third  class  had  the  same  except  the 
greaves ;  and  the  fourth  carried  only  the  shield,  spear  and 
sword.    The  fifth   class  did  not  serve  in  the  phalanx,  but 
fought  outside  with  darts  and  slings.9 

Besides  these  classes,  there  were  the  non-freeholders,10  who 
furnished  four  centuries  of  workmen  and  musicians,  and  one 
century  of  substitutes,  who  marched  with  the  army  unarmed,11 
and,  when  vacancies  occurred,  took  their  places  in  the  ranks. 
These  five  classes  formed  the  infantry  and  cavalry.  The  cav- 
alry was  taken  from  the  first  class,  and  twelve  new  centuries 
were  added,  thus  increasing  the  number  to  eighteen. 

14.  The  Comitia  Csnturiata. — This  was  the  military 
order  of  the  people.    The  same  order  was  observed  when  the 
king  summoned  them  from  time  to  time  to  meet  outside  of 
the  city,  on  the  campus  Martins,  to  consult  them  concerning 
war  or  peace,  laws  or  elections,  or  other  important  matters. 
This  assembly  was  called  the  comitia  centuriata,  afld  each  cen- 
tury had  one  vote,  which  was  decided  by  the  majority  of  indi- 
vidual voters.    The  tendency  of  this  system  was  to  place  in  the 
hands  of  the  wealthiest — who  formed  the  eighty  centuries  of 
the  first  class,  and  the  eighteen  centuries  of  equites — whether 
patricians  or  plebeians,  the  chief  power. 

In  case  of  war  the  levy,13  sufficient  to  form  two  legions  of 
i,250  men  each,  was  made  by  tribes  from  the  85  centuries  of 
juniores.  Of  the  8,500  men,  each  tribe  furnished  2,125. 


*  Ocre<e.  7  Principal.  10  Proletarii. 

Galea.  •  fiasfa.  i»m.  "  Vffa'i. 

Loriea.  •  Gladius.  •  Lapides  mtesilea.  "Delectus. 


THE  EARLY  GOVERNMENT  OF  ROME. 


15.  This  constitution,  while  it  gave  the  plebeians  a  share 
in  the  defence  of  the  shite,  and  placed  them  side  by  side  with 
the  patricians  in  the  live  classes  of  citizens,  where  nothing  pre- 
vented them  from  reaching  the  highest,   left  untouched   all 
the   old   privileges  of  the  patricians — the  right  to  elect  the 
interrex,   take    the   auspices,1  eligibility  to    the    senate    and 
comitia   curiata,   the  power  to  authorize   or  not    the   chief 
magistrate2  to  appear  before  the  comitia  curiata  for  them  to 
ratify8  his  election,  or  any  change  in  the  constitution  which  he 
might  propose. 

16.  The  Lustrum. — After  completing  his  arrangements, 
Servius  Tullius  performed  a  solemn  purification  of  the  city  and 

people.  He  summoned  the 
whole  people  to  assemble  in 
full  armor  in  the  c(iin)»<« 
Mortius,  ranked  according 
to  classes  and  centuries.  The 
sacriliees4  consisting  of  a 
pig,  sheep  and  ox,  were  car- 
ried three  times  around  the 
assembled  multitude.5  and 
then  offered  to  Mars.  After 
that  the  king  prayed  to  the 
gods  to  bless  and  preserve 
the  people.  This  ceremony 
was  preserved  under  the  re- 
public as  the  closing  act  of 
the  census,  and  as  the  cen- 
sus was  regularly  taken  once  in  five  years,  the  word  lustrum 
was  frequently  used  to  denote  that  space  of  time. 

1  Jug  aitspMorum.  *  Pat  rum  avctf>ri.fa*.  '  Lex  curiata  'le  i/»p'  r'i<>. 

•  SuoretaurUia  (train  sut,  pig  f  .    '  Hence  called  <n 

•  The  expiatory  sacritiee  was  performed  as  the  closing-act  of  the  census,  anil  also  after 
tlie  triumph.     The  ciiL'ravint:  is  from  the  arch  of  OOBBttDtine,  and  shows  tiie  sacrifice 
performed  by  Trajan  ( gee  p.  I."*)  in  presence  of  his  army.   The  emperor  Mirroundcd  by  his 
army  bearing  rfii/ln  (standard:?  made  by  fastening  cloth  ton  nan^ver-e  pieceof  wood)  and 

•  -tandards.  one  b<'in_r  decorated  with  porirrts  and  the  other  plain  ; 
the  verilluin  to  the  left  has  n  decorated  pole)  is  pouring  a  libation  on  the  burning  altar. 
The  animals  are  led  forward  by  servants;  a  Camilla*  oilers  a  box  of  incense  to  the 
emperor,  while  the  trumpeters  are  intoninir  the  fanfare.  In  the  bas-relief  of  the  sacrifice 
at  the  I'/.-ifri'in  the  censor  stands.at  the  left  inserting  the  names  of  citizens  and  soldiers  in 
the  census  list  ;  t  wo  musicians  are  playing  the  cithara  and  flute  respectively,  uhilea  priest 
pours  the  libation  into  a  vase  presented  by  a  camUlus  :  the  animals  are  crowned  and  led 
forward  by  servants,  while  another  servant  carries  a  box  of  iuceuse  on  his  shoulder. 


SUOVETACRILIA.* 


THE  HISTORY   OF  THE   REGAL   PERIOD.  25 


CILAJ>TER    III. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  EEGAL  PERIOD — ITS 

LIVY'S  NARRATIVE — OTHER  SOURCES. 

1.  The  chief  authorities  for  the  history  of  the  regal  period 
are  Livy  and  Dionysius  of  Halikarnassus.     They  both  wrote 
their  histories  in  the  time  of  Augustus,  and,  so  far  as  this  period 
is  concerned,  nearly  one  thousand  years  after  the  events  they 
relate.    It  is  true  they  gained  their  information  from  the  annal- 
ists ;  but  the  oldest  of  these,  Fabius  Pictor  and  Cincius  Alimen- 
tus,  did  not  live  earlier  than  the  time  of  the  second  Punic  war. 

2.  Early  Records. — For  the  time  after  the  regal  period 
they  no  doubt  made  use  of  contemporary  records,  as  the  annales 
maximi,  chronological  lists  of  events  kept  by  the  pontifex  max* 
imus ;  of  the  inscriptions1  in  the  houses  of  the  great  families, 
enumerating  the   magistracies  they   had   held;    or  of    other 
archives,  which  were  preserved  with  great  care  at  Rome.    But 
for  the  regal  period  there  were  very  few  public  documents  of 
any  kind.     This  is  not  surprising,  for  the  art  of  writing  was 
not  introduced  into  Rome  until  the  time  of  Tarquinius  Prisons, 
and  probably  for  many  centuries  after  its  use  was  confined  to 
the  few;  and  further,  most  public  and  private  records  were 
destroyed  in  the  burning  of  the  city  by  the  Gauls  (B.  c.  390). 

3.  Oral  Tradition. — The  only  information,  then,  which  the 
historians  and  annalists  had  of  the  regal  period  was,  in  the  main, 
oral  tradition,  which  in  the  lapse  of  time  became  so  changed 
that  but  little  reliability  could  be  placed  in  it  as  a  groundwork 
for  history.2    This  unwritten   tradition,  however,  which  had 

1  These  were  inscriptions  under  the  wax  portrait*  which  stood  in  the  Atrium,  record- 
ing the  masri-tracie-'  held  by  the  distinguished  member*  of  the  family. 

*  Livy  (vi.  1)  realized  this,  for  he  say*  :  The  history  of  this  i>eriod  is  obscure,  partly 
from  great  antiquity,  like  objects  rendered  almost  imperceptible  by  their  distance, 
partly  because  in  these  times  the  use  of  letters,  the  only  faithful  guard'ian  of  flic  mem- 
ory  of  events,  was  inconsiderable  and  rare,  and  besides  whatever  was  contained  in  thi 
commentaries  of  the  pontiff*,  or  other  public  or  private  records,  perished  for  the  most 
Vilrt  iu  the  burning  of  the  city. 


26  THE   HISTORY   OP  THE   REGAL    PERIOD. 

grown  up  in  the  course  of  so  many  centuries,  and  which  often 
gave  contradictory  narratives  of  the  same  event,  the  early  his- 
torians accepted  without  hesitation.  In  this  way  it  came  to 
pass  that  even  in  regard  to  the  foundation  of  the  city  no  less 
than  twenty-five  different  accounts  were  developed.  The  one 
that  was  accepted  with  the  most  favor,  attributing  the  origin 
of  Rome  to  a  Trojan  colony,  was  reduced  to  its  present  form 
by  Fabius  Pictor,  the  first  prose  writer  at  Eome,  and  adopted 
by  Vergil  and  Livy. 

4.  Livy's  Account  of  the  Origin  of  Rome. — According 
to  this  legend,  JEneas,  the  son  of  Anchises,  having  collected  a 
few  friends,  fled  after  the  fall  of  Troy  to  seek  a  new  home. 
After  various  adventures  he  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Italy,  and 
was  hospitably  received   by  the   king   Latinus,  who   made  a 
league  with  him  and  gave  him  his  daughter  Lavinia  in  mar- 
riage.   ^Eneas  then  built  a  town  and  called  it  in  honor  of  his 
wife  Lavinium.     After  the  death  of  .ZEneas,  his  son  Ascanius 
became  king.     He  left  Lavinium  and  built  a  new  city  on  Mt. 
Albanus,  which  he  called  Alba  Long  a.    The  succession  con- 
tinued in  his  family  until  the  time  of  Numitor,  the  son  of 
Procas,  who  was  deprived  of  his  throne  by  his  younger  brother 
Amulius.     Amulius,  that  he   might   retain   the  government, 
killed  the  son  of  Numitor,  and  made  his  daughter,  l»liea  Silvia, 
a  vestal  virgin,  in  order  that  she  might  remain  unmarried. 
But  when  she  bore  the  twins,  Romulus  and  Remus,  to  the  god 
Mars,  the  king  ordered  her  to  be  killed  and  the  twins  thrown 
into  the  Tiber. 

5.  Romulus  and  Remus. — At  this  time  it  happened  that 
the  Tiber  had  overflowed  its  banks,  forming  shallow  pools.     In 
one  of  these  the  servant  of  the  king  placed  the  cradle  with  the 
children,  thinking  that  it  would  float  down  the  stream  and  then 
sink.     The  gods  watched  over  tin1  children,  and  the  cradle  was 
wafted  to  the  foot  of  the  Palatine,  where  it  was  overturned  by 
the  roots  of  a  wild  fig-tree,  near  the  cave  of  the  god  Lupercus. 
The  water  subsiding  left  the  boys  on  dry  land.    Here  they  were 
suckled  by  a  she-wolf  from  the  cave  of  Lupercus  until  they 
were  found  by  the  shepherd  Faustulus,  who  took  them  to  his 


T1IE  HISTORY   OF  THE   REGAL  PERIOD. 


wife,  Accu  Larentia,  to  be  brought  up  with  his  own  children, 
and  called  them  Romulus  and  Remus.  The  two  brothers  dis- 
covered the  mystery  of  their  birth  by  accident,  and  restored  the 
throne  to  their  grandfather,  Numitor. 

6.  The  Foundation  of  Rome.  —  They  determined  to  leave 
Alba,  and  found  a  city  on  one  of  the  hills  by  the  Tiber,  where 
;hey  had  been  brought  up.     But  as  neither  of  the  brothers 
ivould  yield  to  the  other,  there  arose  a  quarrel  between  them 
and  their  followers,  who  should  give  a  name  to  the  new  city  and 
govern  it.    It  was  agreed  to  let  the  gods  decide  the  question 
by  a  sign  from  the  sacred  birds.    Romulus  and  his  followers 
took  their  station  on  the  Palatine,  and  Remus  on  the  Aventine. 
Remus  first  saw  six  vultures,  but  Romulus  straightway  after 
saw  twelve.     Each  claimed  the  augury  in  his  own  favor,  one  on 
account  of  the  priority  of  time,  the  other  on  account  of  the 
number  of  birds.     The  shepherds,  however,  decided  in  favor  of 
Romulus,  who  built  the  town  on  the  Palatine1  and  called  it 
Rome,  from  his  own  name.    He  then  drew  a  furrow  round  it 
with  the  sacred  plow,  and  along  by  the  furrow  he  built  a  wall 
which  marked  the  line  or  sacred  belt  of  the  pomerium.    Remus, 
in  derision,  leaped  over  the  new  built  wall,  whereupon  Romulus 
slew  him,  saying:  "So  shall  every  one  die  who  dares  to  leap 
over  these  walls." 

7.  The  War  with  the  Latins.  —  In  order  to  people  his 
ni'\v  city,  Romulus  opened  an  asylum  2  or  place  of  refuge  on  the 
Capitoliue  hill,  to  which  he  invited  the  lawless  and  discontented 
from  all  the  country  round.     These  he  received,  protected,  and 
made  citizens  of  his  new  town.     Women  were  wanting,  and 
he  applied   to  the  neighboring  cities  to  give  their  daughters 
\i\  marriage.     This  they  scornfully  refused.    When  Romulus 
heard  this,  he  concealed  his  anger,  .but  presently  invited  the 
dwellers  round  about  to  come  to  Rome,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  to  see  the  games  which  he  was  going  to  celebrate  in 


1  According  to  the  Varronian  era,  Rome  was  founded  April  21,  73S,  on  the  day  of  the 
Pali'ia.  Thi>  i*  generally  accepted.  The  other  principal  era*  are  those  of  Cato.  751  B.C.; 
of  Polybius  75'tB.c.;  and  of  Fabius  Pictor,  747  B.C.  In  practice  the  era  of  Varro  is 
reckoned  from  Jau.  1,  753. 

"•  Plut  Rom. 


28  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE   REGAL   PERIOD. 

honor  of  the  god  Census.  The  Sabincs  and  Latins  came  in 
great  crowds,  and  when  all  were  intent  on  the  games,  the 
Romans^rushed  on  their  guests  and  carried  away  the  young 
women.  The  parents  returned  home  and  prepared  to  take 
vengeance  on  Romulus  and  his  people.  First,  the  men  of  the 
Latin  towns,  Caenina,  Antemnas,  and  Crustumerium,  rushed  to 
arms,  but  these  were  defeated  by  Romulus,  who  slew  with  his 
own  hand  Acron,  king  of  Caenina,  and  dedicated  his  armor, 
as  spolia  opima,  to  Jupiter. 

8.  War  with  the   Sabines. — The   Sabines,   who  lived 
farther  up  the  mountains,  next  raised  an  army  and  marched 
to  Rome,  and  encamped  on  the  Quirinal  hill,  directly  oppo- 
site the  capitol.     Now  one  day  when  Tarpeja,  the  daughter 
of  the  warden  of  the  capitol,  went  out  to  draw  water,  the 
Sabines  begged  her  to  open    the  gate  to  the  citadel.     This 
she  promised  to  do  if  they  would  give  her  what  they  wore  on 
their  left  arms,  meaning  the  gold  bracelets  and  rings.     When 
they  had  penetrated  into  the  citadel,  they  threw  their  heavy 
shields,  which  they  wore  on  their  left  arms,  on  Tarpeja,  and 
crushed   her   to   death.     The   Romans  attempted   to   recover 
the  hill,  and  the  two  armies  met  in  the  valley  between  the 
Palatine  and  the  Capitoline.     The  champion  of  the  Romans 
was  Hostus  Hostilius,  and  that  of  the  Sabines  Mettus  Curtius. 
The  Sabines  prevailed  and  were  pursuing  the  Romans  from  the 
Velia  up  the  hill,  when  Romulus  vowed  a  temple  to  Jupiter 
Stator,1  the  Stayer  of  Flight.    The  Romans  stopped  and  renewed 
the  battle,  and  drove  the  Sabines  back  towards  the  Capitoline 
hill.     Then  it  was  that  Mettus  Curtius  sank  with  his  horse 
into  the  marsh  and  nearly  perished.      The   place  where  this 
happened  was  called  the  Lake  of  Curtius.     At  length  the  Sabine 
women  rushed  between  the  combatants  and  prayed  their  hus- 
bands and  fathers  to  be  reconciled.     The  prayer  was  heard,  and 
the  chiefs  of  the  two  peoples  made  peace. 

9.  The  Union  of  the  Romans  and  Sabines. — It  was 
agreed  that  the  Sabines  should  remain  in  Rome  and  the  two 

1  The  temple  of  Jupiter  Stator  was  situated  near  the  Porta  Mugtonis.    Remains  of 
tufa  blocks  belonging  to  an  ancient  restoration  of  the  temple  have  been  fouud. 


THE   HISTOKY   OF  THE   REGAL   PERIOD.  29 

peoples  form  one  nation.  The  Eomans  still  occupied  the 
Palatine,  and  the  Sabines  the  Quirinal  under  their  king  Titus 
Tatius,  who  reigned  jointly  with  Romulus.  The  united  people 
were  called  Eomans  and  Quirites,1  because  Tatius  came  from 
the  city  of  Cures.  The  two  peoples  met  to  transact  their  affairs 
in  common  in  the  valley  between  the  two  hills,  which  was  called 
Mini t in m,  or  the  place  of  meeting.  Titus  Tatius  quarreled 
with  the  men  of  Laurentum,  and  while  offering  sacrifices  at 
Lavinium  was  slain.  From  this  time  Romulus  reigned  alone 
over  the  two  peoples,  and  made  laws  to  govern  them  in  peace 
and  war. 

10.  The  Constitution  of  Romulus. — First  of  all  he 
divided  his  people  into  patricians  and  clients.  He  then  divided 
the  patricians  into  three  tribes,  the  Ramnes,  Tities  and  Luceres, 
and  each  of  the  three  tribes  into  ten  curies.  The  patricians, 
when  they  assembled  to  vote  or  make  laws,  came  each  in  his 
curia,  and  each  curia  had  one  vote  decided  by  the  majority  of 
voters  in  it.  The  curia  was  composed  of  the  beads  of  the  houses, 
which  also  had  their  own  laws,  customs,  ana  sanctuaries.  The 
clients  were  the  dependents  of  the  patricians,  whom  they  were 
to  protect  in  every  way  against  injustice.  From  the  patricians  he 
chose  three  hundred  of  the  oldest  and  wisest  to  be  his  council  of 
senators.  Out  of  the  young  men  he  chose  a  legion  of  3,000  foot- 
soldiers  and  300  horsemen,  according  to  the  number  of  the  three 
tr'lies  and  thirty  curies,  out  of  every  curia  100  foot-soldiers  and 
ten  horsemen. 

The  story  goes  on  in  the  same  mythical  vein  to  tell  how, 
after  a  reign  of  thirty-seven  years,  Romulus  was  suddenly 
removed  from  the  world  while  reviewing  his  people  on  the 
campus  Martius.  There  arose  suddenly  a  fearful  storm,  the 
sun  was  darkened,  but  when  daylight  returned  Romulus  had 
disappeared.  His  father,  Mars,  had  carried  him  up  to  heaven 
in  a  fiery  chariot.  His  people  mourned  for  him  until  Proculus, 
a  senator,  said  that  on  his  way  to  Alba  Romulus  had  met  him  and 
promised  to  protect  the  Romans  under  the  name  of  Quirinus. 

1  For  the  derivation,  see  p.  15,  note. 


50  THE   HISTORY   OF  THE    REGAL  PERIOD. 

11.  The  Legend  attributes  the  introduction  of  the  religious 
institutions,  the  reformation  of  the  calendar,  the  formation  of 
the  guilds,*  and  the  erection  of  a  temple  to  Janus,  at  the 
entrance  of  the  forum,  the  gates  of  which  were  opened  during 
war  and  closed  in  time  of  peace,  to  Numa  Pompilius.1     Tullus 
Hostilius  broke  the  power  of  the  Latins  and  destroyed  Alba 
Ancus  Marcius,  the  grandson  of  .Xuma,  built  the  port  of  Ostia. 
the  fortress  on  the  Janiculus,  a  bridge  across  the  Tiber,  and 
laid  the  foundation  of  the  plebeian  order  by  the  settlement  he 
gave  to  the  conquered  people  on  the  A  veil  tine. 

12.  The  Etruscan  Dynasty. — After  this,  the  state  assumed 
a  new  character  from  the  accession  of  an  Etruscan  dynasty  of 
three  kings.    The  first,  Tarquinius  Priscus,  defeated  the  Sabines 
ind  took  Collatia,  subdued  the  Etruscans,  doubled  the  number 
of  noble  houses  in  each  tribe  by  enrolling  plebeians,  commenced 
the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  built  the  cloaca  maxima,  laid 
out  the  circus  in  the  valley  of  Miirdu,  and  introduced  gam<  s 
from  Etruria.     The  second,  Servius  Tullius,  devised  the  new 
roii.-titution,  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Latins,  and  erected  a 
temple  of  Diana  on  the  Aventine  as  a  federal  sanctuary  of  the 
Latin  am'  Roman  people.     The  third,   Tarquinius   Superbus, 
formed  an  alliance  with  Octavius  Mamilius  of  Tusculum,  estab- 
lished the  Latin  games  on  the  Alban  Mount  to  .Jupiter  Latiaris. 
waged  war  on  the  Volscians,  took  their  most  important  town, 
Si«'x*a  Poniefiii,  from  the  spoils  of  which  he  finished  the  temple 
of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  completed  the  sewers  begun  by  Tar- 
quinius Priscus,  obtained  the  Sibylline   books   from   Cumae, 
sent  his  two  sons  to  consult  the  Delphian  oracle,  and  finally 
ruling  with  insolence,  and  endeavoring  to  build  up  his  arbitrary 
power  on  the  destruction  of  the  nobility,  was  driven  from  the 
throne,  and  the  monarchy  which  had  endured  two  hundred  and 
forty-four  years  ended  with  his  reign,  and  the  era  of  the  republic 
began.2 

13.  The  Value  of  this  Narrative. — However  much  the 
story  of  the  expulsion  of  Tarquiuius  and  all  his  house  may  have 

*  See  p.  398,  n.  8.  '  pint.  Numa.  *  See  j).  45. 


THE   HISTORY   OF  THE   REGAL  PERIOD.  31 

been  interwoven  with  anecdotes,  it  cannot  in  its  leading  outlines 
be  called  in  question.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  last 
king  was  a  cruel  and  arbitrary  tyrant ;  that  he  neglected  to 
consult  the  senate  and  complete  its  numbers ;  that  he  unjustly 
pronounced  sentence  of  death  and  confiscation  against  the  lead- 
ing members  of  the  great  houses,  in  order  to  Aveaken  them  in 
influence  and  numbers,  that  he  might  the  easier  build  up  his 
3Avn  arbitrary  power;  and  that  he  finally  exacted  from  the  peo- 
ple military  labors  and  task-work  beyond  what  Avas  due.  These 
measures,  which  threatened  to  coiiA'ert  the  government  of  the 
state  into  an  arbitrary  despotism,  united  the  two  parties,  patri- 
cian and  plebeian,  against  him.  The  exasperation  of  the  peo- 
ple Avas  attested  by  their  VOAV  never  again  to  tolerate  a  king. 
In  regard  to  the  other  events,  the  acts  of  each  king,  how  many 
kings  there  Avere,  hoAV  many  years  each  reigned,  and  hoAV 
long  the  regal  period  lasted,  the  tradition,  interwoven  with 
inconsistencies  and  improbabilities,  at  one  time  attributing 
institutions  to  one  person  and  then  the  same  to  another,  is 
utterly  untrustworthy.  The  full  extent  of  these  inconsisten- 
cies, and  the  A'ast  number  of  traditional  histories,  entirely  incon- 
sistent with  each  other,  are  not  generally  known,  because  the 
history  of  the  regal  period  is  usually  learned  from  LiA-y.  When 
we,  however,  compare  Livy's  narrative  of  eA^ents  with  those  of 
other  writers,  AVC  then  become  aAvare  of  the  uncertainty  which 
prevailed  even  among  the  Romans  themselves. 

14.  Other  Sources. — Still,  Avhile  rejecting  the  traditional 
history  in  the  main,  AVC  must  remember  that  it  is  essentially  of 
Sornan  origin,  and  closely  interwoven  Avith  Roman  manners, 
customs,  and  localities.  This  fact,  taken  in  connection  with  Avhat 
we  learn  from  other  sources  in  regard  to  the  Roman  people, 
enables  us  in  a  measure  to  eliminate  much  that  is  uncertain,  and 
deduce  a  tolerably  true  and  consistent  history  of  the  political 
and  civil  institutions,  and  of  the  religious  and  social  customs  of 
the  Romans,  even  in  that  early  period  of  their  history.  These 
other  sources  are:  (1)  the  excavations  which  have  recently  been 
made  in  the  very  locality  where  the  events  were  transacted; 
(2)  the  study  of  comparative  philology,  which  has  discovered 


82  THE  HISTOEY   OF  THE  EEGAL  PEKIOD. 

that  the  different  races  in  Italy  belonged  to  the  Indo-European 
family,  that  the  Romans,  when  they  first  appeared  on  the  stapv 
of  history  as  a  separate  people,  had  already  in  the  Graeco-Italian 
time  passed  through  a  long  period  of  development,  and  that  the 
groundwork  of  their  religious,  social,  arid  legal  life  had  already 
been  formed;  (.'*)  the  physical  geography  of  the  country,  which 
teaches  how  far  the  development  of  peoples  is  influenced  by 
climate  and  the  peculiar  formation  of  their  country;  (4)  the 
later  history,  which  enables  us  in  some  instances  to  draw  infer- 
ences in  regard  to  the  earlier  history. 

15.  The  Results. — From  a  study  of  these  sources,  certain 
broad  conclusions  have  been  arrived  at,  the  chief  of  which  have 
already  been  indicated.  They  may  be  summed  up  in  the  steady 
growth  of  the  city  until  it  became  the  head  of  Latium,  and 
derived  wealth  and  commercial  importance  from  its  favorable 
position.  A  constitution  based  on  a  patriarchal  aristocracy, 
with  an  elective  monarchy  at  its  head,  was  modified  by  the 
introduction  of  new  elements,  chiefly  from  the  conquered  states. 

Soon  the  necessity  arose  for  incorporating  this  new  element, 
with  the  state.  This  was  done  by  organizing  a  new  military 
system,  which  made  property  instead  of  birth  the  principle  of 
division.  From  this  time  the  plebeians  could  no  longer  be 
kept  separate  as  a  distinct  and  inferior  class,  but  under  the  new 
constitution  they  won  after  long  and  weary  contests  a  position 
in  the  state.  The  last  king,  seeking  to  convert  his  government 
into  an  arbitrary  despotism,  was  expelled  by  both  patricians 
and  plebeians,  whom  the  common  danger  had  for  the  moment 
united,  but  who  differed  again  as  soon  as  the  peril  was  over. 
This  change  in  the  government,  originating  in  the  desire  to 
limit  the  power  of  the  chief  magistrate,  at  least  in  point  of 
time,  was  the  result  of  the  natural  development  of  the  consti- 
tution. For  not  only  at  Rome,  but  in  the  other  Latin  states, 
and  even  in  Greece,  at  about  the  same  time,  the  rulers  for  life 
were  superseded  by  annual  magistrates. 


THE   RELIGION   OF  THE  ROMANS.  33 


TV. 

THE  RELIGION  OF  THE  ROMANS. 

1.  It  is  necessary  before  passing  to  the  history  of  the  Repub- 
iic,  to  glance  at  the  religion  of  Rome,  because  it  exercised  a 
decided  influence  on  the  government  of  the  state.    We  have 
already  learned  that  the  groundwork  of  the  religion  of  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  was  laid1   before  their  separation.    The 
Romans  brought  their  own  gods  and  own  form  of  worship  with 
them  into  the  valley  of  the  Tiber.    The  elements,  then,  of  their 
religion,  like  their  clan-constitution,  were  older  than  the  state; 
the  development  was  peculiar  and  characteristic  of  the  Roman 
mind. 

2.  The  Worship  of  Nature. — The  Roman  was  eminently 
religious.    He  saw  the  agency  of  the  gods  in  everything.     To 
him  all  nature,  the  heavens,  the  earth,  the  mountains,  the 
rivers,  swarmed  with  divine    beings.     Wherever  he  turned, 
whatever  he  undertook,  whether  at  home,  on  his  farm,  or  in 
the  forum,  he  sought  with  scrupulous  care  to  learn  the  will  of 
the  gods  by  prayer  and  offerings.     The  Roman,  on  his  entrance 
into  Italy,  had  the  home  and  the  domestic  hearth,  and  had 
learned  how  to  till  the  soil.    The  gods,  then,  whose  protection 
he  especially  sought,  were  those  of  nature — of  the  forest,  the 
field,  the  grove,  the  mountain,  and  the  home.    Hence  the  honor 
early  paid  to  Jupiter  and  Juno,  the  god  and  goddess  of  the 
clear  sky;  to  Saturnus,  the  seed-sower;  to  Tellus,  the  nour- 
ishing earth;  to  Ceres,  the  goddess  of  germination  and  growth; 
to  Census  and  Ops,  the  god  and  goddess  of  the  harvest;  to 
Pales,  the  goddess  of  the  flocks ;  and  to  Jupiter,2  the  god  of  the 
vine.     These  were  all  worshiped  with  festivals,3  each  in  his 
own  proper  month. 

1  Page  11. 

•  Jupiter  was  worshiped  under  name*  according  to  the  matter  for  which  his  aid  was 
needed:  as  Jupiter  Terrnin .'/.«,  the  god  of  boundaries;  Jupiter  JSliciug,  the  god  of  light- 
ning ;  and  in  the  Capitol  as  Jui/iter  Oi>tinvi*  J/rt.w/c/x. 

a  The  Saturnalia  in  December,  the  TellUia,  Cerialia.  Paltiia.  and  Vinalia  in  April 


34  THE  RELIGION   OF  THE   ROMANS. 

3.  The  Lupercalian  Feast. — The  Romans  heard,  espe- 
cially, the  voices  of  their  gods  in  the  stillness  of  the  forest. 
Pliny  calls  the  groves  the  first  temples  of  the  gods.      Here 
before  the  trees,  as  before  the  altars  of  their  gods,  the  Romans 
offered  their  devotions.    The  oak  was  sacred  to  Jupiter;  the 
olive  to  Minerva.     The  tig-tree  was  an  object  of  especial  wor- 
ship, for  it  was  near  the  fig-tree  at  the  foot  of  the  Palatine 
that  the  twins  Romulus  and  Reintis  were  found.     Xear  by  wa.- 
the  Lupercal,  where  the  god  Lupercus  dwelt.     His  festival, 
called  Lupercalidy  was  celebrated  every  year,  on  the  15th  ot 
February.     After  sacrificing  to  the  god  in  his  cave,  the  priests 
ran  through  the  streets  dressed  in  goats'  skins,  beating  all  whom 
they  met  with  strips  of  goats'  leather.    The  year  closed  with 
the  festival   to  Terminus,  called  the  Tenninalia,  the  god  of 
boundaries. 

4.  Other  Forms  of  Worship. — The  Roman  gods  loved 
to  have  their  thrones  erected  on   the  lofty  hills,  as  Jupiter 
Latiaris  on  the  Alban   Mount,  from  the  sacred  summit  of 
which  he  could  survey  the  whole  plain  of  Latium,  and  as  the 
old  Italian  deity  Apollo  Soranus.  the  god  of  the  sun,  on  Mount 
Soracte.     In  addition  to  these  there  was  the  worship  of  Vul- 
can, the  god  of  fire  and  the  forge;  of  the  Arval  Brothers,  who 
invoked  in  May  the  creative  goddess  Dea  Dia  to  bless  the 
growth  of  the  seed;  that  of  Neptune,  the  god  of  the  sea,  by  the 
sailors,  and  of  Volturnus,  the  god  of  the  Tiber.     In  fact,  every 
person,   house,  curia,  and   tribe,   had  its  own  god,  to  whom 
each  offered  sacrifices  and  prayers.     Particularly  dear  to  the 
Roman  was  the  worship  of  the  godti  a,  with  her  eternal 
fire  burning  on  the  household  hearth,  the  living  symbol  of  the 
goddess.     Her  worship  was  intimately  connected  with  that  of 
the  Penates,  the  protectors  of  the  house,  and  of  the  Lares,  the 
departed  spirits  of  ancestors  who  watched  over  the  family. 

5.  Jupiter  and  Mars. — Besides  these  deities  who  watched 
over  the  fields,  the  flocks,  and  the  house,  the  Romans  also 
paid  worship  to  Jupiter,  the  protector  and  preserver  of  the  state, 
whom  the  Latins  worshiped  on  the  Alban  mount  as  Jupiter  La- 
1  in  ri*}  and  the  Romans  ou  the  Capitoline  as,  Jupiter  Capital  mix. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  THE   ROMANS.  35 

The  Ides*  of  each  month  were  sacred  to  him,  and  a  great  fes- 
tival, the  FericB  Latina,  was  celebrated  once  every  year  on  the 
Alban  Mount.  By  his  side  stood  Mars,  the  protector  of  the 
citizens,  the  father  of  Romulus  and  the  Koman  people;  to 
whom  March,  the  first  month  of  their  year,  was  consecrated, 
and  to  whom  a  great  war  festival  was  celebrated  at  the  begin- 
ning and  end  of  every  campaign. 

6.  The  Worship  of  Quirinus. — After  the  union  of  the 
Palatine  Romans  with  the  Sabines  on  the  Quirinal,  the  Roman 
religion,  influenced  by  the  addition  of  new  and  conservative 
elements,1  entered  upon  a  new  period  of  development.     Both 
tribes  before  their  union  had  worshiped  Jupiter  and  Mars  as 
their  supreme  gods,  and  now  in  common  they  paid  their  devo- 
tions to  Quirinus,  the  god  of  the  united  Ramnes  and  Tities. 
The  point  of  union  for  the  two  tribes  was  found  in  the  curia*, 
which  had  a  religious  as  well  as  a  political  significance.    Each 
curia  had  its  own  place  of  worship,  under  the  direction  of  the 
curio  and  his  priest,  the  flamen  curialis,  and  out  of  the  thirty 
curicB  one  was  selected,  called  curio  maximus,  who  presided 
over  the  whole. 

7.  The  State  Religion. — We  have  learned  that  the  Roman 
government  was  modeled  on  that  of  the  family.    The  state  reli- 
gion also  found  its  counterpart  in  that  of  the  household.    As 
the  family  had  its  own  domestic  altar,  so  the  state  had  a  com- 
mon altar3  in  the  temple  of  Vesta,  the  goddess  of  the  house. 
Just  as  the  family  offered  sacrifices  on  the  domestic  hearth,  so 
the  state  offered  sacrifices  to  the  gods  either  in  this  temple  or 
its  rotunda,  the  so-called  domus  regia.     In  the  regia  were  wor- 
shipped the  two  gods  of  the  Ramnes  and  Tities,  Jupiter  and 
Mars,  and  that  of  the  united   people,  Quirinus,  and  the  old 
Latin  deity  Janus,  god  of  the  beginning  and  end  of  everything, 
and  the  one  whom  the  Romans  invoked  before  any  other  god. 
To  Janus  all  gates  and  doors  were  sacred,  and  he  therefore  car- 
ried a  key  in  his  hand  to  open  and  lock  them.     He  is  always 
represented  with  two  faces,  one  before  and  one  behind,  and 

*  See  p.  259,  u.  3.  >  Page  15.  '  Focus  publicus. 


36  THE   RELIGION    OF  THE   ROMA  N 

hence  called  Bifrons,  or  Biceps.  As  the  god  of  beginning  he 
opened  in  the  morning  the  gates  of  Olympus  and  closed  them 
at  evening.  To  him  the  month  of  January1  Mas  sacred,  and 
the  first  day  of  that  month,  when  the  labors  of  the  husbandman 
began  anew,  sacrifices  of  wine,  incense  and  fruit  were  offered 
to  him.  He  was  invoked  particularly  at  the  beginning  and  end 
of  every  war.  When  the  two  cities  on  the  Palatine  and  Quirinal 
were  united,  a  gate  called  the  Janus  was  erected  in  the  comi- 
tium,  through  which  their  armies  passed  going  to  or  returning 
from  war.  This  was  always  open  in  time  of  war  and  closed  in 
time  of  peace,  to  signify  that  in  peace  the  two  communities 
were  separate,  but  in  war  united  for  mutual  protection. 

8.  The  Worship  of  Vesta. — In  the  temple  of  Vesta  were 
worshiped  Vesta  and  the  Penates  and  Lures.  The  house  near  by 
was  called  the  regi'a,  because  the  worship  due  to  the  gods  hon- 
ored there  belonged  to  the  king  as  high-priest  of  the  nation.  In 
order  that  it  might  never  be  neglected,  on  account  of  the  other 
duties  of  the  king,  three  priests,  eattedjfomMMt,  were  nominated 
for  life  to  assist  the  king,  viz. :  the  fiamen  Dialis,  the  priest  of 
Jupiter,  the  god  of  the  Kamnes,  and  his  wife  flaminica,  corres- 
ponding to  the  pater  fanulin*  and  mntcr  familias  of  the  family ; 
flanien  Martini  is,  the  priest  of  Mars,  the  god  of  the  Tities,  and 
ftamen  QnirinnHs,  the  priest  of  Qirir'unix,  god  of  the  united 
community.  In  the  temple  of  Vesta  were  six  virgins,  virgines 
Vextales,  daughters  of  the  household  of  the  Roman  state,  to 
-correspond  with  t\\Q  filial  f ami! ins,  the  daughters  of  the  family. 
They  kept  the  fire  always  blazing  on  the  common  household 
hearth.  This  was  considered  the  most  sacred  worship  in  Rome. 
The  king  also  had  charge  of  the  worship  of  the  curies  (and 
hence  flamines  curiales),  and  also  general  oversight  over  the 
college  of  Salii  and  Fratres  Arvales.  To  the  custody  of  the 
Salii  was  entrusted  the  care  of  the  sacred  shields,  ancilia,  which 
were  kept  in  the  temple  of  Mars  on  the  Palatine,  and  every 
year,  on  the  first  of  March,  they  made  a  solemn  procession 
through  the  city,  chanting  hymns  and  dancing.  There  were 

1  When  January  became  the  flr-t  month,  the  opening  of  the  yea'  wa«  also  ascribed 
to  him. 


THE    RELIGION   OF   THE    ROMANS.  37 

two  sets  of  Salii,  the  Salii  of  Palatine  and  Quirinal,  which  com- 
memorated the  union  of  the  Romans  on  the  Palatine  and  the 
Sabines  on  the  Quirinal.  The  Salii  were  twelve  in  number, 
and  were  always  selected  from  the  patricians. 

The  unity  of  the  Roman  state  after  the  banishment  of  the 
king  was  preserved  by  conferring  those  priestly  duties  which 
the  king  alone  performed,  upon  a  rex  sacrorum  or  rex  sac- 
rificulus  and  his  wife  regina  sacrorum,  both  of  whom  performed 
their  sacrifices  in  the  reyia,  he  to  Jupiter,  she  to  Juno.  He 
was  nominated  by  the  pontifex  maximus,  and  inaugurated  in  the 
comitia  curiata  calatn^  just  as  the  king  was.  He  ranked  higher 
than  all  other  priests,  but  in  influence  and  power  was  inferior 
to  the  pontifex  maximus.  He  held  his  office  for  life  like  the 
king,  but  was  not  allowed  to  hold  any  political  or  military 
office,  and  was  exempt  from  all  civil  and  political  duties.  He 
lived  on  the  via  sacra  in  a  domus  publica. 

9.  Jupiter  Capitolinus. — Soon  Rome  extended  her  power 
over  Latiiim,  and,  as  a  common  centre  of  worship  for  the 
enlarged  state,  dedicated  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus. 
Here  the  unity  of  the  new  nation  was  symbolized  by  the  com- 
mon worship  paid  to  Jupiter,  Juno  and  Minerva.  In  the 
building  of  the  temple  tradition  relates  that  it  was  necessary 
to  remove  ancient  shrines  and  altars  erected  there  by  the  Sabines. 
The  gods  to  whom  these  had  been  raised  were  consulted  by 
auguries  if  they  would  give  place  to  the  new  deities.  All  con- 
sented except  Terminus  and  Youth,  who  refused  to  retire  from 
the  sacred  spot.  This  gave  Rome  the  assurance  that  her  bounda- 
ries should  never  go  back,  and  that  her  youth  should  ever  be 
renewed.  Here  in  his  temple  the  statue  of  Jupiter  himself  was 
erected,  with  his  face  turned  towards  the  forum,  that  he  might 
look  down  upon  his  people.  Until  then  the  Romans  had  made 
no  ideal  pictures  or  statues  of  their  god.  They  bad  only  sym» 
hols,  as  a  stone  for  Jupiter,  the  holy  lance  for  Mars,  the  fire  for 
Vesta,  the  altars  and  the  consecrated  space,2  but  now  they 
learned  from  the  Greeks  how  to  represent  their  gods  as  men. 

1  Calata  from  the  manner  in  which  it  was  called.  '  Templum. 


38  THE  BELIGION   OF  THE  ROMANS. 

10.  Grecian  Influence. — Another  evidence  of  Grecian 
influence  was  the  introduction  of  the  Sibylline  books,  as  tradi- 
tion relates,  from  Cunw.  The  story  runs  that  a  strange  woman 
came  to  Tarquiu  and  offered  nine  books  for  sale.  The  king 
refused  to  buy  the  books.  The  Sibyl  departed  and  burnt  three; 
then  returned  offering  the  remaining  six  at  the  same  price. 
The  king  again  refused.  The  Sibyl  then  burnt  three  more,  and 
demanded  the  same  price  for  the  remaining  three.  The  curi- 
osity of  the  king  was  aroused;  lie  bought  the  books,  and  the 
woman  vanished.  The  books  were  kept  in  a  stone  chest  under 
the  capitol  in  charge  of  two  men,  called  duoviri  sncrorum. 
They  were  consulted  by  the  order  of  the  senate  in  time  of 
great  emergency  or  of  public  calamity.  Through  their  influence 
the  worship  of  many  Grecian  deities  was  introduced,  as  that  of 
Apollo,  Latona,  Mater  Idrea  and  others. 

11.  Divination. — The  Romans  sought  in  many  ways  to 
know  the  wills  of  the  gods.  Besides  consulting  the  Sibylline 
books,  they  had  omens,  prodigies,  and  divinations.  That  form 
of  divination  which  was  peculiarly  national  and  characteristic 
of  the  Roman;  was  the  observation  of  the  auspices.  No  trans- 
action, public  or  private,  took  place  without  first  consulting 
the  auspices.  The  auspices  were  the  signs  from  Jupiter  to  his 
people  telling  them  what  to  do  or  not  to  do.  For  private  acts 
the  auspices  could  be  taken  by  any  one  who  belonged  to  the 
people;  but  for  the  state  tiny  could  only  be  taken  by  some  one 
who  represented  the  state  and  who  had  been  empowered  to  act 
as  mediator  between  the  state  and  the  gods.  This  was  at  first 
the  king,  and  in  c;ise  of  his  death  the  patricians'  and  the 
interivx,  and  after  the  establishment  of  the  republic  the  higher 
magistrates.  The  gods  of  the  Roman  state  then  were  the  gods 
of  the  patricians,  and  they  alone  could  mediate  between  them 
and  the  state. 

12.  The  Auspices. — In  the  regal  period  the  auspicia* 
belonged  to  the  king  alone,  and  in  the  times  of  the  republic  to 

1  When  the  king  died  the  auspices  returned  to  the  patres  (i.  e.ipatretfamillcu  gen- 
tium patriciar  urn),  and  they  in  concilium  C'li-intum  nominated  the  internes. 

'*  I.  «.,  ex  ccelo  and  ex  avibus,  the  other  forms  (ex  tripu/tiis,  de  calo  sen  are,  ex  quad- 
rvpedibus  and  ex  diris)  being  later. 


THE   RELIGION   OF  THE   ROMANS. 


the  magistrates,  by  virtue  of  election.  The  augur  was  only  the 
assistant  of  the  magistrate ;  the  lightning  and  the  birds  were 
not  sent  to  him  but  to  the  magistrate ;  he  only  interpreted 
them.  In  taking  the  auspices  considerable  technical  knowl- 
edge was  necessary,  as  the  consecrated  space  '  had  to  be  marked 
off  with  the  sacred  wand,2  the  tent  to  be  pitched,3  and  certain 
prayers  and  formulae  repeated.  Then  the  person  taking  the" 
auspices  waited  for  the  favorable  signs.  If  an  interruption  of 
any  kind  occurred,  if  the  sacred  chair  rocked,  if  the  wand  fell, 
the  auspices  were  rendered  invalid.  Great  importance  was 
attached  to  the  phraseology  of  the  prayer,  for  a  mistake  here, 
even  in  a  single  word,  might  call  down  the  vengeance  of  Jupiter 
upon  the  state.  Hence  it  was  necessary  that  men  particularly 
skilled  in  sacred  lore  should  be  appointed  to  assist  the  magis- 
trate and  dictate  the  proper  form  of  prayer.  This  led  to  the 
formation  of  three  colleges  of  sacred  lore,  that  of  the  augures, 
pontijiccs  and  fet tales. 

The  College  of  Augures 4  was  nominated  from  the  patri- 
cians by  the  king ;  and  the  number,  consisting  at  first  of  four, 
was  increased  to  six,  then  to  nine,  and  then  to  sixteen.  As  no 
public  act  of  any  kind  could  be  performed,  no  election  held,  no 
law  passed,  no  war  waged,  without  first  taking  the  auspices,  the 
augurs,  as  interpreters  of  the  will  ot  the  gods,  in  whose  hands  the 
exclusive  right  was  to  declare 5  whether  the  omens  were  favorable 
or  unfavorable,  acquired  great  influence  and  soon  exercised  vir- 
tual control  over  every^  act  of  the  state.  This  power  they  natu- 
rally used  in  the  interest  of  their  own  order.  In  the  great 
contest  of  the  plebeians  for  equal  rights  in  the  state,  the  augurs 
not  unfrequently  used  their  power  unfairly  to  render  void  the 
elections  of  consuls,  the  acts  of  the  comitia,  or  any  measure 
not  in  the  interest  of  their  own  order,  on  the  ground  that  the 
auspices  had  been  irregular.6  As  there  was  no  appeal  from 
their  decision,  their  veto  was  absolute. 

1  Templum.  *  Wir.m  »  Taternaculum  capere. 

*  Or  ampices  (from  mis  and  gpec-trt),  in  so  far  as  they  made  the  observation  ;  or 
augures  (from  avis,  and  a  root  which  means  to  announce),  in  so  far  as  they  announced 
the  result. 

•  Nuntiatio.  *  Vitium. 


40  THE   RELIGION   OF  THE    ROMAN>. 


13.  The  Influence  on  the  Government. — One  of  the 

arguments  most  strenuously  urged  against  the  admission  of  the 
plebeians  to  the  consulship,  was  that  the  privilege  of  taking 
the  auspices  belonged  to  the  patricians  alone.  On  the  same 
grounds  the  intermarriage  of  plebeians  with  the  patrician  order 
was  opposed  because  the  auspices  must  ever  remain  in  the 
patrician  families.  The  patricians  alone  knew  the  days 1  when 
civil  suits  could  be  heard,  or  when  it  was  lawful  to  transict 
business  with  the  people,2  that  is,  when  the  comitia  could  meet.3 
On  the  morning  of  the  day  when  the  comitia  centunata  was  to  as- 
semble, the  magistrate  who  was  to  preside  consulted  the  auspices. 
For  this  purpose  an  augur4  must  be  present,  and  if  he  an- 
nounced by  the  words  die  alia  that  they  were  unfavorable,3 
the  comitia  must  be  postponed.  If,  however,  the  auspices  were 
declared  favorable6  by  the  words  silent  ium  esse  i'i<l<-tur,  the 
people  were,  after  certain  preliminary  forms,7  called  together. 
If,  however,  it  lightened,  or  a  storm  arose,  or  night  came  on, 
or  the  standard  hoisted  on  the  Janiculus  was  lowered,  the 
assembly  must  disperse.  If,  in  the  time  of  the  republic,  a 
magistrate  observed  the  heavens8  for  any  purpose,  and  falsely 
declared  that  it  thundered  or  lightened,  the  comitia  must  break 
up.  In  later  times  it  was  unlawful  to  bold  the  assembly  if  one 
of  the  higher  magistrates  announced  that  he  was  engaged  in 
observing  the  heavens,  or  was  going  to  observe  the  heavens  on 
the  day  fixed  for  the  comitia.  This  put  it  in  the  power  of 
every  magistrate  to  adjourn  the  comitia  and  thus  impede  hasty 
legislation. 

14.  The  College  of  Pontifices9  was  the  most  illustrious 
of  all  the  religious  institutions  in  the  state.     The  pontiffs  exer- 
cised, under  the  kings,  a  general  supervision  over  the  whole 
worship  of  the  state,  regulated  the  calendar  on  which  the  time 


1  Diex  fasti.  •  Cum  populo.  *  Dies  comitiales. 

•AfMnM.  *  Obnuntiatio.  "  \un  Ha/in. 

'  These  were  three,  viz. :  (1)  wcare  art  inlicium,  when  the  herald  (accenxus)  invited 
them  to  the  assembly ;  (2)  vocare  conventionem.  a  meeting  preparatory  to  I  he  assembly  ; 
(3)  mittere  in  ntf^Offtum,  the  assembly  in  regular  form  for  voting. 

•  Servare  tie  axlo. 

•  The  word  pontyfeci  is  probably  from  )n>ni>.  not  in  the  sense  of  bridge,  but  of  way, 
road ;  they  were  called  pomiflces  because  they  must  keep  iu  order  the  roads,  especially 
the  pans  wblicius  for  the  priestly  processions. 


THE   RELIGION   OF  THE   ROMAN'S,  41 

of  the  festivals  depended,  and  with  them  rested  the  exclusive 
knowledge  of  the  forms  of  procedure  in  the  civil  and  religious 
courts.  They  not  only  determined  what  gods  should  be  wor- 
shiped, and  in  what  manner,  but  they  exercised  a  general 
supervision  over  priests,  magistrates,  and  even  private  indi- 
viduals. From  their  power  to  regulate  the  calendar,  they  added 
to  or  shortened  the  year,  so  as  to  lengthen  the  term  of  a  favorite 
sonsul  or  to  shorten  that  of  one  who  displeased  them.  At  their 
head  stood  the  pontifex  maximus,  who  was  at  first  elected  by 
the  college  itself,  and  in  the  time  of  the  republic  by  the  people. 
It  was  his  duty  to  record  the  most  important  events  of  the 
year,  to  appoint  the  famines,  vestales,  and  rex  sacrificulus,  and 
exercise  a  general  supervision '  over  the  worship  of  the  state. 
His  official  residence  was  in  the  domus  regia  on  the  via  sacra. 

15.  The  College  of  Fetiales2  was  the  guardian  of  the 
public  faith  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  foreign  nations.  It  was 
their  duty  in  case  of  dispute  with  a  foreign  state,  to  demand3 
satisfaction.  This  was  done  by  electing  one  from  their  number 
called  j)ater  patratus,  whose  duty  it  was,  first,  at  the  confines 
of  the  enemy's  territory  ;  secondly,  of  the  first  native  of  the 
country  whom  he  might  chance  to  meet;  thirdly,  at  the  gate- 
of  the  city,  and  finally  in  the  market  before  the  magistrate,  to 
demand  satisfaction.  If  this  was  not  granted,  then  the  king, 
first  consulting  the  senate  and  then  the  people,  again  sent  the 
pater  pair  at  us  to  the  hostile  country,  who  pronounced  a  decla- 
ration of  war  and  hurled  a  spear  tipped  with  blood  across  the 
boundary. 

The  Fetiales  were  the  first  of  the  three  great  colleges  to 
decline  in  influence,  because  the  foreign  relations  of  Rome 
soon  extended  beyond  the  confines  of  Italy.  In  the  war  with 
Pyrrhus,  as  the  spear  could  not  be  hurled  into  the  enemy's 
territory,  to  preserve  the  form  a  subject  of  Pyrrhus,  a  prisoner 
of  war  at  Rome,  was  compelled  to  purchase  a  piece  of  land  in 
the  circus  Flaminius.  This  was  declared  to  be  hostile  terri- 


1  Judex  et  arbiter  rerum  divinarum  et  humananim. — Fe?t.  s.  v.  ordo.  p  l£o. 
1  Prom  the  old  stibstantive/g&v  cf./ari,  fas. 
3  Re<  repetere. 


42  THE    RELIGION   OF   THE    ROM  A 

tory,  and  the  pater  patratus  hurled  here  the  hostile  spear. 
Later  the  preliminary  arrangements  were  made  by  ambassadors' 
sent  by  the  senate,  while  the  hostile  spear  was  hurled  over 
the  pillar  in  front  of  the  temple  of  Bellona,  for  the  area  upon 
which  this  temple  stood  was  regarded  as  a  symbolical  repre- 
sentation of  the  enemy's  country. 

16.  The  Art  of  the  Haruspices  was  another  pecu'iar 
form  of  Koman  worship.     It  was  of  Etruscan  origin,  and  on 
important  occasions   haruspices  were  often   summoned  from 
Etrnria.     It  consisted   in    interpreting  the   will   of  the   gods 
from  inspection  of  the  entrails  of  victims  offered  in  sacrifice.     It 
was  customary  here  to  continue  the  sacrifice  until  the  desired 
result  was  obtained,  and  in  a  measure,  as  with  the  auspices,  to 
compel  the  gods  to  give  favorable  signs.    The  same  was  the 
case  with  the  so-called  prodigies 2  by  which  the  gods  unsought 
indicated  the  approach  of  evil  by  some  strange  incident,  as 
when  it  rained  stones  or  blood,  when  the  lightning  struck, 
when  the  holy  lance  of  .Mars  trembled.     In  these  cases  it  was 
believed  that  the  wrath  of  heaven  might  be  appeased  by  cer- 
tain forms  and  ceremonies,  which  would  be  announced,  either 
on  the  burial  of  the  stones,  the  erection  of  an  altar3  where  the 
lightning  struck,  or  on  consulting  the  Sibylline  books  or  even 
the  Delphic  oracle.     In  all  these  cases  they  made  no  effort  to 
comply  with  the  will  of  the  gods,  they  changed  none  of  their 
plans  or  views,  but  simply  sought  by  external  ceremonies4  to 
avert  the  anger  of  the  gods. 

17.  Peculiar  Ceremonies. — The  state  religion  of  the 
Romans  was  connected  with  a  dreary  round  of   ceremonies 
which  none  but  the  priests  knew.     As  to  the  priests,  they 
formed   no   exclusive  class,  no  qualifications  of  age  or  expe- 
rience being  required.    They  were  generally  elected   for  life, 
and  often  at  the  same  time  held  sacred  and  civil  offices.     In 
rank  the  rex  sacrificulus  took  the  precedence,  then  came  the 
three  famines.      The  pontifex   maximus  occupied   the  fifth 
place,  but  in  power  and  authority  stood  over  all  the  others. 

1  Legati  '  Prodiyium.  *  Pitlealia.  '  Procurare  prodiyium. 


THE    RfcllGlOK  OJ1  THfi   KOMANS.  43 


The  priests  were  subject  to  some  curious  regulations  which 
existed  down  to  later  times,  and  which,  in  the  case  of  the 
flamen  Dialis,  have  been  accidentally  preserved.1  It  was  un- 
lawful for  him  to  ride  upon  u  horse,  to  look  upon  an  army 
equipped  for  battle,  to  take  an  oath,  or  to  wear  a  ring  unless 
it  was  hollow  and  perforated  with  holes.  A  prisoner  who 
entered  his  house  was  free,  and  his  chains  must  be  hurled  from 
the  house  over  the  roof.  He  could  have  no  knot  in  his  whole 
attire ;  he  was  forbidden  to  touch  or  name  raw  flesh,  a  she-goat, 
ivy,  or  beans ;  he  could  not  take  off  his  head-dress  in  the  open 
air,  nor  sleep  three  nights  in  succession  out  of  his  own  bed,  nor 
could  he  be  out  of  the  city  a  single  night.  If  his  wife,  the 
flaminica,  died,  he  was  obliged  to  resign.  • 

18.  The  General  Character  of  the  Roman  Religion.— 
A  religion  like  that  of  the  Eomans,  so  severe,  so  anxious  in  the 
fulfilment  of  dreary  ceremonies,  so  narrow  in  its  purposes  and 
aims,  so  intimately  connected  with  the  machinery  of  the  state, 
must  necessarily  have  exercised  a  decided  influence  on  the  ear- 
nest, practical  minds  of  the  Eomans.  At  the  same  time  it  is  clear 
that  it  was  exposed  to  misuse  for  political  purposes,  and  when 
this  once  happened,  when  its  narrow  limits  were  once  broken 
through,  its  decline  was  sure  and  rapid.  In  the  regal  period, 
however,  the  priests  were  regarded  as  the  mere  servants  of  the 
king.  His  control  was  supreme,  not  only  over  the  worship  of 
the  state,  but  over  that  of  the  curia,  of  the  gens,  and  even  of  the 
family.  The  signs  came  to  him  as  the  high-priest  of  the  nation 
and  not  to  his  servants.  lie  alone  could  perform  certain  sacri- 
fices for  the  state,3  for  which,  after  the  banishment  of  the  kings, 
the  rex  sacrificulus  was  appointed.  The  priests  acknowledged 
that  they  were  instituted  by  him,  and  that  from  him  they 
learned  their  sacred  rites.  Still  the  other  duties  of  the  king, 
as  commander  of  the  army  and  administrator  of  justice,  com- 
pelled him  to  transfer  many  of  his  religious  functions  to  others. 
He,  too,  was  liable  to  change,  while  they  were  permanent  and 
handed  down  to  their  successors  the  various  rules  of  their 

1  Aulu*  GeHius,  x.  15.  •  Sacra  publioa. 


44 


THE  RELIGION  OP  THE   ROMANS. 


science.  They,  too,  as  sole  interpreters  of  the  auspices,  pos- 
sessed a  virtual  veto  on  every  public  act.  The  result  was  that 
their  dignity  in  the  state  was  constantly  on  the  increase.  By 
this  transference  of  religious  duties  to  the  priests,  it  was  not 
intended  to  separate  permanently  the  civil  and  religious  func- 
tions of  the  king;  but  this  transference  contained  tbe  germ  of 
euch  a  separation.  Its  development  is  really  the  internal  his- 
tory of  Rome  in  the  time  of  the  republic.  The  state  incorpo- 
rated new  elements,  and  entered  upon  a  career  of  progress,  while 
the  religion,  incapable  of  growth,  remained  stationary.  For 
the  present,  however,  the  priests  acknowledged  their  depend- 
ence upon  the  magistrates,  and  religion  remained  serviceable  to 
the  state,  and  not  the  state  to  religion. 


ts  present  condition.) 


This  temple  stood  in  the  forum  Bwrlwn  It  is  sometime*  called  a  temple  of  Her- 
cules, because  Livy  fx.  23)  speaks  of  such  a  temple  being  in  this  vicinity.  One  of  the 
original  twenty  Corinthian  columns  !.•»  ejor.e-  The  roof  is  modern,  the  ancient  entabhv 
tare  a:-.'J  roof  having  disappeared. 


llli:    ATTEMPTS   OF   TARQUINIUS   TO    REGAIN    POWER.         45 
CHAPTER    V. 

THE  ATTEMPTS  OF  TARQUINIUS  TO  REGAIN  THE  ROYAL  POWER. 

1.   The  Legendary  Narrative  — Tradii  ion  relates  that 
when  Tarquiuius '  and  all  his  house  had  been  banished  from 


1  The  legendary  history  of  the  last  king  is  so  interwoven  with  the  literature  of 
Rome,  that  every  one  ought  to  be  familiar  with  it.  A  brief  sketch  condensed  from  Livy, 
is  therefore  annexed : 

Lucius  Tarquinius,  called  Superbus  on  account  of  his  pride,  was  a  genuine  tyrant. 
It  is  related  that  Servius  Tullius  had  two  daughters ;  the  one  quiet  and  gentle,  the  other 
naughty  and  imperious.  In  like  manner  the  two  sous,  Aruns  and  Lucius,  of  Tarquinius 
Priacus,*  the  predecessor  of  Servius,  were  of  different  disposition.  These  eons  Servius 
Tullius  married  to  his  own  daughters  ;  but  they  were  ill-mated,  for  the  cruel  Tullia  was 
married  to  the  gentle  Aruns,  while  tne  wicked  Lucius  was  the  husband  of  the  gentle 
Tullia.  The  wicked  ones  longed  for  the  society  of  each  other,  and  it  soon  came  to  pass 
that  the  wicked  Lucius  murdered  his  wife  and  brother,  and  united  himself  with  the  one 
who  had  a  disposition  like  his  own.  This  wicked  pair  desired  to  possess  the  royal 
power  and  encroached  on  the  authority  of  their  father-in-law.  Lucius  entered  the 
market-place  clothed  in  the  royal  robes,  attended  with  armed  men,  and  summoned  the 
senate.  When  Servius  heard  the  reports,  and  hurried  to  the  senate-house,  a  quarrel  arose 
and  liis  son-in-law  hurled  him  clown  the  steps  of  the  senate-house,  and  dispatched  me_n 
who  overtook  him  on  his  way  home  and  slew  him  in  the  street.  The  ambitious  Tullia 
hastened  to  salute  her  husband  as.  king.  As  she  was  driving  her  carriage  home  through 
the  street  where  her  father's  body  lay  bleeding',  she  gave  orders  not  to  turn  the  carriage 
out,  but  to  drive  over  the  body  of  her  father.  From  this  action  the  street  was  called  ever 
after  the  street  of  crime  ( Vicus  Scderatus).  After  Tarqn'n  gained  the  throne  he  ruled  with 
insolence.  His  will  was  the  sole  law.  He  surrounded  himself  with  a  body-guard, 
refused  to  consult,  the  senate,  and  banished  or  punished  with  heavy  fines  all  who  were 
against  him  or  whose  wealth  provoked  his  avarice.  The  poor  he  compelled  to  work  at 
his  buildings  beyond  what  was  lawful.  He  married  his  daughter  to  Mamilius  of  Tuscu- 
lum,  and,  strengthened  by  this  alliance,  he  made  the  forty-seven  Latin  towns  subject  to 
himself  (see  p.  SO,  note  5).  The  people  of  Gabii  resisted  bravely  and  he  could  not 
prevail  against  them.  Then  Tarqnin  pretended  to  banish  his  son  Sextus ;  he  fled  to 
Gabii  as  if  from  his  father's  wrath,  and  begged  the  people  with  tears  to  give  him  refuge 

*  The  following  genealogical  table  will  be  convenient  for  reference  : 
DEMARATUS  OP  CORINTH. 


LUCUMO,  afterwards 
L.  Tarquinius  Prlscus. 


TARQUINIA,  m. 
S.  TuUius. 


TARQUINIA, 
m.  M.  BRUTUS. 


L.  Tarquinius 
Superbus. 


ARUNS. 


M.  BRUTUS, 

put  to  death  by 

Tarqninius. 


L.  BRUTUS, 
Consul. 


TITUS.        SEXTOS.     ARUKS. 


AHUNS. 


EGERIUS, 
tommander  of 

Collatia. 


TAHQUTNIUS 
COLLATINUS, 
m.  Lucretia. 


46         THE    ATTEMPTS   OF  TARQUINIUS  TO    IM-iiAIN    POWER. 

Rome  he  did  not  give  up  all  hope  of  recovering  the  throne. 
He  had  still  a  strong  party  of  patricians  in  the  city.  He 
therefore  sent  messengers  to  Rome  on  the  pretence  of  asking 
for  the  restoration  of  his  private  property,  but  really  to  consult 
with  his  friends  in  the  city  how  the  king  might  be  restored. 


and  receive  him  into  their  town.  The  Gabians  were  deceived,  and  befriended  him  and 
made  him  a  commander.  The  Romans  Ik-d  when  Sex  us  appeared,  because  it  hud  been 
-•(I  upon  between  Sextus  and  hi-  father.  At  length  Sextus  had  MI  Drained  iho 
contidciice  or  the  people  of  Gabii  that  the  whole  power  in  ilie  city  was  entrusted  to  him. 
Then  he  >ent  secretly  a  messenger  in  hi-  tut  her  in  ask  what  he  should  do.  The  king 
happened  to  be  walking  in  his  garden  when  the  envoy  came,  and  instead  of  giving  an 
answer  in  words  he  cut  oft'  with  his  sijek  the  beads  of  all  the  taHi  When 

the  messenger  returue<l  and  reported  what  lie  h:.  us  understood  his  lather's 

meaniu'-r.  and  on  one  pretext  or  another  he  Ibund  means  to  put  to  death  the  leading  men 
of  Gabii.  Then  he  delivered  the  town  to  his  lather. 

In  all  his  schemes  Tarquiii  was  successful  ;  l>ut  one  day  a  prodigy  happened  that 
frightened  the  tyrant.  A  serpent  crawled  out  from  beneath  the  altar  and  devoured  the1 
entrails  of  the  victim.  This  alarmed  the  kiiiic  and  he  determined  to  send  his  two  sons 
and  his  nephew.  Junius  Brutus,  who  had  for  some  time  pretended  to  be  half-witted,  to 
Delphi  to  inquire  the  cause  of  so  fearful  a  portent.  The  kind's  son-  hrouizht  coMly 
presents,  but  Brutus  L'avo  only  a  simple  stall'.  The  others  ridiculed  him,  but  they  did 
not  know  that  the  stall'  was  hollowed  out  and  filled  with  gold.  Alter  they  hud  made 
their  inquiries  they  ai-ked  who  would  reiirn  in  Koine  alter  their  father.  '•  lie,"  replied 
the  god,  who  shall  lirst  ki-s  his  mother."  The  pi  hid  s  agreed  to  di  aw  lots  which  of  them 
should  first  kiss  his  mother  on  their  return.  Brutus,  hf/wever.  better  understood  the 
meaning  of  the  oracle,  and  when  he  had  left  the  temple,  fell,  as  if  by  chance,  and  kissed 
the  around;  for  the  earth  he  thonirht  was  the  common  mother  of  all. 

About  this  time  it  happened  that  Tarqitin  was  l>e>ie::ii;:_r  Ardea.  a  town  of  the  Rutuli. 
In  Latium.  The  city  could  not  be  taken  by  storm.  ai>d  the  Roman  army  enc.  imped 
nnder  the  walls.  One  evening,  when  the  son»  of  Tarqiiin  were  supping  with  their 
cousin,  Tarquinius  Collat'mus  of  Collatia,  a  dispute  aro-e  as  to  which  of  their  wive-  was 
the  most  virtuous.  They  agreed  u>  settle  it  07  going  and  peeing  which  of  'he  ladies 
deserved  the  highest  prai-e.  They  mount  d  their  horses  and  tirst  rode  to  Rome,  and 
then  to  Collatia.  They  found  the  princesses  at  a  splendid  least,  but  Lucretia.  the  wife 
of  Collatinus,  busy  among  the  maidens  spinning,  though  it  was  late  at  ni^ht.  The 
prize  was  conceded  to  Lucretia. 

The  beauty  and  virtue  of  Lucretia  excited  the  evil  passions  of  Sextns,  and  be  returned 
a  few  days  alter  to  Collatia,  where  he  wa~  kimih  received.  In  the  middle  of  the  night 
he  rose  and  entered  Luciviia's  chamber  and  nupriMd  her  aione.  When  she  refused 
to  yield  herself  to  him  he  threatened  to  murder  her  and  to  put  a  murdered  slave 
beside  her  in  the  bed,  and  thru  decla-v  to  her  hu-baml  that  he  had  found  them  so 
together.  Then  Lucretia  resisted  no  longer.  As  -non  a-  Sextus  had  returned  to  the 
camp  before  Ardea,  she  sent  lo  Rome  and  to  \nle-i  for  her  father  and  husband.  These 
hastened  to  Collatia,  accompanied  by  Jmtius  Brutus  and  Publins  Valerius,  and  they 
found  Lucretia  clad  in  deep  mourning.  When  she  had  told  her  story  she  drew  a  dagger 
and  plunged  it  into  her  heart.  Brutus  snatched  the  da^er  from  the  wound  and  swore 
to  avenge  her  death.  They  bore  the  corp-e  to  trie  market-place  of  Collatia  and  told  the 
people  what  had  happened  :  me<s»,.,rei-s  were  al-o  sent  to  the  army  at  Ardea.  Brutus 
hastened  to  Rome,  and  a  decree  wa<  passed  to  expel  KitiLT  Tarquiniu's  and  all  his  house* 
from  Rome,  and  never  airain  to  sutler  a  kinir.  When  Tarquinius  came  to  Rome  he  found 
••s  closed  and  he  \v:i-  compelled  to  take  refune  in  Care,  in  Rtruria.  In  the  place 
of  the  kinir.  two  men  railed  consuls  were  chosen  yeulyto  exercise  the  royal  power. 
Lucius  Junius  Brutus  and  Lucius  Tarquinius  Col  atinu'-  were  the  first  consuls  (B.C. 
BOO).  For  the  performance'  of  the  sacrifices  which  the  kin<r  alone  could  offer,  a  priest. 
CaDed  the  King  of  Sacrific  ;  ///•/////.>•  >  wa-  chosen.  Noi'nin^  else  in  the  laws  or 

ordinances  was  altered,  hut  everything  remained  as  it  had  been  under  the  kins.  Rome 
endured  the  kingly  rule  for  two  hundred  and  forty-five  years  (B.C.  753-509).  In  memory 
of  the  king's  banishment  an  annual  festival  was  celebrated  on  the  24th  of  February, 
called  the  Rcfd'nrfinrn. 


*  gen*  ;  it  is  not  quite  correct  to  render  yen*  by  house,  for  this  implies  relationship, 
which  was  not  essential  in  the  gens,  neither  is  the  term  clan  nor  family  synonymous. 


THE   ATTEMPTS   OF  TARQUINIUS  TO   REGAIN"   POWER.        47 

The  plot  was  discovered,  and  the  property  of  the  king  was 
divided  among  the  people.  Among  the  conspirators  were  the 
two  sons  of  Brutus,  the  consul.  He  would  not  ask  the  people 
for  mercy  for  his  own  sons,  but  ordered  the  lictor '  to  bind  them 
to  the  stake  before  his  own  eyes  and  to  put  them  to  death  like 
the  other  traitors. 

2.  Tarquinius  now  endeavored  to  regain  the  throne  by 
arms.  He  prevailed  upon  the  people  of  Tarquinii  and  Veji  to 
espouse  his  cause.  The  Romans  inarched  out  to  meet  their 
foes.  The  battle  was  fought  near  the  wood  Arsia,  and  was 
fierce  and  bloody.  Both  parties  claimed  the  victory,  but  in 
the  night  the  voice  of  the  god  Silvan  us  was  heard  from  the 
woods,  saying  that  the  Romans  had  conquered,  because  among 
the  Etruscans  one  man  more  had  been  slain  than  among  the 
Romans.  In  the  battle  Brutus  had  been  killed  by  Aruns,  the 
king's  son.  The  Roman  women  mourned  for  him  a  whole  year, 
because  he  had  avenged  the  death  of  Lucretia. 

3.  The  War  -with  Porsenna. — Tarquinius  now  applied  to 
Lars  Porsenna,  of  Clusium,  who  ruled  over  the  whole  of  Etruria. 
Porsenna  collected  a  powerful  army,  inarched  to  Rome,  took 
possession  of  the  hill  Janiculus,  and  would  have  entered  the 
city  over  the  wooden  bridge2  if  it  had  not  been  for  one  man. 
This  was  Horatius  Codes,  who  with  two  comrades  kept  the 
whole  Etruscan  army  at  bay,  while  the  Romans  broke  down 
the  bridge.  Horatius  then  sprang  into  the  Tiber,  armed  as 
he  was,  and  swam  safely  to  the  opposite  shore.  The  Etrus- 
cans now  laid  siege  to  the  city.  The  people  were  hard  pressed 
with  famine.  Then  Mucius,  a  noble  Roman,  went  to  the 
Etruscan  camp  to  kill  the  king.  By  a  mistake  he  slew  the 
treasurer  of  the  king,  who  was  distributing  pay  to  the  soldiers. 
He  was  seized  and  led  to  Porsenna,  who  threatened  him  with 
death.  Mucius,  to  show  that  he  feared  neither  pain  nor  death, 
thrust  his  right  hand  into  the  names  that  were  burning  on  the 


1  The  lictors  were  sen-ants  of  the  magistrates.  Each  consul  had  twelve.  They 
carried  the  fasces,  or  rods,  bound  in  a  bundle,  from  the  middle  of  which  an  axe  (securw) 
protruded. 

9  Pens  sublicius. 


48        THE    ATTEMPTS   OF  TARQUINIUS   TO    REGAIN    POWER. 

altar  until  it  was  burnt  to  ashes.  Astonished  at  the  courage 
of  the  youth,  the  king  forgave  him,  and  allowed  him  to  depart 
in  peace.  And  Mucius,  in  gratitude,  revealed  to  him  that 
three  hundred  Roman  youths  had  sworn  to  take  his  life,  and 
that  they  would  not  rest  until  they  had  accomplished  the  deed. 
Porsenna,  alarmed  for  his  life,  made  peace  with  the  Romans, 
He  took  no  land  from  them  except  the  seven  Vejentine  vilht-. •>. 
which  the  Romans  in  former  times  had  conquered.  After 
taking  hostages,  he  withdrew  his  forces  from  the  Jauiculus. 

Among  the  hostages  was  a  noble  maiden  named  Cloelia. 
She  escaped  from  the  Etruscan  camp,  reached  the  Tiber,  and 
swam  across  the  river  to  Rome.  The  Romans,  although  they 
honored  her  courage,  sent  her  back  to  Porsenna,  who  so  admired 
the  faith  of  the  Romans  that  he  not  only  released  Cloelia  but 
as  many  of  the  other  hostages  as  she  selected. 

4.  When  Porsenna    made    peace  with   the    Romans,   he 
returned  to   Clusium.     He  sent   his  son,   however,  with   an 
army  against  the  Latin  town  Aricia.     The  Greeks  of  C'unue 
helped  the  Latins,  and  the  Etruscans  were  defeated  in  a  great 
battle,  so  that  few  escaped.    These  fled  to  Rome,  where  they 
were  hospitably  received.    The  fathers  gave  them  a  dwelling 
in  a  part  of  the  city  that  was  called,  from  them,  the  Etruscan 
quarter  (vicus  Tuscus).     At  this  time  Attus  Clausus1  migrated 
to   Rome  with  his  three  thousand  clients,  and  founded  the 
great  patrician  house  of  the  Claudii. 

5.  The  Battle  of  Lake  Regillus. — The  king  made  one 
more  attempt  to  regain  his  throne.    This  time  he  applied  to 
his  son-in-law,  Octavius  Mamilius,  of  Tusculum.    The  Latins 
espoused  his  cause.    A  great  battle  was  fought  near   Lake 
II  'irillus.     The  Romans  were  commanded  by  a  dictator,  Aulus 
Postumius,  who  was  appointed  for  six  months  to  rule  over 
Rome  like  the  king,  and  to  be  the  sole  leader  of  the  army,  for  it 
was  feared  that  the  two  consuls  might  not  agree.     Titus,  the 
son  of  the  king,  perished  on  the  battle-field.     The  king  him- 
self fled  to  Cumae,  where  he  soon  after  died.    The  tradition 
relates  that  the  battle  was   long  and  bloody.     The  Roman 
army  began  to  give  way.     The  dictator  vowed  a  temple  to  Cas- 

~  i  Sc  " 


THE    ATTEMPTS   OF   TARQUINIl/S   TO   REGAIN    POWER.        49 


tor  and  Pollux,1  if  they  would  assist  the  Roman  army.  Then 
two  youths  rode  on  white  chargers  at  the  dictator's  right  hand. 
The  Romans  pressed  again  on  the  Latins  and  overthrew  them. 
The  same  evening  the  two  youths  appeared  at  Rome  to  an- 
nounce the  victory.  After  they  had  washed  their  horses  at 
the  spring  Juturna,  in  the  forum,  they  disappeared  and  were 
never  seen  again.  Then  the  Romans  knew  that  they  had  seen 
Castor  and  Pollux,  and  they  huilt  them  a  temple  where  they  had 
washed  their  horses.  With  the  battle  of  Lake  Regillus  closed 
the  period  of  mythical  Roman  history.  Although  the  vein  of 
poetical  fable  often  reappears,  even  to  the  time  of  Camillus,* 
still  in  the  main  the  narrative  is  reliable  and  trustworthy. 

6.  The  Credibility  of  this  Narrative. — It  is  difficult  to 
determine  from  these  legends  what  the  actual  course  of  events 
was.  There  is  little  doubt  that  Rome  was  conquered  by  the 
Etruscans  and  lost  all  her  territory  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Tiber.  This  war,  however,  can  not  be  regarded  as  an  inter- 
vention of  Etruria  in  favor  of  the  Tarquins ;  for  the  reason 
that  notwithstanding  the  complete  success  of  the  Etruscans, 
they  made  no  effort  to  restore  the  Roman  monarchy.  Neither 
was  the  war  with  the  Latins  an  effort  to  restore  Tarquin,  for 
he  had  been  their  oppressor,  and  his  banishment  must  have 
been  welcome  to  them ;  but  in  this  war  probably  was  disguised 
the  fact  that  the  neighboring  tribes  seized  this  opportunity  to 
throw  off  the  hated  yoke  of  Roman  supremacy  which  Tarquin 
had  laid  upon  them.  Another  evidence  that  Rome  was  hard 
pressed,  is  that  in  order  to  strengthen  the  unity  and  power  of 
the  government,  the  kingly  office  was  temporarily  restored. 
The  consuls  were  superseded,  and  a  dictator  with  supreme 
power2  was  nominated.  The  first  dictator  is  said  to  have 
been  Titus  Larcius  (B.  c.  501),  and  his  master  of  horse,8  Sp. 
Cassius. 


1  This  temple  vowed  by  the  dictator  is  said  to  have  been  erected  by  his  son.    It  was 
in  the  forum  east  of  the  basilica  Julia,  and  separate;!  from  it  only  by  the  vicus  Tuscus. 
It  was  rebuilt  by  Tiberius,  and  the  three  columns  still  standing  are  of  his  time.    Part  of 
the  foundation  is  tufa  and  is  of  the  time  of  the  kings.    A  little  farther  on,  nearer  the 
rostra  of  Julius  Caesar,  are  the  remains  of  a  fountain,  which  by  some  has  been  identified 
as  the  fountain  Juturna. 

2  Imperium  plenum.  *  JIagister  equitum.    See  p.  54.  *  Scj  p.  76. 


50  THE   ESTABLISHMENT   OF  THE   REPUBLIC. 

7.  The  result  may  be  summed  up  by  saying  that  Rome  was 
reduced  almost  to  her  original  limits.  She  became  again  a 
Latin  town.  For  nearly  the  next  two  hundred  years  she  was 
engaged  in  conquering  what  had  been  lost  by  the  revolution. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.     (509  B. «i.) 

1.  After  the  banishment  of  the  king,  the  power1  thnt  had 
been  delegated  to  him  returned  to  the  fathers.2  The  forms  of 
the  constitution  were  strictly  observed.  Under  the  direction 
of  Brutus,  or  of  the  pf>ntif<>.r  nxtrimus,  an  interregnum*  was 
declared  and  Spuri;i.s  Lucretius  was  nominated  inter  rex.  The 
constitution  was  so  amended3  that  instead  of  a  king  two  magis- 
trates, called  consuls,  were  placed  at  the  head  of  the  state. 
They  were  not  elected  as  the  king  had  been,  in  the  count ia 
en rin id,  an  exclusive  patrician  assembly,  but  on  account  of  the 
rising  influence  of  the  plebeians,  in  the  corn-it  ia  coihiriulu, 
where  they  too  had  a  vote.4  The  consuls,  like  the  king,  were 
to  rule  the  state,5  administer  justice,6  and  lead  the  army. 
Certain  priestly  functions  which  the  king  alone  could  perform 
were  transferred  to  an  officer  called  the  king  of  sacrifices,1 
who  was  appointed  for  life.8  It  was  not  lawful  for  him 
to  hold  any  political  office  nor  to  address  the  people.  He 
must  always  perform  his  sacrifices  in  the  comitiian  in  the  first 
half  of  the  day,  din-ing  which  all  public  business  \va- 
pended.  The  power  of  the  consuls  was  equal,9  and  neither 


1  Imperium.  a  I.  e.,  Pat.re*  familia*  ;//•///•''///<  ixitriciarnm. 

*  By  the  so-called  •  /..  llrnt<>  repetita:  a  proposal  t<>  change  the  constitu- 
tion iiiu-t  be  sanctioned  in  a  conci'i'in.  ..  in  a  meeting  composed  of  the  heads 
of  patrician  families  only  :  then  It  most  be  incorporated  in  th<  <<'•  imiin'm. 
winch  was  laid  before  th                                f>.r  ratification.    In  the  time  of  the  republic 
all  the  head-  of  patrician  families  i.e..  /><•/'?•<                       »fi>im  natrifiarum,  were  in  the 
senate ;  hence  the  concil.  popitli  became  confused  with  the  patrician  part  of  the  t;eiiate. 

*  The  consul;',  just  as  the  kinj;  had  done,  laid  the  lex  curlafa  de  imperio  before  the 
assembly  of  curies  to  ratify  their  election. 

'  Hence  called  prcetores.  *  Hence  called  judices.  '  Roc  facrfflculus. 

'  See  p.  36.  •  Par poUittU, 

*  See  p.  20,  n.  1. 


THE   ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   REPUBLIC.  51 

could  take  any  step  without  the  consent  of  the  other.1    The 
result  was  that  either  consul  could  veto  the  acts  of  the  other. 

2.  The  first  consuls  were  Lucius  Junius  Brutus  and  Tar- 
quiuius  Collatinus.     The  name  of  Tarquinius  was,  however,  so 
hateful  to  the  people  that  he  was  obliged  to  resign  his  office, 
and  was  banished,  with  the  whole  Tarquinian  gens,  from  Rome. 
Publius  Valerius2  was  elected  in  his  place. 

3.  The  Dictatorship  of  Valerius.— Tradition  relates  that 
Valerius  remained  alone  in  office 8  for  some  time  after  the  death 
of  his  colleague.    This  excited  the  suspicion  of  the  people  that 
he  was  aiming  at  the  royal  power.     This  fear,  however,  was 
groundless ;  for  he  only  remained  in  office  in  order  to  carry  a 
number  of  laws  limiting  the  power4  of  the  consuls.     These 
laws  Valerius  laid  before  the  people  assembled  in  the  comitia 
ccnturiata.   This  assembly,5  it  will  be  remembered,  was  founded 
on  the  classification  of  Servius  Tullius,  which  was  planned 
purely  for  military  purposes.    Under  the  kings  it  had  had  the 
right  of  deciding  on  the  declaration  of  war.     Now  its  jurisdic- 
tion was  so  enlarged  that  it  exercised  nearly  the  same  functions 
which  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  comitia  curiata.     In  it 
was  vested  the  right  not  only  of  electing  all  the  higher  magis- 
trates, but  that  of  legislation,  in  so  far  that  it  could  adopt  or 
reject  all  proposals  laid  before  it  by  the  presiding  magistrate. 
These  measures,  however,  before  they  became  valid,  as  well  as 
the  election  of  the  higher  magistrates,  required  the  sanction 
of  the  curies.     For  the  comitia  curiafa6  alone  could  confer  the 

1  From  their  equal  authority  they  were  called  consuls. 

5  Plut.  Poplicola.  '  Consul  fine  colltga.  *  Imperium  corwtlare. 

8  In  order  to  understand  the  history  of  this  assembly  in  the  time  of  the  republic,  it  is 
necessary  to  keep  in  mind  that  it  was  frequently  reorganized  on  the  basis  of  the  census  ; 
that  the  number  of  men  in  a  ceafvria  was  not  alway-~a  hundred,  but  often  thirty,  sixty. 
or  even  one  hundred  and  twenty  ;  that  iiie  numoer  of  men  between  forty-six  and  sixty 
was  equal  in  influence  to  those  between  seventeen  and  forty-six,  though  less  numerous  ; 
that  it  was  so  arranged  that  in  the  lower  classes  the  number  of  men  in  a  century  was  far 
greater  than  in  the  fir-t.  The  result  was  that  the  first  class,  including  the  knights,  had 
a  majority  of  the  centuries,  although  by  no  means  a  majority  of  voters. 

b  it  must  be  remembered  that  before  any  measure  pertaining  to  the  imperiinn  could 
be  laid  before  the  <•/!/,/;>;<.•  i-nr'tata,  it  must  first  receive  the  patrutn  auctorilax,  i.  «.,  the 
sanction  of  the  piitir*  fnitul'in*  </<•///;////;  ;/<///  />;<// •////,.  and  that  all  aimUar  measures 
adopted  by  the  conii/i"  centuriata,  before  they  became  valid,  required  this  sanction.  In 
regard  to  the  comitia  centuriata  it  is  important  to  recollect  that  only  those  measures 
which  limited  the  consular  Imptrium  required  the  sanction  of  the  comitia  curiafa. 
According  to  some  authorities,  particularly  Mommsen.  the  plebeians  voted  in  this 
assembly.  There  i-  evidence  to  show  that  they  were  admitted  to  the  curies  for  pur- 
"f 'worship  The  weight  of  evidence  is.  however,  decidedly  ncr.rn-t  the  -npposj- 


52  THE   ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

imperium,  which  empowered  the  magistrates  to  command  the 
army  and  to  exercise  judicial  functions.1  The  patricians  then, 
beside  their  great  influence  in  the  com  it  fa  centuriata,  still 
retained  in  the  com  ilia  curiata,  in  which  they  alone  were  enti- 
tled to  vote,  a  check  on  all  legislation  and  the  election  of  all 
the  higher  magistrates. 

4.  The  Valerian  Laws. — Valerius  first  renewed  the  cen- 
sus, and  rearranged  the  classification  in  the  interest  of  the 
rich,  in  the  manner  already  described.  In  order  to  conciliate 
the  poor  he  remitted  the  poll-tax2  imposed  by  Tarquinius 
Superb  us,  and  restored  the  tribtitum*  of  Servius  Tullius.  At 
the  same  time  he  lowered  the  port  dues,4  made  the  salt-works 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber  a  state  monopoly,  and  bought  up 
corn  for  the  state,  that  this  necessity  might  be  supplied  to  the 
poor  at  a  reasonable  price.  Valerius  carried  another  measure 
also  highly  acceptable  to  the  plebeians.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  Tar<[uinius  had  failed  to  keep  the  senate  up  to  its 
full  number.  To  these  vacancies  a  number  of  noble  plebeians 
of  equestrian  rank*  was  admitted,  and  to  distinguish  them 
from  the  patrician  senators,  they  were  called  c<iusrri)>ti?  They 
ranked  only  as  equites,  and  had  no  right  to  the  insignia  of 
senatorial  dignity — the  purple-bordered  robe,  the  red  shoe, 
and  the  golden  ring. 

1.  The  first  laiv6  carried  by  Valerius  prescribed  that  every 
Koman  citizen  against  whom  sentence  of  capital  or  corporal 
punishment  had  been  pronounced  should  have  the  right  of 
appealing7  to  the  people  in  the  comitia  centuriata.  This 

tion  that  they  were  entitled  to  vote  when  the  lex  cttrinta  \yas  to  be  ratified.  (Of.  die.  ad 
.iff..  {.,  18,4.)  If  the  plebeians  could  vote  in  the  comitin  i-uii'i/a.  there  would  be  no 
propriety  fa  Cicero's  writinsr  that  the  adoption  of  Clodins  \va-  to  be  voted  on  in  the 
"iininiK  Miu-tiiix.  where  the  whole  people  (tmiMrvtM  /mpnti/n)  could  vote. 

i  Ice  inferring  the  /'////*•/•;»///.  the  <-i>u>itiu  rii,in/ii  (n/l,i>  n  exercised  jurisdiction 

over  the  internal  affairs  of  the  curies,  inaugurated  certain  priests,  and  before  it  wills 

were  made  and  the  ceremony  of  /inn'iniiii,  by  which  a  man  adopted  any  person  as  his 

HJII  who  was  xi/ijiirix,  that  is  who  had  been  freed  from  the.  (paMa)  potesta*  of  his  father. 

"  Ati  eapUar&tm. 

*  This  was  at  first  a  land-tax.    It  was  raised  in  the  tribes  by  officers  called  curators 
tribunal,  later  tti//i//ii  ifnirii. 

*  J'rrrtoria. 

*•  The  senate  was  henceforth  addressed  as  pfifrtx  (ef)  conxcripfl.  There  are  said  to  have 
been  as  many  as  1C4  added,  a  clear  majority  of  the  whole  number.  These  were  by  no 
i  :'-:IM-  ;ill  plebeians. 

fwit  moffiftratiaebm  Romanumadi'ersusprmocatianemnecaretnevevtrlxra.ret,. 
''"'"'•-••  *  See  p.  210.  ii.  fi. 


THE   ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   REPUBLIC.  53 

was  a  direct  limitation  of  the  power  of  the  consul ;  it  was 
the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  of  the  Romans.  As  an  outward  sign 
of  the  limitation  of  the  official  power  of  the  magistrate,  Vale- 
rius caused  the  fasces  to  be  borne  in  the  city  without  the 
axes,  and  to  be  lowered  before  the  people.  Outside  of  the 
city  the  consular  authority  was  still  supreme,  and  the  axes 
were  bound  up  with  the  fasces.1 

2.  The  second  law2  placed  a  limit  to  the  fines3  which  the 
magistrate  could  impose. 

3.  The  third  law  was  also  a  limitation  of  the  power  of 
the  consul,  in  that  it  prescribed  that  two  qucestors*  should  be 
appointed  annually  to  manage  the  finances,  of  the  state.    The 
management  of  the  finances  was  a  question  of  less  importance 
at  this  time  in  Rome,  where  no  public  officer  received  a  salary, 
and  where  military  service  was  exacted  from  every  citizen. 
The  consuls,  as  has  already  been  said,  were  elected  for  one 
year,  yet  they  did  not  abdicate  until  their  successors  were 
appointed,  for  they  must  nominate  and  preside  at  the  election 
of  the  latter. 

4.  T/te  fourth  law5  of  Valerius  compelled  the  presiding 
magistrates   to  nominate  and  receive  votes  for  all  suitable 
candidates  proposed  by  the  people.6 

5.  The  fifth  law7  threatened  any  one  with  outlawry  who 
should  attempt  to  assume  the  highest  magistracy  without  the 
consent  of  the  people. 

5.  These  are  the  laws  attributed  to  Valerius,  henceforth 
called  Poplicola,  "  the  people's  friend."  It  is  evident  that  they 
helped  to  settle  the  new  order  of  things,  and  by  limiting  the 
power  of  the  magistrate  made  the  aristocratic  rule  of  the 
patricians  less  intolerable  to  the  plebeians.  They  offered  to 
the  plebeians,  both  in  the  senate  and  comitia  centuriata,  a 


1  This  led  to  the  distinction  between  imperium  doml  and  imperium  militice. 

*  At  least  it  is  generally  ascribed  to  Valerius. 

*  MuKce  dicfio:  the  limit  was  five  cattle  and  two  sheep. 

1  The  qucRiitor?*  jmriicidn  were  magistrates  under  the  king.  By  the  law  of  Valerius 
they  became  qiiceftore.*  pnrriridii  and  ccrarii. 

'  Lex  Valeria  de  candidate. 

'  The  patricians  could  render  the  election  invalid  by  refusing  to  empower  (pafrwn 
auctorUat)  the  candidate  to  lay  the  /ex  curiata  de  impeno  before  the  rmnifift  curiata. 

7  I&K  de  gacranclo  cum  bonis  cajAU  yu-s,  qvi  regni  occupandi  concilia  inlsset. 


54    THE  RICH   AND   POOR. — THE  TRIBUNES  OF  THE   PEOPLE. 

share  in  the  government,  and  thereby  helped  to  strengthen  the 
unity  of  the  state. 

6.  The  Dictatorship. — The  repeated  re-election  of  Vale- 
rius, and  the  popular  tendency  of  his  laws,  created  a  reaction 
and  led  to  the  establishment  of  the  dictatorship.     This  was  a 
temporary  restoration  of  the  full  power  which  the  kings  had 
possessed.    By  a  decree1  of  the  senate  one  of  the  consuls  was. 
empowered  to  nominate  a  dictator  for  a  period  not  exceeding 
six  months.     All  the  other  magistrates  remained  in  office,  and 
continued  to  discharge  their  duties,  but  they  were  all  subject 
to  the  dictator.    The  guarantees  by  which  Valerius  had  sought 
to  protect  the  liberties  of  the  people  were  all  in  abeyance.    The 
dictator  appointed  as  second  in  command  a  '///<•////>//-/•  f</nifnm, 
or  master  of  the  horse.     The  first  dictator  was  T.  Larcius.2 

7.  Valerius,  after  he  bad  secured  the  adoption  of  these  laws, 
convened  the  comitia  for  the  election  of  a  consul.3    The  people 
chose  Spurius  Lucretius,  but  on  his  death,  a  few  days  after, 
Marcus  Horatius  was  elected  in  his  place. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  RICH  AND  POOR. — THE  TRIBUNES  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

1.  Thus  far  both  parties  had  co-operated  in  the  restoration 
of  order.  The  chief  motive,  howeuT,  that  had  influenced  the 
patricians  to  consent  to  the  amendments  of  the  constitution 
and  to  other  popular  measures,  was  the  fear  that  the  plebeians 
might  unite  with  the  party  of  the  king  ami  thus  bring  about  a 
restoration  of  the  monarchy.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  con- 
servative aristocratic  party  in  Rome  was  strengthened  by  the 

1  Ley  de  dictatore  crtando. 

'  Or  M'.  Valerius.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  dictatorship  originated  as  described  in 
the  text,  or  in  the  dissensions  of  the  two  orders— t.  ?.,  that  the  patricians  nrizht  thwart 
the  measures  of  the  people  or  of  a  popular  consul — or  arose  from  a  necessity  of  unity  o* 
command  in  military  affairs;  sec  al>o  p.  48. 

'   Consul  *"? 


THE   RICH  AND   POOR. — THE  TRIBUNES   OF  THE   PEOPLE.      55 

Clatidian  gens,  which  migrated  to  Rome  with  three  thousand 
clients.  About  this  time  the  population  had  so  increased  that 
the  Roman  territory  was  divided  at  the  next  census  (B.  c.  498) 
into  twenty  tribes,1  of  which  four  were  the  ancient  wards  formed 
by  the  Servian  constitution.  With  the  death  of  Tarquinius8 
vanished  all  fear  of  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy,  and  at  the 
same  time  all  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  plebeians. 

2.  The  Condition  of  the  Plebeians. — In  order  to  under- 
stand the  condition  of  the  plebeians,  it  is  necessary  to  remember 
that  the  management  of  the  government  was  almost  exclusively 
in  the  hands  of  the  patricians.     They  alone  could  be  dictators, 
consuls,  quaestors,  or  priests.    The  plebeians,  it  is  true,  had  a  vote 
in  the  comitia  centuriata,  where  they  even  formed  a  majority. 
This  assembly,  however,  had  been  remodelled  in  the  interest 
of  the  rich,  so  that  here  also  the  influence  of  the  patricians  was 
predominant.     Further,  no  measure  could  be  laid  before  this 
assembly  until  it  had  first  received  their  sanction.    The  comitia 
then  could  only  decide  with  yes  or  no  on  the  question  laid 
before  them.    All  emendation,   discussion,  and  debate  were 
excluded.     The  measures,  after  their  adoption  by  the  people, 
must  come  once  more  before  the  patricians  for  confirmation 

•L 

in  the  comitia  curia  fa.  In  the  popular  assembly,  fhen,  the 
plebeians  could  make  no  successful  resistance  to  the  well- 
organized  rule  of  the  patricians.  Marriage  between  the  tw6 
orders  was  unlawful.  Neither  wealth  nor  service  to  the  state 
opened  to  the  plebeian  the  prospect/  of  rising  above  his  order 
and  sharing  in  the  government. 

3.  The  Law  of  Debtor  and  Creditor. — Another  circum- 
stance aggravated  his  hardships.     The  wars  that  had  followed 
the  banishment  of  the  king  had  pressed  hard  upon  the  ple- 
beians.    They  had  to  render  military  service  without  pay,  and 
to  provide  their  own  arms.     Rome  had  to  surrender  her  terri- 
tory beyond  the  Tiber 3  to  Porsenna.     The  ravages  of  war 
ruined  the  crops.    The  enemy  destroyed  the  farm  buildings 
and  drove  away  the  cattle.     When  the  poor  plebeian  returned, 


1  The  twenty-first  tribe  was  added  at  the  next  census,  five  years  after  (B.  c.  493). 
'  p.  48.  >  Srnlem  pagi. 


56     THE  RICH  AND   POOR. — THE  TRIBUNES  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

either  his  farm  had  been  left  untilled  or  his  crops  were  de- 
stroyed, and  lie  was  without  means  of  subsistence  or  of  pur- 
chasing seed  for  the  next  year.  He  was  then  obliged  to  incur 
debts.  If  he  failed  in  paying  the  large  interest — ten  or  twelve 
per  cent — he  was  seized  by  the  creditor  and  imprisoned,  or 
sold  as  a  slave  and  his  family  left  to  starve.1 

These  wars,  while  they  were  the  ruin  of  the  plebeians, 
benefited  the  patricians  ;  for  they  alone  could2  occupy  the  land 
acquired  by  conquest.  Under  the  kings  the  plebeians  had 
been  admitted  to  a  share  in  its  use  ;  but  now  the  patricians 
divided  the  land  among  themselves  and  the  wealthy  plebeian 
families  represented  in  the  senate,  and  paid  to  the  state  only  a 
nominal  rent  for  its  use;  and  as  it  was  exi-mpted  from  taxation 
an  unfair  portion  of  the  taxes8  fell  upon  the  poor,  while  their 
means  for  bearing  the  burden  were  narrowed.  This  led  to  a 
distinction  between  rich  and  poor,  by  no  means  identical  with 
that  between  patricians  and  plebeians. 

4.  The  Right  of  Appeal. — The  Valerian  law  had  guar- 
anteed to  the  plebeians  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  popular 
assembly  against  the  hard  sentence  of  the  patrician  consul. 
This  right,  however,  the  senate  could  at  any  moment  render 
void  by  authorizing  one  of  the  consuls  to  nominate  a  dictator, 

1  When  a  plebeian  at  Rome  found  himself  involved  in  a  debt  which  he  could  not  pay, 
his  bc^t  re-ource  was  to  sell  himself  to  his  creditor,  on  the  condition  thai  unless  the 
debt  were  previously  di-charged,  the  creditor,  at  the  expiration  of  a  stated  term,  should 
enter  into  possession  of  his  purchase.  This  was  called,  in  the  language  of  the  Roman 
law,  the  entering  into  a  nerum,  and  the  person  who  had  thus  conditionally  sold  himself 
was  said  to  be  nexus.  When  the  day  came,  the  creditor  claimed  poM-esi-ion,  and  the 
magistrate  awarded  it ;  and  the  debtor  thus  given  over  to  his  purchaser.  m/(/,V/v,.,  pa-x-d, 
with  all  that  belonged  to  him,  into  his  power;  and  as  the  sons  were  considered  their 
father's  property,  they  also,  unless  previously  emancipated,  were  included  in  the  sale, 
and  went  into  slavery  with  their  father.  Or'if  a  man,  resolved  not  by  his  own  act  to 
(sacrifice  his  own  and  his  children's  liberty,  refused  thus  to  sell  himself,  or.  in  the  Roman 
language,  to  enter  into  a  nt-rmn.  and  determined  to  abide  in  his  own  person  the  conse- 
quences of  his  own  debt,  then  he  risked  a  fate  still  more  fearful.  If.  within  thirty  days 
after  the  justice  of  the  claim  had  been  allowed,  he  was  unable  to  discharge  it.  his  creditor 
might  arrest  him  and  bring  him  before  the  court:  and  if  no  one  then  offered  to  be  his 
security,  he  was  given  over  to  his  creditor,  and  kept  by  him  in  private  custody,  bound  with 
a  chain  of  fifteen  pounds  weight,  and  fed  with  a  pound  of  corn  daily.  If  he  still  could  not, 
or  would  not.  come  to  any  terms  with  his  creditor,  he  was  thus  confined  durint;  >ixty  days, 
and  during  this  period  was  brought  before  the  court  in  the  comitinni  on  three  successive 
market-days,  and  the  amount  or  his  debt  declared,  in  order  to  see  if  any  person  would 
yet  come  forward  in  his  behalf.  On  the  third  market-day,  if  no  friend  appeared,  he  was 
either  to  be  put  to  death  or  sold  a*  a  slave  into  a  foreign  land  beyond  the  Tiber.— ArnoUTt 
Sigt.  Home,  p.  52 ;  see  also  Liry  ii.  23. 

4  Afffr  p>iblicn*. 

'  TribHti/m.  This  was  a  tax  assessed  by  tribes  only  on  landed  property.  The  wealth 
of  the  patricians  consisted  mostly  in  their  occupation  of  the  public  land,  which  was 
exempt  from  this  tax.  The  burden  then  fell  more  heavily  upon  the  plebeian. 


THE  RICH  AND   POOR.— THE  TRIBUNES  OF  THE   PEOPLE.    5? 

whose  power  was  not  limited  by  the  Valerian  laws,  but  was 
supreme  both  in  and  out  of  the  city.  The  only  way  for  the 
plebeians  to  gain  a  share  in  the  management  of  the  govern- 
ment was  to  organize  themselves  as  a  separate  political  body. 

5.  The  First  Secession. — The  first  crisis,  however,  came 
not  from  those  who  resented  their  political  disabilities,  but 
from  the  poor.  They  saw  in  the  frequent  wars  the  real  cause 
of  their  poverty.  When  the  levy  of  the  state  was .  called  out 
for  a  dangerous  war  against  the  Volscians,  the  plebeians  refused 
to  serve.  Then  the  consul  Servilius,  who  was  friendly  to  the 
people,  suspended  the  severe  law  of  debtor  and  creditor,  and 
liberated  the  imprisoned  debtors  on  condition  that  they  should 
take  their  place  in  the  ranks  and  help  to  secure  the  victory. 
The  enemy  was  driven  back,  and  the  army  returned  victorious  to 
Rome.  But  the  distress  began  again,  for  the  law  was  enforced 
by  his  colleague,  Appius  Claudius,  in  its  former  rigor  (B.C.  495). 
The  next  year  the  enemy  appeared  again,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  senate  appointed  M'.  Valerius  dictator  that  the  farmers 
yielded  and  took  their  place  again  in,  the  ranks.  On  his  return 
as  victor,  the  dictator  tried  to  carry  his  measures  for  reform. 
When  these  were  rejected,  the  army,  which  stood  in  array  be- 
fore the  gates  of  the  city,  abandoned  its  general,  and  headed 
by  the  military  tribunes,  who  were  at  least  in  part  plebeians, 
marched  away  to  the  district  between  the  Tiber  and  Anio, 
and  there  determined  to  build  a  new  city1  (B.C.  494). 

The  patricians  were  compelled  to  yield.  They  saw  plainly 
that  they  and  their  clients  could  not  carry  on  the  government 
alone.  They  sent  Valerius  to  make  terms  with  the  leaders.  He 
was  accompanied  by  ten  senators,  at  whose  head  was  Agrippa 
Menenius,  who  is  said  to  have  overcome  their  obstinacy  by 
relating  the  fable  of  the  belly  and  members.  Henceforth 
Valerius  was  called  Jfaximus,  and  the  mount  beyond  the  Anio 
the  Sacred  Mount,2  and  the  law  the  lex  sacrata.3 


1  This  was  called  the  xecesgto  plfbts  In  facntm  montem,  or  secessio  Or"*t»rrfn  i. 
ITie  statement  on  the  authority  of  Piso  (Lie.  ii.  32),  that  the  Aventine  \va-  occupied, 
relate?  to  a  later  secession. 

'  It  was  3  Roman  miles,  or  2%  English  miles,  distant  from  Rome. 

'  That  Is  the  covenant  or  terms  upon  which  jionce  \va*  made. 


58    THE  RICH   AND   POOR. — THE  TRIBUNES  OF  THE 


6.  The  Tribunes  of  the  People.— The  conditions  of  their 
return  were,  (1)  the  cancelling  of  old  debts,  and  (2)  the  election 
of  two  plebeian  tribunes.    The  tribunes  of  the  people  took  their 
names  and  were  elected,  not  from  the  military  tribunes,  but 
from  the  tribunes1  who  managed  the  local  n flairs  of  the  tribes. 
Their  office  was  purely  civil,  and  was  designed  to  protect  the 
plebeians  from  the  severity  of  the  consular  power.     They  had 
no  military  force  at  their  disposal,  but  their  authority  was 
strengthened  by  placing  the  tribunes  themselves  under  the 
special  protection  of  the  gods.     They  were  declared  to  be 
sacrosancti,  that  is,  consecrated  and  inviolable,  and  whoever 
injured  one,  or  hindered  him  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority, 
was  threatened  with  the  curse  of  the  gods,2  and  might  be  killed 
by  any  one  without  fear  of  punishment.     The  recognition  of 
these  laws,  wrung  from  the  patricians,  was  the  first  plebiscititm? 
This  was  the  beginning  of  a  new  form  of  legislation,  which  led 
in  the  course  of  years  to  absolute  democracy. 

7.  The  Original  Power  of  the  Tribunes. — The  preroga- 
tives of  the  tribunes  were  at  first  simply  to  protect  any  plebeian 
who  appealed   to   them  for  protection  against  the  consular 
authority.4    In  order  that  every  injured  person  might  place 
himself  under  the  protection  of  the  tribunes,  it  was  enacted 
that  they  should  not  go  more  than  a  mile  from  the  city,5  and 


1  Curatorex  trVnnim.  or  tribvni  ararii,  as  they  were  called.  Each  tribe  had  five, 
making  in  all  one  hundred  and  five  Plebeians  were  eligible  to  tlii-  office,  and  it  was  * 
from  the  plebeian  members  ihat  the  tribunes  were  elected.  Their  number  waa  at  lirst 
two,  but  was  Immediately  increased,  by  cooptatlo  d.  e.  the  two  who  had  already  been 
chosen  selected  their  eoungWW),  to  live,  to  correspond  to  the,  live  elas-e-.  According 
to  Mominsen  their  number  was  increased  to  five  by  the  Pnblilian  law  of  Volero  (471  B.  c.); 
see  page  63. 

*  Consecratio  caintta  ft  bonorvm. 

'  Aptebiacitum  was  any  measure  adopted  by  tbe  plebeians.  In  tin-  ca-^e  the  tribunes 
were  elected  and  the  Ir.r  taerala  carried  in  a  meeting  of  plebeians  held  by  tribe-^  \t> •>>/>/- 
tim),  i.e.,  in  a  concilium  hilmt'tin.  Henceforth  the  tribune*  were  elected  in  the  comitia 
curiata.  According  to  Mommeen  they  were  elected  in  &  concilium  ciirintnm :  but  this 
is  connected  with  another  view  of  Momjiiscn.  viz.:  that  the  plebeians  ueip  admitted  to 
the  curies.  It  is  in  any  ca.-e  mere  supposition  :  the  ancients  give  no  -ati-factory  informa- 
tion on  the  subject ;  ne  n<>te  ,-j.  \n\«e  M. 

*  J'/.-i  inttrc"lmtii,  or  a-  it  wa-  at  flr-t  called.  ;».«  tuiri'ii.     In  order  to  understand  the 
position  of  the  tribune-,  it  i-  nrve«sary  to  remember  that  their  legal  power  constated 
simply  in  suspending  an  act.  not  in  annul  ling  it.  and  that  tho  coercion  exercised  over  the 
con-nl  was  simply  a  u-urped  power.    Eigenbrodt  ha-  proved  that  iheir  power  '.tii'junicia 
potes(as)  was  not.  as  Momm-en  -uppo-es.  Miperior  to  that  of  the  con-ul  (major  potestas), 
nor  their  veto  like  that  of  the  dictator  o-i  iii<\)orix  pottxtatte),  but  sprang  simply  from 
their  inviolability,  i.e.,  from  their  jt/tcrwanctn  imfi*tn*. 

*  That  is,  that  they  should  not  RO  oiit-idc  of  the  pomerium,  for  so  far  the  right  of  ap- 
peal and  the  power  of  the  tribune  extended. 


I>KYKI.OI'MKNT  OF  THE    POWER   OP  THE   TRIBUNES.          59 

that  the  doors  of  their  houses  should  be  open  night  and  day, 
that  any  one  might  find  refuge  with  them.  From  the  right 
of  intercession  was  developed  the  power  by  which  the  tribune 
could  place  his  veto  upon  the  execution  of  any  law  or  measure 
of  the  consul  injurious  to  the  interests  of  the  people,  and  for 
a  time,  at  least,  prevent  its  execution.  This  \vas  a  direct  limita- 
tion of  the  consular  power.1 

8.  The  Icilian  Law. — The  tribunes  also  had  the  right  of 
summoning2  the  plebeians3  from  time  to  time  to  consult  them 
on  their  affairs.  In  these  meetings  the  tribunes  addressed  the 
people  and  carried  resolutions.  These,  however,  when  they 
pertained  to  the  affairs  of  the  state,  were  mere  petitions,  or  had 
but  little  more  effect  than  the  resolutions  of  our  modern  public 
meetings.  Their  validity,  however,  was  asserted  by  the  plebeians 
from  the  first,  and  in  this  way  the  Icilian  resolution,4  which 
punished  with  death  any  one  interrupting  a  tribune  while  ad- 
dressing the  people,  was  adopted  and  became  a  law  (493  B.  c.). 

Two  plebeian  sediles  were  elected  at  the  same  time  with 
the  tribunes,5  whom  they  were  to  attend  and  to  assist.6 


CHAPTER 

.DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  POWEK  OF  THE  TRIBUNES. 
AGRARIAN  AGITATIONS. 

1.  The  powers  of  the  tribunes  developed  rapidly.  They 
soon  usurped  the  right  to  summon  any  patrician  before  their 
assembly,  and  to  punish  him  with  fines  or  even  with  death. 
The  first  instance  of  the  kind  is  said  to  have  been  in  the  case  of 
Coriolanus7  (B.  c.  491). 

I.  e.,  imperium  doml.  «  "  ConHUa  pldix. 

•TvK  c'/m  plebe  aqendi.  *  Plebixcitum  Icilhmi. 

At,  the  same  time  probably  ten  men  for  lawsuits  ( judicfa  decemviri^  were  elected, 
Wbose  dutv  was  to  investigate  cu>cs  which  came  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  tribunes 
The  tribunes  entered  each  year  upon  their  office  the  10th  of  December. 
Plut.  Cor. 


60         DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE   POWER  OP  THE  TRIBUNES. 

2.  The  Story  of  Coriolanus. — The  legend  runs  that,  there 
was  a  famine  at  Rome.   The  distress  was  great  among  the  poor. 
Corn  was  bought  in  Etruria  and  distributed  among  them.   This 
was  not  sufficient,  and  the  suffering  continued,  till  Gelon,  king 
of  Syracuse,  sent  ships  of  corn  as  presents  to  the  Roman  people. 
Then  Gajus  Marcius  Coriolauus,  a  brave  patrician  who  had 
fought  at  Lake  Regillus  and  Avon  the  civic  croun,  proposed 
that  none  be  yielded  to  the  plebeians  until  they  consented  tc 
give  up  their  tribunes.   Thereupon  the  tribunes  impeached  him 
before  the  assembly  of  tribes 1  of  having  broken  the  peace  be- 
tween the  two  orders,  and  of  having  violated  the  sacred  laws. 
The  patricians  could  not  protect  him,  and  he  was  compelled  to 
flee  from  Rome.2    He  betook  himself  to  Antium,  the  capital  of 
the  Volscians,  and  persuaded  them  to  make  war  on   Rome. 
Commanded  by  their  king  and  Coriolanus,  they  penetrated 
within  five  miles  of  the  city  and  laid  waste  the  land  of  the 
plebeians  for  miles  around.   The  Romans  sued  for  peace.   Cori- 
olanus demanded  the  restoration  of  all  the  towns  that  had 
been  taken  from  the  Volscians.  .These  terms  seemed  hard,  and 
the  ambassadors  came  again  to  ask  fur  more  favorable  con- 
ditions.    Coriolanus  would  not  even  see  them.     But  when  a 
procession  of  Roman  matrons  came,  and  Coriolanus  recognized 
his  mother  Veturia,  his  wife  Volnmnia,  and  his  little  children, 
he  was  induced  to  yield.     He  withdrew  his  army,  and  gave 
back   the  conquered   towns.     Some  say  that  he  was  put  to 
death  by  the  Volscians,  others  that  he  spent  his  life  in  exile. 

3.  The  Position  of  the  Tribunes. — The  prerogatives  of 
the  tribunes  were  now  secure.     The  discord  between  the  two 
parties,  rich  and  poor,  or  what  at  this  time  was  nearly  the  same, 
between  the  patricians  and  plebeians,  was  legally  organized. 
The  struggle  of  the  plebeians  henceforth  was  for  a  further  limi- 
tation of  the  consular  power,  and  for  a  legal  position  in  the  state. 

4.  The  Management  of  the  Public  Land. — The  meas- 
ures thus  far  adopted  afforded  only  temporary  relief  for  the 

1  That  Is,  the  assembly  of  plebeians  by  tribes,  concilium  tributum  pleiAs. 
1  The  judicial  power  of  the  tribunes  in  capital  oftences  was  regulated  and  defined  by 
the  lex  Aterna  Tai-peja  (B.  c.  464). 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  POWER  OF  THE  TRIBUNES.         61 

poor.  Their  condition  could  never  be  permanently  bettered 
until  the  injustice  which  lay  at  the  root  of  the  civil  dissensions 
was  removed.  This  was  the  management  of  the  public  land.1 
This  land  had  been  acquired  by  conquest,  and  so  long  as  the 
patricians  alone  formed  the  people,2  they  jealously  excluded 
the  plebeians  from  all  share  in  it.  But  when  the  plebeians 
were  admitted  to  military  service,  and  when  new  lands  were 
acquired,  in  part  at  least,  by  their  blood  and  toil,  they  too 
claimed  a  share  in  its  use.  This  the  patricians  denied,  and 
claimed  and  exercised,  for  the  most  part,  the  exclusive  right 
of  inclosing  and  occupying  it.  For  its  use  they  were  to  pay 3  to 
the  state  either  a  small  tax,4  or  a  tenth  of  the  income5  of  the 
soil.  After  the  banishment  of  the  king,  in  order  to  con- 
ciliate the  favor  of  the  plebeians,  the  patricians  allowed  them 
also,  on  giving  a  tenth  of  the  income,6  to  drive  their  cattle 
upon  the  common  pasture.7  When  in  course  of  time  larger 
tracts  were  conquered,  portions  were  also  parceled  out  to  the 
plebeians,  in  a  manner,  however,  by  no  means  satisfactory  to 
them.  Small  farms8  were  given  to  them  in  the  newly  acquired 
territory,  on  condition  that  they  should  settle  there  and  de- 
fend it. 

5.  Its  Occupation. — But  as  population  increased  and 
agriculture  was  developed,  the  occupation  of  the  land  fell 
more  and  more  into  the  hands  of  the  rich.  For  when  the 
senate  authorized  the  consul  to  offer  new  tracts  of  land  for 
occupation  9  and  possession,10  only  the  rich  who  had  herds  of 
cattle  and  households  of  slaves,  could  make  its  cultivation 
profitable.  Hence  the  public  pastures  were  brought  more  and 
more  into  cultivation,  and  the  grazing  laud  for  the  use  of  the 
poor  became  smaller.  The  poor  plebeian  could  not  even  obtain 
work  on  this  land  as  a  day-laborer,  for  the  patricians  pre- 
ferred slaves,  because  they  were  cheaper,  and  the  slaves  were 
not  liable,  like  the  plebeians,  to  military  service.  By  admitting 
the  rich  plebeians  to  a  share  in  the  public  lands,  the  senate 


Ager  pnblicus.  *  Populm.  *  This  was  not  strictly  enforced 

Scriptura.  '  Vectigal.  '  Vectigal. 

Pastua.  '  Bina  jugera.  '  Occupatlo.  10  Possessio. 


62         DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  POWER  OF  THE  TRIBUNES. 

identified  their  interest  with  its  own,  and  deprived  the  poor 
plebeians  of  the  aid  of  those  who  ought  to  have  been  their  pro- 
tectors. The  patricians  then  claimed  the  exclusive  right  of  oc- 
cupying the  public  lands.  This  claim  the  plebeians  resisted. 

6.  The  Agrarian  Law  of  Cassins  (B.  c.  486). — To  rec- 
tify this  injustice  Spurius  Cassius,1  a  noble  patrician,  proposed 
to  the  comitia  centiiriata  the  first  Agrarian  Law.     He  was  the 
most  renowned  of  his  order,  and  had  formed  a  treaty  with  the 
Latins  in  his  second  consulship  (B.C.  493),  and  in  his  third  with 
the  Hernicans.     He  now  came  forward  as  the  protector  of  the 
plebeians,  and  proposed  that  the  newly-acquired  public  land 
should  not  be  offered  for  occupation,  but  be  divided  among  the 
plebeians  and  Latins,2  and  if  this  was  not  sufficient  a  part  of 
the  public  land  already  occupied  should  be  taken.     Against 
this  proposal  the  patricians  rose  as  one  man,  and  the  rich  plebe- 
ians took  part  with  them  ;  first,   because  the  consul  had  laid 
a  matter  relating  to  the  civil  administration,  Avhich  properly 
belonged  to  the  senate,  before  the  people  ;  and  secondly,  be- 
cause the  bill  threatened  to  deprive  those  already  in  possession 
of  the  public  land  of  their  rights.     The  plebeians  themselves 
were  dissatisfied,  because  the  Latins  were  to  have  a  share  in  the 
land.  The  patricians  allowed  the  law  to  pass,  but  prevented  its 
execution.   Sp.  Cassius  was  accused  the  next  year,  at  their  insti- 
gation, of  aiming  at  kingly  power,  and  condemned  to  death. 

7.  The  Three  Parties. — Thus  far  the  struggle  had  been 
chiefly  between  the  rich  and  poor.     Still  all  the  rich  plebeians 
had  not  taken  sides  with  the  patricians,  and  there  were  many 
rich  patricians  who  favored  the  poor.     It  Avas  these  rich  patri- 
cians and  plebeians  who  formed  the  third  party,  a  party  which 
had  the  welfare  of  the  state  in  view  and  counseled  conciliation 
and  unity. 

1  By  a  strange  compensation  of  fortune,  the  flr-4  Roman  whose  greatness  is  really 
historic'il.  i-  [lie  man  whn-c  d'-ed-  no  poet  -ani;.  and  \vh'i-f  memory  the  early  annalist*. 
repeating  the  !;iM<_ni:iu'e  <>f  the  party  who  de-rroyed  hi:n,  have  branded  with  the  charge  of 
treason  and  attempted  tyranny.  Amid  the  silence  and  the  calumnie-  of  hi-  enemies,  he 
is  known  a-1  the  author  of  three  work-  to  which  R'>ine  owed  all  her  future  grcatnes-  :  he 
Concluded  the  league  with  the  L'ltins  in  hi-,  -econd  consul-hip  ;  in  his  third  he  concluded 
the  league  with  the  Hernicans.  and  pnriuv'l.  although  with  the  price  of  his  own  life,  the 
enactment  of  the  first  agrarian  law. — Arnul.i'g  History,  p.  57. 

-  According  to  the  treaty. 


DEVELOPMENT   OF   THE    POWER   OF   THE   TRIBUNES.          63 


8.  The    Fabii    and  Vejentines    (B.  c.  485-477). — The 
death  of  Cassius,  however,  so  strengthened  the  patricians  that 
the  Fabian  gens,  contrary  to  the  law  of  Valerius,  usurped  the 
consulship  for  nearly  ten  years.     Oppression  fell  heavier  than 
ever  on  the  poor  plebeian.     When  he  refused  to  serve  in  the 
army  the  consul  made  the  levy  outside  of  the  pomerium,  where 
the  intercession  of  the  tribune  was  of  no  avail.    The  patricians 
had  also  learned  to  make  use  of  the  veto  of  some  tribune  to 
neutralize  the  acts  of  his  colleagues.      It  seemed  as  if  the 
Fabian  gens,  as  the  senate  recommended  from  year  to  year 
one  of  their  number  for  the  consulship,  would  gain  supreme 
control  of  the  state.     In  order  to  win  the  favor  of  the  ple- 
beians, Kaeso  Fabius,  the  same  who  had  impeached  Cassius, 
even  proposed  to  carry  into  execution  the  agrarian  law.     The 
government  took  the  alarm,  and  the  Fabian  house,  of  three 
hundred  and  six  males  of  full  age  and  four  thousand  clients, 
were  compelled  to  leave  Eome.     They  marched  to  the  river 
Cremera  near  Veji,  and  established  a  fortified  camp.    For  two 
years  they  sustained  the  whole  of  the  Yejentine  war,  but  at 
length  were  enticed  into  an  ambuscade.    All  were  slain.     One 
boy  only,  who  had  remained  at  Eome,  preserved  the  name  and 
race  of  the  Fabii  (B.  c.  477). 

9.  The  Publilian  Law  of  Volero  (B.  c.  471). — After  the 
banishment  of  the  Fabii,  the  contest  for  the  execution  of  the 
agrarian  law  was  waged  more  fiercely.     The  tribune  Genucius 
accused  the  consuls  for  the  year  B.  c.  473  before  the  assembly 
of  tribes  of  not  having  made  the  promised  assignments  of  land. 
On  the  night  before  the  trial,  the  tribune  was  murdered  in  his 
own  house.     This  so  terrified  his  colleagues  that  they  did  not 
even  dare  to  make  use  of  their  power  of  intercession.    Then 
the  plebeians  became  convinced  that  they  must  have  men  for 
tribunes  who  were  politically  independent,1  and  ready,  under 
any  circumstance,  to  lend  their  aid  to  the  poor. 

Their  tribune  Volero  Publilius  proposed  to  transfer  the 


1  The  patricians  exerted  indirectly  an  influence  on  the  election  of  the  tribunes  by 
peeing  that  suitable  men  were  elected  fur  enratnrf*  fnff""m.  from  \vh'ch  the  tribune*  of 
the  people  were  selected.  The  c>irrtff>r(s  frifyin/m  were  elected  by  members  of  the  tribes  ; 
patricians,  plebeians,  and  clients  voting  on  a  footing  of  equality. 


64         DEVELOPMENT   OF  THE   POWER  OF  THE  TRIBUM .-. 

election  of  tribunes  to  the  plebeians  themselves.  The  patri- 
cians, under  the  lead  of  Appius  Claudius,  resisted ;  they 
pressed  into  the  assembly  of  the  plebeians,1  and  delayed  the 
adoption  of  the  measure.  Volero  rallied  the  people  ;  he  was 
re-elected.  Notwithstanding  the  disturbance  of  the  patri- 
cians, he  carried  the  measure,  and  it  became  a  law.2  Hence- 
forth the  tribunes  were  elected  in  the  special  plebeian  as- 
sembly.3 

10.  This  was  a  great  gain  for  the  plebeians.  To  their  rights 
of  meeting  together  and  discussing  their  own  affairs  and  pass- 
ing resolutions  free  from  interruption,  secured  by  the  Iciliau 
plebiscitum,  was  now  added  that  of  electing  their  own  officers 
free  and  independent  of  patrician  influence. 

1  The  patricians,  like  the  plebeians,  were  included  in  the  local  tribes,  and  both  voted 
together  in  electing  the  officers  of  the  tril>e  and  managing  its  local  affairs.  When  ap 
assembly  from  all  the  tribes  was  -nmmoned  by  the  tribune,  it  was  natural  that  the  patri- 
cians should  lay  claim  to  admittance  also.  They  may  have  pressed  into  tlie  assembly  to 
enforce  this  right.  A  few  years  afterwards  (B.  c.  447'  the  <-oniitin  Iriftulu  was  organized, 
in  which  both  patrician  and  plebeian  voted  on  a  footing  of  equality. 

•  This  law  was  a  j>t--l>i.--ritinii.  but  the  patricians  were  compelled  to  recognize  its  validity. 
Rome  had  now  the  following  public  assemblies  :  the  con  •  -idcd  over  by 
the  consul,  in  which  both  patricians  and  plebeians  voted  accoidiiii:  to  u  classification 
that  gave  the  greatest  influence  to  wealth  and  age  ;  the  -pedal  a— emhly  of  plebeians  by 
tribes  (fnnriliiini  tr'iliutiiiii  i/lit/i"  ,  pre-ided  over  by  a  tribune,  where  all  voted  on  a  foot- 
ing of  equality;  the  co>/<i>i't  rurintu.  compo-ed  (inly  of  patricians,  in  which  the  people 
voted  in  mriii — each  curia  had  one  vote,  determined  by  the  majority  of  votes  in  that 
curia  ;•  when  the  lex  ctiriata  (if  iin/»-r!»  fame  before  the  a— embly,  a  consul,  praetor,  or 
dictator  pre-ided:  when  ca-es  of  adoption  or  religious  matters,  t'he  /-//i^/'-./   / 
presided  ;  the  connl'ium  i-nnniuin,  compo-ed  of  the  j><i'n •xfumiiinx  <  inrum, 
formerly  conferred  the  jin'ruiH  <in<-ti>r\f<ix.  but  since  all  the  patrician  ijt ~-nt<*  were  repre- 
sented in  the  winate,  this  was  s  i d  to  have  been  conferred  by  the  patrician  part  of  the 
senate;  the  ccmitiri  tnln/fn.  generally  pre-ided  ever  by  the  )/rnfo>:  in  which  the  whole 
body  of  citizens,  patrician-,  plebeian*  and  clients,  voted  on  a  footinir  of  equality,  was 
not  organized  till  a  later  period  (B.C.  447>.    It  was  employed  to  enact  some  laws,  elect 
the  inferior  magistrates,  and  decide  the  less  important  judicial  processes.    The  word  fear, 
by  no  means  synonymous  with  our  word  "  law."  was  applicable  to  whatever  the  people 
commanded  (quod  jinfinfux  ,)'ili,t  aii/m  m>ix/itnif\.  which  did  not  consist  in  an  election  or 
judicial  decision.    The  word  was  particularly  applicable  to  a  rex/alto  (a  bill)  proposed  data 
est)  in  a  comitia,  an  assembly  of  the  whole  people.    A  fcittiin  was  a  resolution  carried  in 
iconc'iti'iin  ftft?>i».  and  only  became  a  law  after  it  had  been  recognized  by  the  people. 

•  Concilium  Inhalant  jJfti'tn  ;  this  law  Monmisen  I  voi.  i..  p.  8117)  calls  one  of  the  most 
momentous  in   it-  consequences  with  which  Roman  hi-tory  has  to  deal  ;  for  two  of  the 
most  important  arrangement)*— the  introduction  of  the  plebeian  assembly  of  tribe-  i  p.  58, 
noteSi  and  the  placing  of  the  ji'rf'i.-ri/iini  on  a  level,  although  conditionally,  with  the 
formal  law  sanctioned  by  the  whole  community  —  are  to  he  referred,  the  former  cer- 
tainly, the  latter  probably,  to  the  proposal  of  Volero  Puhlilius,  the  tribune  of  the  people,  in 
B.  c.  471.    The  plebs  had  hitherto  adopted  their  resolution*  by  curies  ;  here  the  voting  had 
been  by  mere  numbers,  without  di-tinction  of  estate  or  freehold  property,  and  the  clients 
of  the  great  patrician  families  had  voted  together  in  the  a^ombly.     Tiii-  hrd  civen  the 
nobility  an  op|«>rtnnity  of  exercising  influence  on  that  assembly,  and  especially  of  man- 
aging the  election  of  tribunes  according  to  their  views.     According  to  Momm-en.  to  the 
twenty  districts  into  which  the  Roman  territory  had  already  been  divided,  namely  the 
four  Servian  wards  and  the  sixteen  new  wards  added  in  B.C.  4J»5  (-ee  p.  55  and  note  1), 
was  now  added   in  con-equence  of  the  Publilian  law  and  with  a  view  to  bring  about  the 
inequality  which  was  de-irable  for  votinir  purpose-  in  the  total  divi-ions  the  twenty-first, 
tribe,  the  Crustuminian.  which  derived  its  name  from  the  place  where  the  plebs  had  con- 
etituted  itself  as  such  and  had  established  the  tribunate  (see  p.  57  and  n.  1). 


THE    DECEMVIRS    AND    LAWS   OF   THE  TWELVE   TABLES.      65 


*>/} 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  DECEMVIRS  AND  THE  LAWS  OF  THE  TWELVE  TABLES. 

1.  Efforts  to  obtain  Equal  Laws.  —  The  contest  now 
assumed  a  new  form.     The  aim  of  the  plebeians  was  unmistaka- 
ble.    They  were  struggling  to  limit  the  power  of  the  consul, 
and  to  secure  for  themselves  a  separate,  clearly  defined,  and 
legal  position  in  the  state.     The  first  step  was  taken  by  the 
tribune  G.  Terentilius  Arsa,  who,  in  the  year  B.  c.  462,  laid  a 
proposal 1  before  the  assembly  of  tribes  that  five  men  be  ap- 
pointed to  draw  up  a  code  of  laws  by  which  the  consuls  should 
be  bound  in  the  exercise  of  their  judicial  functions.     It  will 
be  remembered2  that  the  patricians  had  exclusive  knowledgo 
of  the  law  and  the  forms  of  procedure  in  the  civil  courts.    This 
they  guarded  as  a  sacred  mystery  from  the  plebeians.    By  care- 
fully preventing  the  laws  from  being  written  down  and  pub- 
lished, they  kept  the  plebeians  in  a  state  of  dependence  from 
which  even  the  tribunes  could  not  deliver  them.    With  the 
advance  in  civilization,  cases  arose  to  which  the  common  law 
did  not  apply.8    The  decision  of  these  cases  depended  wholly 
on  the  will  of  the  magistrate.     Under  these  circumstances  the 
only  course  for  the  plebeians  was  to  have  the  laws  revised, 
written  down  and  published.     The  proposal  of  Terentilius  was 
adopted  at  once  by  the  plebeians,  but  the  patricians  were  de- 
termined not  to  yield  and  consequently  refused  to  ratify  it.4 

2.  Concessions. — The  contest  over  the  rogation*  lasted  for 
;en  years.     The  old  party  violence  broke  out  anew.5    Foreign 

1  Ut  yuinqxeviri  creentur  legibus  de  imperio  consulari  xcribendis. 

*  See  page  40.  3  -Tun  incertmii . 

*  As  this  proposal  limited  the  consular  imperium,  it  required  the  sanction  of  the  patri 
cians  before  it  could  become  a  law.  *  See  page  64.  n.  2. 

s  The  younger  patricians  organized  club-*  for  the  perpetration  of  every  kind  of  vio- 
lence. Among  these  Krcso  Quinctius.  the  son  of  the  celebrated  Cincinnatus,  brought 
upon  himself  an  impeachment  by  the  tribune  Aulus  Virginius  (B.  c.  461).  Kseso  flea  to 
Etrnria  before  the  day  of  hi-*  trial.  A  conspiracy  was  formed  for  effecting  his  return. 
In  the  following  year  a  band  of  exiles  led  by  the  Sabine  Appius  Herdonius,  surprised 
the  capital  by  night,  and  attempted  to  assassinate  the  tribunes  and  restore  the  constitrv 


66     THE    DECEMVIRS   AND   LAWS   OF   THE   TWELVK   TAIU.E*. 

enemies  seized  this  opportunity  to  press  hard  on  Rome.  The 
Volscians  penetrated  into  the  heart  of  Latium,  and  tlie 
^Equians  even  defeated  a  Roman  army  on  Mount  Algidus.  The 
patricians  would  not  yield.  In  B.  c.  457  they  conceded,  how- 
ever, that  the  number  of  tribunes  should  be  increased  from 
five  to  ten,  two  from  each  of  the  five  classes.  The  result  of 
this  was  that  a  greater  number  of  plebeians  came  within  reach 
of  the  tribune's  protection.1  In  B.  c.  454  the  tribune  Icilius 
carried  a  law2  that  the  public  land  on  the  Aventiue  should  be 

tion  as  it  was  before  the  secession  to  the  Sacred  Mount.  The  cry  rc-ounded  through  the 
city,  "  To  arms  !  the  enemy  are  in  the  city."  Ann-  were  {riven  out  ;  the  vomit;  men  were 
enrolled.  As-i-tance  mine  from  Ti^culum.  The  consul  led  the  allied  forces  up  the 
Capitoline  hill.  The  citadel  was  recovered,  hut  the  coiiMil  was  Main.  The  patricians 
elected  in  his  place  (Juinctius  Cinciimatns,  the  father  of  K;v-o.  The  plebeians  were  di  — 
mayed.  Ciucinnatu-,  however,  was  not  more  severe  in  re-trainint;  the  plebeians  than  in 
reproving  the  senate.  A  truce  was  concluded  with  the  ,Kquians.  The  next  year  in.  c.  458) 
the^Equians  broke  the  truce,  invaded  the  conn  try  of  Tii-cuhim,  and  pitched  their  camp  on 
Mount  Algidus,  the  eastern  spur  of  the  Alban  hills.  The  Roman  consul  was  defeated,  and 
his  camp  bc-iegcd  in  one  of  the  defiles  of  the  mountain.  Five  kniirhts  e-caped  and 
brought  the  news  to  Rome.  Terror  prevailed  in  the  city,  for  the  other  consul  with  his 
army  wa-  tight  ing  with  the  Sabines.  The  senate  decided  to  appoint  Cincinnati^  dictator. 
He  was  living  on  his  little  farm  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tiber,  and,  like  tie  noble 
Romans  of  the  good  old  time,  was  cultivating  it  with  his  own  hand-.  When  the  ambas- 
sadors came,  Cinciunatus  quitted  his  plough,  and  put  on  his  toga  that  he  mitrht  receive 
the  message  of  the  senate  in  a  becoming  manner.  When  he  heard  the  errand  he  accepted 
the  office,  and  appointed  Tarquinius  Flaccus,  a  noble  patrician,  but  fiuiral  like  himself,  as 
his  master  of  horse.  He  ordered  all  courts  of  justice  to  be  cl<»ed.  ail  bu>inew-  suspended, 
and  summoned  every  man  of  military  age  to  meet  him  on  the  Campus  Mai  'tin.-  before 
sunset,  each  bringing  twelve  stakes  and  rations  for  live  days.  IJcfore  midnight  the  dic- 
tator had  reached  Mount  Algidus  and  reconnoitred  the  enemy's  portion.  He  ordered  his 
soldiers  to  throw  down  their  baggage;  and  surround  the  camp  of  the  .-Kquians  with  a 
ditch  and  drive  in  the  stakes,  \\iih  a  >hont  the  Romans  began  their  work  and  an- 
nounced their  presence  tothe^Equiansand  their  countrymen  at  t lie  same  lime.  Thecon-ul 
and  his  army  recognized  the  war  cry,  seized  their  arms,  and  renewed  the  battle.  Tho 
.•1v|iiiun-.  hemmed  in  between  two  armies,  surrendered  and  prayed  for  mercy.  C'incin- 
na'ii-  spared  their  lives  but  made  them  all  pa<s  under  the  yoke.  '  (The  yoke  was  formed 
with  two  spears  placed  upright  on  the  ground,  and  a  third  placed  arm--,  the  upper  ends 
of  the  u.)  CinolnnatUa  divided  the  spoils  with  his  army  and  returned  in  triumph  to  Rome. 
On  the  six'i'eiith  dav  lie  Hid  d  <\\ti  his  otliee  and  retired  to  hi-  taxm.—JUVg,  iii.  15  IT.  In 
euch  a  warfare  as  that  of  the  Romans  with  the.Equians  and  Voi.-cian.-,  there  were  always 
sufficient  alternations  ot  succe-- to  furnish  the  annalists  on  either  side  with  matter  of 
triumph;  and  by  exaggerating  eveiy  victory,  and  omitting  or  .-lisrhtly  noticing  every 
defeat,  they  formed  uch  as  national  vanity  most  delight-  in.  P.nt  \ve 

care,  nor  need  we  de-  ie.  to  eoncct  and  Mipply  the  omi->ion-  of  ihe  detail-  of  the  1. 
historian-  :  it  is  enough  to  say  that  at  Ihe  clo-e  of  the  third  century  of  Rome,  the  v.-n 
fare  which  the  Romans  had  to  maintain  ajrain-t  the  Opican  nations  was  treneia'  y 
lefen-ive  ;  and  that  the  .K«|iiiau-  and  Vol-cian-  had  advanced  from  the  line  of  tiie 
Ancnnine-.  and  e-tablHied  themselves  on  the  Aiban  hill*  in  the  heart  of  I.atium  :  that 
of  the  thirty  Latin  Mates  which  bad  formed  the  league  with  Rome  in.  e.  493>,  thirteen 
were  either  now  de-troved  or  were  in  po— e— ion  of  the  Opicans  ;  that,  on  the  Alban 
ea  Tii-cuhim  alone  remained  independent;  and  that  there  was  no  <.iher 
friendly  city  to  obstruct  the  irruptions  of  the  enemy  into  the  territory  of  Rome.  Accord- 
ing t'hal  territory  was  plundered  yt  IT,  and  whatever  defeats  the  plunder- 
ers nriy  at  lime-  have  -u-tained.  yet  'they  \\cre  "never  deterred  from  rerewing  a  contest 
which 'they  found  in  Ihe  main  profitable  and  glorious.  So  greatly  had  the  power  and 
dominion  of  Rome  fallen  since  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy.— Arnold,  vol.  i.  p.  78  f. 

'  This  was  the  third  />/M."ri'"/i>  recoirnixed  by  the  pati ;' 

*  Lfjr  /ft/in  ill  .1 1;  nl'niii  /1'ililiC'iiiii'i :  t  hi-  /•/.  i,;.*i-itn,ii  did  not  require  to  be  ratified  by 
the  i-ninltin  <-'<n<itu,  but  by  the  senate,  because  it  relates  to  matters  of  civil  administra- 
tion. 


THE    DECEMVIKS   AXD   LAWS   OF   THE   TWELVE  TABLES.     67 

given  up  to  the  plebeians.  The  third  concession  was  more 
important.  One  of  the  consuls  proposed  a  law  which  limited 
the  amount  of  fines  which  any  magistrate,  consul  as  well  as 
tribune,  could  impose,  to  two  sheep  and  thirty  oxen.1 

These  concessions,  however,  did  not  satisfy  the  plebeians. 
After  a  conflict  of  nearly  ten  years  (B.  c.  462-454)2  a  compromise 
was  effected.  The  patricians  gave  way  and  allowed  the  com- 
mission to  be  appointed,  but  only  from  their  own  order.3  First 
an  embassy  of  three  men4  (triumviri)  was  sent  to  Athens  to 
examine  the  laws  of  Solon  and  to  southern  Italy  to  study  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  Greeks  there.  On  its  return  ten 
men5  were  elected  in  the  comitia  centuriata  for  the  year  B.  c. 
451,  with  full  powers  not  only  to  draw  up  a  code  of  laws,  but 
to  act  as  supreme  magistrates  until  the  new  code  should  come 
into  force.  They  performed  their  task  with  diligence  and 
administered  justice  with  impartiality. 

3.  The  Code  of  Roman  Law. — The  result  of  their  labor 
was  that  they  published  on  ten  tables  of  brass  the  first  code  of 
Roman  law.  This  was  sanctioned  in  the  comitia  centuriata  and 
then  declared  binding  on  all  the  people.6  These  laws  gave  so 
much  satisfaction  to  the  people  that  new  decemvirs — this  time 
plebeians  as  well  as  patricians — were  elected  for  another  year 
to  complete  the  work.  Appius  Claudius  was  the  only  mem- 
ber re-elected.  Two  more  tables  were  added,  thus  completing 
the  celebrated  Twelve  Tables  of  Laws,  the  foundation  of 
Roman  jurisprudence.  These  were  affixed  to  the  rostra  in  front 
of  the  Curia  Hoslilia,  that  all  the  people  might  read  them.  In 
the  time  of  Cicero  they  were  committed  to  memory  by  the  boys 

1  The  lex  Aternia  Tarpeja.  carried  in  B.C.  454;  twenty-four  years. after  these  fines 
were  expressed  in  money,  the  sheep  at  ten  «>•<?&«  (curis  ffravix),  the  oxen  at  one  hundred. 
Hitherto  the  consuls  alone  could  impose  fines  ;  thit-  right  became  now  a  prerogative  of 
the  potato*  of  the  magistrate  and  not  of  the  imperium. 

•  In  B.C.  454  the  tribune  proposed  that  this  commission  should  be  composed  partly  of 
plebeians  and  patricians. 

3  The  patricians,  from  religious  as  well  as  political  reasons,  could  never  admit  the 
plebeians  to  the  commission,  because  it  must  be»invested  with  the  iinpenum. 

"  The  embassy  was  accompanied  by  Hermodoros,  from  Ephesus.  as  interpreter. 

5  Dfcemriri  cnnziilnn  iinpi-nn  iKjiliux  xr/if/H/u/i*.  All  the  other  magistrates  were  sus- 
pended and  the  plebeian"  pave  up  their  tribunes.  That  this  was  only  a  temporary  ar- 
rangement is  evident  from  the  fact  that  when  the  plebeians  §ave  their  consent  to  it  in 
the  concilium  plebw,  they  reserved  the  ler/fs  sacra  fie  and  lex  Icilia. 

':  The  laws,  since  they  chansed  the  lac  oniafa  fit  imperio,  i.  e.  limited  the  consular 
imperinm.  mt^t.  after  beinz  carried  in  the  comi'ia  ren/ttriata.  first  receive  the  sanction 
if  tbepatmm  awtviitu*  mid  then  come  before  the  comitia  curiala  for  ratification. 


68        TLIE   DECEMVIKS    AM)    LAWS    ()F   THE   TWELVE    TABLES. 


in  the  schools.  These  laws  made  no  comprehensive  change  in 
the  existing  laws.  The  law  of  debt— aside  from  fixing  the  rate 
of  interest  at  ten  per  cent — remained  t  he  same.  The  distinction 
between  the  aifxidtii  and  jtrolclarii1  and  tlic  invalidity  of  mar- 
riage between  patrician  and  plebeian  were  confirmed  anew. 
The  significance  of  the  measure  consisted  in  the  fact,  that  jus- 
tice must  now  be  administered  according  to  the  known  and 
prescribed  form  of  law.  The  right  of  appeal,  the  laws  relative 
to  fines,  imprisonment,  and  capital  offences,  remained  the  same.- 

4.  The  Decemvirs  Re-elected. — The  work  of  the  decem- 
virs gave  great  satisfaction.   They  ruled  the  first  year  with  great 
mildness  and  impartiality.     They  had  not  quite  finished  their 
task.     It  was  therefore  necessary  to  choose  decemvirs  for  the 
next  year  to  complete  the  laws.    The  nearer  the  time  of  elec- 
tion approached  (May  15),  the  more  Appins  Claudius  sought 
to  win  the  favor  of  the  people.     The  patricians  saw  through 
his  designs,  and  to  prevent  his  re-election  made  him  presiding 
officer  in  the  comitia,  thinking  that,  according  to  custom,  he 
would  not  receive  votes  for  himself.    This  plan  did  not  succeed ; 
Appius  not  only  allowed  himself  to  be  re-elected,  but  succeeded 
in  securing  the  election  of  such  men  on  the  commission  as 
pleased  himself. 

5.  The   Tyranny  of  the    Decemvirs. — The  decemvirs 
had  scarcely  entered  upon  their  second  year  of  office  when  they 
threw  off  the  disguise,  and  the  reign  of  terror  began.    They  ap- 
peared in  the  forum,  each  with  twelve  lictors,  and  these  carried 
the  axes  in  the y^.ww,  a  sign  ihat  every  citizen  must  fear  for  hip 
life.    Oppression  fell  the  hardes!  on  the  moderate  soction  of  both 
parties  patrician  as  well  as  plebeian,  who  would  not  join  tho 
decemvirs.     They  neglected  all  the  forms  of  the  constitution  : 
they  consulted  neither  the  senate  nor  the  people.     When  their 
term  of  office  expired  they   refused   to    resign.      Relying  on 
the  extreme  sections  of  l*>;h    parties    they  continued   their 
rule  of  undisguised  tyranny  until  two  acts  of  infamy  united 

1  See  pages  23  and  21 

'-  The  assembly  <>f  plebeian*  !<>!•!  their ;  jurisdiction  in  criminal  cases.  All  case*  involv- 
ing tin-  lite  of  a  Roman  ehizen  (decapiu  i-ifi*  Hnnnin'n  inn-t  b  <1  ride.1  in  tho  comifia 
centtiriutd 

a  Tiie  election  \v;is  regarded  as  illegal,  for  the  fathers  -arould  never  errant  the  pc/rum 
luctorifa*,  wuicb  empowered  the  decemvirs  to  lay  the  lev  cvrlata  before  the«wii?t« 
"vriata. 


Tilt:    DKCK.MVIK-i    AND    LAWS   OF   THE   TWELVE   TABLES.     69 

patricians  and  plebeians  to  take  up  arms  against  them  as  they 
had  once  done  against  Tarquinins  Superbus. 

6.  The  Murder  of  Siccius  Dentatus. — The  news  came 
that  the  Sabines  were  plundering  the  Roman  territory  and 
the  /Equians  had  encamped  on  Mount  Algidus.     The  danger 
was  great.     The  decemvirs  now,  for  the  first  time,  called  the 
senate  together.      The   moderate   section  of  the  aristocracy, 
headed  by  Valerius  Potitus  and  Horatius  Barbatus,  sought  to 
carry  energetic  measures  against  them,  but  in  vain.    The  patri- 
cians wished  to  overthrow  Appius  Claudius  and  his  colleagues, 
but  were  opposed  to  the  restoration  of  the  tribunes,  which  was 
unavoidable,  if  the  decemvirs  were  compelled  to  resign.      The 
senate  declared  war  and  the  levy  was  called  out.   The  plebeians 
could  not  resist,  because  there  was  no  right  of  appeal  nor  were 
there  tribunes  to  protect  them.     While  Appius  and  one  of  MB 
colleagues  remained  in  the  city  to  repress  all  signs  of  discontent, 
the  others  led  the  armies  against  the  enemy;  but  the  soldiers 
allowed  themselves  to  be  defeated;  Rome  itself  was  in  danger. 
In  the  army  that  fought  against  the  Sabines  was  a  brave  sol- 
dier, named  L.    Siccius    Dentatus,  a  former  tribune  of  the 
people,  whom  the  decemvirs  caused  to  be  murdered  because  he 
had  spoken  loudly  against  the  usurpation  of  the  tyrants. 

7.  The  Death  of  Virginia. — Meanwhile   discontent  had 
already  broken  out  on   account  of  the  outrages  of  Appius 
Claudius.    He  had  conceived  a  passion  for  Virginia,  a  beautiful 
maiden,  the  daughter  of  Virginius,  a  plebeian  hero.     In  order 
to  get  possession  of  her  he  suborned  one  of  his  clients  to  de- 
clare that  she  was  the  daughter  of  one  of  his  slaves.    As  she 
came  one  day  into  the  forum  to  school  the  tyrant  had  her  seized 
and  brought  before  his  tribunal.    Appius  heard  the  claim  of  his 
client  and  pronounced  the  decision  that  put  Virginia  in  his  own 
power.    Virginius,  seeing  that  there  was  now  no  way  of  shield- 
ing his  daughter  from  dishonor,  hastened  to  the  spot,  plunged 
a  knife  into  her  breast  before  the  eyes  of  the  people,  and,  with 
the  bloody  weapon  in  his  hand,  escaping  from  the  lictors,  he 
rushed  to  the  gates  of  the  city  and  fled  to  the  army.     The 
storm  now  broke  forth.     The  army  espoused  his  cause,  and 


70      THE    DECEMVIRS  AND   LAWS   OP  THE   TWELVE   TABLES. 

marched  to  the  city  and  encamped  on  the  Avcntiiu-.  where  it 
was  joined  by  the  other  army.  Both  armies  withdrew  to  the 
Sacred  Mount.  The  decemvirs  were  compelled  to  resign. 
An  embassy,  headed  by  Valerius  and  Horatius,  who  had  ever 
counseled  measures  of  moderation,  was  sent  to  treat  with  the 
army.  It  was  agreed  that  amnesty  should  be  declared,  and  the 
tribunes  of  the  people  and  the  right  of  appeal  should  be 
restored.  The  first  step  of  the  tribunes  was  to  take  measures 
against  the  decemvirs.  Appius  Claudius  and  Oppius  were  im- 
peached and  thrown  into  prison,  where  they  put  an  end  to 
their  own  lives.  The  other  eight  went  into  exile. 

8.  Valerian  and  Horatian  Laws1  (B.C.  449).  —  Valerius 
and  Horatius  were  elected  consuls,2  and  their  first  act  was  to 
carry  a  number  of   laws,  called  the   Valerio-lloratian  Laws,3 
which  more  clearly  defined  and  further  limited  the  consular 
imperilling    These  laws  were  : 

1.  The  restoration  of  the  lex  sacrata,  which  guaranteed  the 
inviolability  of  the  plebeian  tribunes  and  a  formal  recognition 
of  the  lex  Icilia.5 

2.  That  every  Ifoman  citizen  should  have  the  right  of  ap- 
peal against  the  sentence  of  any  magistrate.6    And 

3.  That  the  plebiscita,  or  resolutions  passed  by  the  plebeians 
in  the  concilium  tributnm  plebis,  should  be  binding  on  the 
whole  people.7 

9.  The  Tribunes  Co-operate  in  Legislation.  —  The  last 
law  was  a  great  gain  to  the  plebeians,  for  it  gave  them,  al- 
though with  limited  power,  an  opportunity  to  co-operate  in 

'-  After  the  abdication   of  the  decemvirs,  there  was  an  interregnum.      An  interrex 
gammoned  tb-  ''i/iatu  for  tlie  election  of  con>ul-.     In  due  form  they  laid  the 

lexcuiiti/'i  ili:  ii/i/H  r'«i.  mow  modified  by  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables),  after  the  pa- 
n  Hi/I-/,,  riiiin  had  been  irranted.  for  ratification  before  the  fumi/ln  ';•/,*,//  iu></. 

Hitherto  the  chief  mairi-trate-  hail  been  ,-tyled  I'm/m*. 

/,.'/-  <   I"'//  rid   llnnt'i  <  . 

These  law-,  it  inn-i  be  remembered,  after  being  adopted  in  tttefOmitta  centurlata, 

sanctioned  by  the  /xifr'/t/i  rinctt»it/i*.  mu>t   come  before  the  comltiu  curiata  for 
confirmation,  before  they  were  binding  on  the  people. 

Liv.  Hi.  53  :  see  also  p.  59. 

,\'f  ij  ")'•-•  nil  inn  magutratwn  *i<"  \  <'rfirft.  r/ni  creaszet,  eum  jus  fasque 

esset  oc<  •  n/iii'it'i*  noara  //«/*•/»•////•.    Thta  right,  In  case  of  the  ordinary 

magistrate-.  wa<.  it  will  be  remembered,  established  by  the  Valerian  law  in  the  first  year 
of  the  republic  :  it  ,va-  now  extended  to  the  dictator. 

*   n  qnn<>  trt/intniii  /••  j  njinln/it  lein-ut  (Liv.  iii.  5T>>.    Tlie^e  resolutions 

must,  like  the  law-  na<-ed  in  the  coinitia  centnrinta.  if  they  pertained  to  the  imntrium, 
be  fir^t  sanctioned  by  thepatrum  ai/ctoritat,  and  then  ratified  by  the  comitia  cunata, 


and 


THE   DEVELOPMENT  OF   PLEBEIAN   EIGHTS.  71 

legislation.  Of  this  privilege  they  eagerly  availed  themselves. 
They  soon  claimed  jurisdiction  over  matters  of  civil  and  inter- 
nal administration,  matters  that  legally  belonged  to  the  senate, 
and  must  come  before  it  for  confirmation.  Hence  the  practice 
arose  for  the  tribunes  first  to  submit  their  proposition  to  the 
senate,  and  then  bring  it  before  the  people.  In  this  way 
"lifv  gained  admission  to  the  discussions  of  the  senate,  at  first 
only  as  listeners,  sitting  on  benches  before  the  doors  of  the 
senate-house.  They  were  soon,  however,  admitted  to  the  hall, 
and  could  not  be  prevented  from  placing  their  veto  on  any 
measure  that  displeased  them.  The  validity  of  the  veto  was 
naturally  denied  by  the  patricians. 

10.  The  result  was  that  when  the  senate  apprehended  the 
opposition  of   the  tribune  to   any  measure,  it  was  met  in 
advance  and  a  compromise  effected,  or  the  measure  was  given 
up.     The  power  of  the  tribunes,  now  considerably  enlarged, 
was  completely  restored,  and  instead  of  being  an  instrument 
for  the  protection  of  the  plebeians,  it  aimed  to  secure  equality 
of  civil  and  political  rights  between  them  and  the  patricians. 

11.  Quaestors  Elected  by  the  People. — In  the  following 
year  (B.  c.  447),  the  election  of  quaestors,1  whom  the  consuls  had 
hitherto  nominated,  was  committed  to  the  comitia  tribnta,  an 
assembly  in  which  all  the  people  in  the  tribes  voted2  on  a  foot- 
ing of  equality. 


T  CHAPTER   X. 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PLEBEIAN  RIGHTS — WARS  WITH 
NEIGHBORING  NATIONS — MILITARY  TRIBUNES  WITH  CONSU- 
LAR POWER.  (B.  c.  445.) 

1.  The   results   gained   by  the   decemvirate  had  fully  or- 
ganized the  plebeian  opposition.     For  once  the  claim  of  the 


1  The  qusestors  now  became  magistrates  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  because 
they  received  their  potestas  from  the  people.  They  were  elected  from  the  patrician 
order  only. 

'  Each  tribe  had  one  vote,  the  vote  of  the  tribe  bein?  decided  by  the  majority  of 
voters  in  the  tribe,  and  the  majority  of  the  tribes  decided  the  question  at  issue. 


72  THi:    ItKVl.Loi'MKNT    OF    PLEULIAN     KHillTS. 


plebeians  had  been  admitted,  and  they  had  sat  in  the  curule 
chairs  by  the  side  of  the  proud  ])atricians,  and  worn  the  in- 
signia of  the  highest  office.  The  agitation  which  .sprang  from 
the  social  condition  of  the  poor  plebeians,  the  political  tendency 
which  the  agitation  had  assumed  since  the  time  of  Volero  I'nb- 
lilius,  were  only  aimed  to  secure  protection  against  the  severity 
of  the  consular  power.  The  plebeian  nobility,  who  were  a? 
indifferent  to  the  social  condition  of  the  poor  plebeians  us  the 
patricians  were,  had  hitherto  stood  firmly  by  the  side  of  the 
patrician  order.  They  now  saw  in  the  restoration  of  the  tri- 
bunate with  increased  powers,  and  in  the  decrease  of  the  patri- 
cian families,  whose  rule  approached  more  and  more  that  of  an 
oligarchy,  the  means  of  obtaining  complete  political  equality. 
The  united  strength  of  the  plebeian  order  was  directed  against 
two  exclusive  privileges  of  the  patricia;i<. 

2.  Military  Tribunes  with  Consular  Power  (B.C. 
445). — The  tribune  Canulejus  proposed  two  bills  at  the  same 
time,  one  legalizing  intermarriage1  between  the  two  order-,  and 
providing  that  the  children  should  follow  the  rank  of  the  father, 
the  other  opening  the  consulship  to  the  plebeians.  The  first 
became  a  law,  but  a  compromise  was  eifected  in  respect  to  the 
consulship.  It  was  provided  that  in  the  future  the  people  should 
be  free  to  elect  either  consul <  ~  or  military  tribunes  "  with  consu- 
lar power,"  to  be  selected  promiscuously  from  the  patricians  and 
plebeians.3  In  the  first  year  (B.C.  444),  the  election  of  the  three 
military  tribunes4  was  annulled  on  account  of  a  defect  in  the 
auspices,  and  their  place  was  supplied  by  consuls.  It  was  not- 
till  B.C.  438  that  three  military  tribunes 5  were  elected,  and  such 


1  It  will  be  remembered  (p.  38)  that  the  patrician?  claimed  the  exclusive  possession  of 
the  auspices,  by  moans  of  which  the  divine  protection  wa-  -ecured  for  the  state.  Thev 
had  resisted  Intermarriage  with  the  plebeians,  not  only  because  they  and  their  descend- 
ants alone  could  take  the  an-pic  ,<///';/-<M  for  the  -tat'\  biit  ai-o  "n  the  irn.und 
that  the  au-pices  (.:  [Cat  employed  at  the  marriage  would  be  irregular.  The 
first  bill  became  a  law  at  once,  without  being  ratified  by  the  annifi'i  curiala.  becau-e  it 
did  not  pertain  to  the  iii>i»-rinii>. 

*  That  is,  patricians  ;  for  they  alone  were  eligible  to  the  rr>H<'t/*/i/>i. 

1  Pi'  I  \v.  iv.  i).    Tin-  M-nate  was  to  decide  whether  con- 

mis  or  military  tribunes  were  to  be  elected. 

'  It  was  probably  designed  that  they  should  be  six  in  number,  to  correspond  to  the 
itary  tribune-  in  earh  legion. 

•  It  is  uncertain  whether  one  was  a  plebeian  or  not ;  according  to  Schwegler  two 
were  plebeians. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PLEBEIAN   RIGHTS.  73 

were  the  influence  of  the  patricians  in  the  comitia  centuriata, 
and  the  indifference  of  the  poor  plebeians,  who  felt  little  inter- 
est in  promoting  the  ambitious  schemes  of  the  rich  plebeians, 
that  it  was  not  till  B.C.  400  that  five  plebeians  were  elected  mil- 
itary tribunes.1 

3.  The  Censorship. — The  plebeians  then  gained  little  from 
this  reform.  The  patricians  even  devised  a  scheme  to  deprive 
the  consular  tribunes  of  an  important  part  of  the  functions 
which  had  belonged  to  the  consulship.  Hitherto  the  census  on 
which  the  rank  of  every  citizen  in  the  state  depended  had  been 
taken  by  the  consuls.  This  duty  was  now  (B.C.  445)  committed 
to  two  new  magistrates,  styled  censors.2  They  were  chosen 
from  the  patricians  by  the  comitia  centuriata,  and  held  their 
office  until  their  duties  were  completed.3  The  censors  ranked 
in  dignity  next  to  the  consuls.  The  importance  of  their  office 
consisted  in  the  fact  that  the  censors  revised  from  time  to  time 
the  register  of  the  tribes,  which  regulated  not  only  the  military 
service  of  every  citizen,  but  determined  his  position  in  the 
comitia  centuriata.*  It  was  their  duty  to  fill  up  vacancies  in 
the  senate  and  equites,  and,  on  the  revision  of  the  register  of 
the  tribes,  to  remove  individuals  from  the  list  of  senators, 
cqnites,  and  citizens.  They  subsequently  exercised  a  general 
control  over  the  finances  of  the  state — the  management  of  the 
public  land  and  public  works,  the  farming  of  the  indirect  taxes, 
and  a  general  supervision  over  the  public  and  the  private  life 


1  It  is  difficult  to  discover  in  what  the  consular  tribune*  differed  from  the  consuls. 
That  they  had  the  right  to  summon  the  senate  and  command  the  army  is  certain.  They 
therefore  possessed  the  consularls  potestas  and  the  imperivm  mUitian.  It  seems  probable 
that  the  patricians  possessed  the  full  imperium  dqmi  and  milittce ;  the  plebeians  the  full 
imperirtm  militia  but  the  imperium  domi,  so  far  limited  that  they  could  not  exercise  judi- 
cial functions.  They  could  not  triumph,  for  this  presupposed  the  full  hnperi'im dorm;  as 
their  impfriitm  was  different,  so  were  the  iitsirtnia  and  anirpicin.  They  had  the  lictors 
and  the  #fll(t  curuli*,  for  these  were  tlio  insignia  of  the  magistrate's  potestas ;  but  not  the 
jii*  'imwiinum.  In  regard  to  the  taixpieiit.  it  had  already  come  to  pass  that  the  wtsjncia 
outside  of  the  pnin»riinn  were  different  from  those  inside.  The  plebeians  possessed  those 
outside  \\\epomem/m.  the  auapicia  c-.r  tripwliis  in  full,  but  inside  the  pomgrlttm  (the  aus- 
picii  urbana)  not,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  patricians.  For  Mommsen's  view,  see  his 
history,  vol.  i.,  p.  318. 

a  This  is  the  view  of  Sehwegler  :  according  to  Mommsen.  the  censorship  was  estab- 
lished in  B.C.  433;  according  to  Livy  (iv.  8>,  in  B.C.  443.  Schwegler  has  satisfactorily 
proved  that  it  was  a  part  of  the  reform  of  B.C.  445. 

3  From  the  (bet  that  when  they  had  completed  the  census  they  held  a  solemn  puri- 
fication of  the  city  and  people,  called  lustrum*  their  term  of  office  was  styled  a  luffrum* 
which  in  later  tinie--  was  five  years.  Their  term  of  office  was  limited  to  eighteen  months 
by  the  les  .Emilia,  B.C.  433. 

»  See  page  51,  note  5. 

4 


'J 


01.     I'Ll.lJhlA.N     KK.HT-. 


of  every  citizen.  The  plebeians  were  admitted  to  the  censorship  ' 
B.  c.  351. 

4.  Increase  in  the  Number  of  Quaestors.—  In  the  year 
B.  C.  421  another  concession  was  made  to  the  plebeians.     The 
number  of  quaestors  AVUS  increased  from  two  to  four.   Two  were 
to  remain  in  the  city,2  and  the  other  two.  who  could  be  elected 
either  from  patricians  or  plebeians,  accompanied  the  army  as 
paymasters.* 

5.  Spurius   Meelius.—  During  these  struggles  the  patri- 
cians did  not  scruple  to  resort  to  \  iolence.    In  the  year  B.C.  140 
there  was  a  great  famine  in  Rome.1     Spurius  Ma-lins,  one  of 
the  wealthiest  of  the  plebeian  knights,  in  order  to  relieve  the 
distress,  bought  up  corn  in  Etruria  through  his  friends  and 
clients,  which  he  sold  at  a  low  price  or  distributed  gratuitously 
among  the  poor.     In  this  way  be  acquired  great  popularity 
among  the  people.     The  patricians  were  alarmed,  and  he  was 
accused  of  aiming  tit  royal  power.     The  danger  was  said  to 
be  great,  for  in  the  house  of  Ma?lius  arms  had  been  collected, 
and  the  tribunes  had  been  bribed  to  betray  Hie  liberty  of  the 
republic.     In  this  emergency  the  senate  authorized  one  of  the 
consuls  to  nominate  a  dictator.     The  a;.;vd   Cincinnatns.  who 
had  saved  the  Roman  army  on   Mount  Algidus.  was  appointed. 
On  the  following  morning  he  mounted    his  tribunal  in   the 
forum,  and  summoned    Ma-lins  to  appear  before  him.     Maslius 
knew  the  fate  in  store  for  him,  and  implored  the  protection  of 
the  people.     Then  G.  Servilius  Ahala,  the  master  of  the  horse, 
drew  his  dagger,  and  killed  Ma-lius  on  the  spot.     The  dictator 
commanded  his  property  to  be  conliscated,  and  his  house  lev- 
ellcd  to  the  ground.     The  patricians,  as  we  know  from  Cicero 
and  others,  always  spoke  of  this  deed  in  the  highest  terms,  but 
the  people  regarded  it  as  an  act  of  murder  and  threatened  ven- 


1  The  censors  did  not  possess  the  imperium.  and  therefore  had  no  lictors,  and  could 
not  command  an  army  nor  summon  1  <'</  (--xri-pt  for  ninth  i>  rdatiinr 

to  th«  census),  therefore  their  election  was  not  continued  bythr/w  ciiria'n  <l<- 
but  by  the  lex  centnriata  de  censoria po>> 

*  Quaestores  nrbanl. 

'  It  was  not  until  4C9  that  plebeians  were  actually  elected. 

•  lavy,  iv.  12. 


\\AUS    \\1TI1   NEIGHBORING   NATIONS.  75 

geance,  because  Maelius  had  been  put  to  death  without  a  trial. 
Their  anger  was  turned  against  Servilius,  who  was  compelled  to 
go  into  exile,  and  his  property  was  confiscated. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

WABS  WITH  NEIGHBORING  NATIONS — SACK  OF  ROME  BY 
THE  GAULS. 

1.  Wars  with  the  Volscians  and  JEquians. —  While 
these  struggles  were  going  on  in  the  city,  the  Koman  armies 
fonght  with  less  vigor  in  the  field,  and  even  allowed  themselves 
to  be  defeated,  in  order  that  the  consul  might  lose  his  triumph. 
The  ^quians  and  Volscians  pressed  hard  on  the  Koman  allies1 
and  even  entered  the  dominion  of  Home.     The  ^Equians 2  en- 
camped again  on  Mount  Algidus  and  laid  waste  the  plains  of 
Latium.     The  Latin  towns  could  look  only  to  Rome  for  assist- 
ance.    The  concessions  granted  by  the  decemvirate  and  by  the 
Canuleian  law  seem  to  have  pacified  the  people,  so  that  they  once 
more  made  head  against  their  old  enemies.    These  were  success- 
fully driven  back,  and  colonies  were  planted  in  the  conquered  dis- 
tricts.    These  colonies  were  mainly  military  settlements,  which 
enabled  Eome  to  secure  her  conquests,  and  from  which,  as  from  a 
series  of  military  posts,  she  could  extend  her  dominion  in  Italy. 

2.  The  Conquest  of  Veji  (B.  c.  396). — The  Romans  now 
turned  their  arms  against  the  Etruscans  on  the  north.    The 
long  feuds  with  Fidenae  were  ended  by  the  conquest  and  de- 
struction of  that  city.     Its  territory3  was  added  to  that  of  the 
Roman  people.     Next,   Veji,4  the  most    important  town   in 


1  The  Hernicans  and  Latins.  "  Livy,  ii  and  iii.  s  Ager  publicux. 

•  About  all  that  is  known  of  Veji  is  that  it  was  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  the  Etrus- 
can cities  ;  that  after  a  contest  protracted  for  centuries,  which  at  first  centered  round 
Fideiue,  the  city  was  at  length  taken  by  Camillus  (Pint.  Cam.).  According  to  the 
ainsali:-tic  accounts,  the  siege  of  Veji,  like  that  of  Troy,  lasted  ten  years.  In  the  eighth 


70  \\A1IS    WITH    NEICIIBOIMM.     NATIONS. 

southern  Etruria  was  attacked,  and  after  a  siege  of  ten  years, 
taken.  In  order  to  conduct  a  siege  of  a  well-fort  ilied  town  like 
Veji,  it  was  necessary  for  the  Koman  army  to  remain  in  the 
field  summer  and  winter,  year  after  year,  until  its  object  was 
attained.  To  secure  this  it  was  necessary  that  the  soldiers 
should  receive  regular  pay,  a  regulation  that  exerted  a  benefi- 
cial influence  on  the  organization  of  the  army,  but  gave  a  new 
turn  to  the  struggle  between  the  patricians  and  plebeian-.1 
The  conquest  of  Veji  added  so  considerably  to  the  Roman 
territory,  that  four  new  tribe* were  formed,  and  the  wealth  ac- 
quired from  the  captured  city  must  have  given  a  neAV  impulse 
to  industry  and  trade,  and  Rome  seemed  to  have  entered  upon 
a  career  of  prosperity.  This,  however,  was  checked  by  the  in- 
vasion of  the  Gauls,  who  dealt  Rome  a  blow  that  almost  put  an 
end  to  her  existence. 

3.  Rome  taken  by  the  Gauls  (B.  c.  390). — The  Celtic  or 
Gallic  nation  had  in  early  times  spread  over  the  western  part  of 
Europe.  Some  had  settled  in  France  and  Britain,  while  others 
crossing  the  Alps, had  penetrated  to  the  valley  of  the  Po,and  given 
their  name  to  the  country.2  On  their  plundering  excursions,  t  he 
Gauls  laid  waste  wit  h  tire  and  sword  the  provinces  of  Central  Italy. 


year  of  the  war,  the  waters  of  the  Alban  lake  rose  suddenly  to  such  a  height  as  to 
overflow  the  rurroonding  country.  The  Romans  sent  an  emba— y  to  consult  the 
Delphian  oracle.  In  the  meanwhile  a  voice  was  heard  from  the  walls  of  Veji,  say- 
ing that  the  city  could  only  be  taken  when  the  waters  of  the  Alban  lake  found  an  out- 
let. When  this  reached  the  ears  of  the  Roman-,  they  cut  a  tunnel  through  the  side  of 
the  mountain  which  bounded  the  lake,  and  thus  let  the  water  flow  into  the  plain.  This 
siiL'L'v-ted  to  the  Itoinans  the  mean-  of  taking  the  city.  Meanwhile  M.  Fnrius  Camillus 
had  been  appointed  dictator.  He  had  a  tunnel  cut  from  the  Roman  camp  under  the 
wall>  tn  the  eit'idel  of  Veji.  When  the  mine  was  tini-hcd.  Camillu  diverted  the  atten- 
tion  of  the  V"jentines  by  a  feigned  attack  on  the  walK  ami  entered  (he  tunnel  at  the  head 
of  a  picked  body  of  men.  When  he  arrived  at  the  end  of  the  tunnel  under  the  temple  of 
Juno,  he  heard  the  priest  saying  to  the  king  that  whoever  should  complete  the  -aeriliees 
he  wa-  otVering  would  be  victor.  At  that  moment  the  Roman-  burst  through  and  -ei/cd 
the  victim,  which  Camillus  offered  on  the  altar.  The  troop-  di-per-ed  through  the  city 
and  opened  the  irate-,  and  Veji  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Roman-.  The  bootv  was  im- 
mense. Camillus.  on  his  return,  celebrated  the  ino-t  magnificent  triumph  Rome  had 
aver  -i-en.  In  his  chariot  drawn  by  four  white  hor-e-.  he  advanced  along  the  -acred 
street,  followed  by  his  army  flushed  with  joy  and  -inging  song-  of  victory,  to  the  temple 
of  Jupiter  Capitounns. 

In  the  hour  of  victory  Camillus  had  vowed  a  tenth  of  the  -poll-  to  the  Delphian 
Apollo,  lie  now  demanded  from  each  soldier  a  tenth  part  of  all  the  booty  he  had  taken. 
This  seemed  unjust  to  the  people.  The  tribune  impeached  him  becau-e  he  had  not 
fairly  divided  the  spoil-.  Seeing  that  he  was  sure  to  be  condemned  by  the  people,  he 
left  Rome,  and  retired  to  Ardea. 

1  For  the  pay  was  to  come  from  the  city  treasury  (the  ^Erariitm),  i.e.,  from  the  taxes. 
in  the  public  lands. 

-  Uallia  Cisulpina.  *  Added  in  ii.r   ::-'T.  making  25. 


WARS    WITH    NEIGHBORING    NATIONS. 


77 


The  Roman  army  was  defeated  by  them,  and  Rome  itself  laid 
in  ashes.  As  the  Gauls 
were  merely  on  a  plun- 
dering expedition  and 
were  not  prepared  to 
make  permanent  con- 
quests, after  collecting 
their  booty  they  retired, 
according  to  Polybius, 
unmolested.1 

4.  The  Distress  of 
the  Poor.  —  After  the 
enemy  had  departed  the 
Romans  returned  to 
their  homes.  Their 
houses  and  temples  had 
been  burned,  their  farms 
laid  waste,  their  cattle 
driven  off,  and  their 
farm-buildings  destroyed. 


THE  CELTIC  Anns. 


It  is  no  wonder  that  the  poor 


1  Polybins  ii.  22,  §  5;  according  to  Livy  (v.  33  ff.),  the  Ganls  were  indnced  to  cross  the 
Alps  by  a  citizen  of  Ciusium,  who  wished  to  avenge  himself  on  his  enemy.  The  Gauls, 
under  their  leader.  Bromine,  laid  siege  to  the  city.  The  Chilians  applied  to  Rome  for  as- 
sistance. The  senate  sent  three  envoys,  the  sons  of  M.  Fabius  Ambnstiis,  10  warn  the 
Gauls  not  to  attack  the  friends  and  allies  of  the  Roman  people,  from  whom  they  had 
received  no  harm.  The  Gauls  in  reply  promised  peace  if  the  Clusians  would  grant  them 
land  to  settle  upon.  All  efforts  to  effect  a  reconciliation  were  in  vain,  a  battle  was  fought, 
in  which  the  three  Romans,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  nations,  took  part,  and  riding  beyond 
the  line,  even  slew  a  Gallic  chief  and  took  his  armor.  The  Gauls  then  gave  up  the 
attack  ag  ii:ist  the  Clusians  and  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome  to  complain  of  their  injuries, 
and  demand  the  surrender  of  the  three  Fabii.  The  senate  wavered,  but  the  people  not 
only  refused  satisfaction,  but  elected  the  three  envovs  as  consular  tribunes  for  the  next 
year.  This  so  incensed  the  Gaul*  that  they  left  Ciusium  and  marched  with  all  their 
force  to  Rome.  On  the  river  Allia.  only  eleven  miles  from  Rome,  the  two  armies  met. 
The  Romans  were  put  to  flight  and  fled  'in  all  directions.  This  was  the  most  disastrous 
day  for  Rome,  and  the  anniversarv  (July  18)  of  the  battle  was  ever  regarded  as  an 
unlucky  day.  The  city  was  even  deserted.  The  fugitives  fled  in  crowds  across  the 
Tiber.  The  sacred  ufen<ils  \vere  buried,  and  the  sacred  fire  carried  to  Caere.  Every- 
thing else,  the  images  of  the  gods,  the  bronze  tablets  of  the  laws,  the  old  annals.  aD 
written  documents,  were  abandoned  to  the  enemy.  They  only  had  time  to  defend  the 
capitol,  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  the  guardian  of  the  city.  The  aged  senators,  and  priests 
of  the  gods,  seeing  that  their  services  were  no  longer  usefu]  to  the  state,  disdained  to 
preserve  their  lives  by  flight.  They  were  slaughtered  by  the  Gauls,  each  as  he  sat  in  the 
gateway  of  his  house,  onliis  cnrnle  chair.  For  seven  months  the  Gauls  laid  siege  to  the 
capitol.'  but  the  garrison,  under  the  command  of  Manlius,  made  a  gallant  resistance.  At 
length  the  rjtnnant  of  the  Roman  army  recovered  from  its  terror,  and  wished  to  deliver 
the  city  from  the  barbarians.  This  they  felt  could  only  be  done  under  their  old  leader, 
Camillas.  He  was  still  in  banishment  at  Ardea.  He  could  not  be  recalled  wit  lout  a 
decree  of  the  senate.  Therefore  a  bold  youth,  name:!  Pontius  Cominius,  undertook  to 
go  from  Veji  and  communicate  with  the  senate  in  the  capitol.  He  swam  down  the 
Tiber,  climbed  up  the  side  of  the  Capitoliue  hill,  and,  after  receiving  the  decree  of  the 


78  WARS  wiTii  NEIGHBORING  NATIONS. 

shrank  from  the  toil  of  rebuilding,  and  the  annalists  in  aftei 
times  related  that  they  wished  to  emigrate'  to  Veji.  The  old 
Roman  courage  and  Uoman  perseverance,  however,  triumphed. 
The  senate  was  firm,  the  spirit  of  the  people1  was  unbroken. 
Only  one  thought  animated  them,  to  rebuild  their  city  and 
recover  their  position  in  Latium.  The  hard  times  pr> 
heavily  on  the  poor  plebeians.  They  were  compelled  to  borrow 
from  the  patricians.  The  rates  of  interest  were  high,  military 
service  and  taxes  oppressive;  all  their  old  distress  returned, 
As  in  former  times  it  had  sometimes  happened,  a  noble  patri- 
cian espoused  their  cause — Manlins,  the  defender  of  the  capitol, 
the  hero  of  many  battles.  One  day  when  he  .si\v  a  debtor,  a 
centurion  of  the  army,  carried  away  to  prison,  he  paid  his  debts 
and  set  him  free.  He  sold  his  estate  near  Yeji  and  advanced 
money,  free  of  interest,  to  more  than  four  hundred  poor  plebeians. 
5.  Manlius  Condemned.— This  aroused  the  patricians. 
The  senate  nominated  a  dictator  who  summoned  Manlius  be- 
fore his  tribunal.  The  excitement  in  the  city  was  great.  The 
senate  was  compelled  to  yield,  and  Manlius  was  liberated.  At 
length,  like  Sp.  Cassius,  he  was  accused  of  aiming  at  royal 
power,  and  was  brought  to  trial  before  the  count  in  ccnturiata. 
In  sight  of  the  capitol  which  his  valor  had  saved,  the  people 
could  not  condemn  him.  Shortly  afterwards  he  was  again 
brought  to  trial  in  the  grove  of  Pcetelius,  where  the  capitol  was 
not  visible.  He  was  condemned  and  hurled  from  the  Tarpeian 
rock 2  (B.  c.  384). 

senate  recalling  Camilla*  and  appointing  him  dictator,  returned  the  prime  way.  The 
next  morning  the  Gauls  saw  the  marks  of  the  ascent  and  determined  to  surprise  the 

cit  i'ii'1  in  tin-  same  way.  A  Gaul  had  almost  reached  the  summit  when  the  ueese  sacred 
to  Juno  roused  the  garrison,  and  Manlius  hurled  his  -hieid  against  the  foremost  Gaul, 
who.  in  his  fall,  overthrow  the  others  behind  him.  The  Gauls  hegan  to  weary  of  the 
.OIILT  si- _''•  and  wished  to  withdraw.  Negotiations  \\ere  opened  and  it  was  agreed 
Ihat  Rome  should  pay  oive  thousand  pounds  of  i_roid  as  a  ransom.  When  the  gold  was 
being  weighed  nut.  in  the  forum.  Brennus,  the  leader  of  the  Gauls,  is  said  to  have  increased 
the  amount  by  throwing  hi-  -word  imo  the  -cale.  At  this  moment  Camillas  appeared  in 
the  forum  with  a  large  army,  and  ordered  the  i_roM  to  he  taken  away,  saying  that  Rome 
mu<t  he  ransomed  by  steel  and  not  by  gold.  The  battle  wa-  fought  near  Gabii  and  not  a 
Gaul  escajMJ  I  :  even  Brennus  himself  wa-  taken  prisoner.  The  Gaul-  returned  asrain.  in 
B.C.  361,  when  Titu-  Manlius  killed  a  gigantic  Gaul  in  single  combat,  and  obta:ned  the 
surname  of  Torc|tiatu<.  from  the  golden  neekl-ice  \tnn/iitx\  which  he  stripped  from  the 
neck  of  the  barbarian  .  and  a  train  in  B.  c  :V4!>.  when  Marcu-  Valerin-  accepted  a  challenge 
to  siiiL'le  combat  with  a  gigantic  Gaul,  and  a  raven  |«-rched  on  the  helmet  of  the  Roman 
and  flew  in  the  face  of  the  Gaul.  Valeriu-  -lew  the  Gaul  and  received  the  name  of  Corvus. 
The  story  about  Camilla.-  wa-  invented  at  a  later  time  to  celebrate  the  Furian  house. 

1  See  p.  81. 

1  It  is  generally  agreed  among  modern  historians  that  Manlius  was  condemned  by  the 


THE    EQUALIZATION   OF   THE   ORDERS.  79 


CHAIPTISR    XII. 

THE  EQUALIZATION  OF  THE  OKDEES. 

1.  The  Political  Condition  of  the  Plebeians.— During 

these  struggles  no  action  had  been  taken  in  regard  to  the  public 
lands,  and  no  reform  was  made  in  the  system  of  credit.  The 
acquisition  of  new  territory  after  the  conquest  of  Veji  had  re- 
newed the  agrarian  agitation.  The  social  condition  of  the  ple- 
beians, on  account  of  their  long  service  in  the  army,  had  been 
by  no  means  improved.  The  colonies  planted  in  the  conquered 
territory  had  given  only  temporary  relief.  After  the  burning  of 
Eome  by  the  Gauls,  the  plebeians  sank  deeper  than  ever  into 
distress  and  poverty.  Individual  tribunes  attempted  from  time 
to  time  to  revive  the  law  of  Cassins,  and  some  of  the  patricians, 
like  Manlius,  attempted  to  remedy  the  social  distress,  but  without 
avail.  But  few  plebeians  had  been  elected  to  any  of  the  higher 
magistracies  open  to  them.  If,  under  circumstances  of  great 
excitement,  a  plebeian  was  elected,  the  colleges  of  sacred  lore 
might  be  called  in  to  see  if  there  were  not  some  informality  in 
the  auspices  which  would  annul  the  election.  Besides,  the  poor 
plebeians  felt  little  interest  in  advancing  the  plebeian  nobility 
so  long  as  their  own  distress  was  unrelieved. 

2.  The   Licinian  Laws   (B.  c.  366).  —  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances the  plebeian  nobles  were  convinced  that  the  only 
way  to  wring  from  the  patricians  the  recognition  of  their  claim 
to  an  equal  share  in  the  government,  was  to  secure  the  co- 
operation of  the  poor  plebeians  by  first  introducing  measures  to 
relieve  the  social  distress.     For  this  purpose  G.  Licinius  Stolo1 

comi/ia  centunata  or  comitia  curia/a ;  Livy,  however,  calls  the  assembly  a  concilium 
populi  (Liv.  vi.  SO,  11)  ;  was  not  this  probably  the  assembly  of  the  patres  gentium  patri- 
ciarum  ?  See  p.  50,  n.  3. 

1  Livy  (vi.  34\  after  relating  the  apathy  into  which  the  plebeians  had  Punk,  introduces 
the  following  incident  as  the  cause  or  the  reform.  The  two  daughters  of  M.  Fabius  Am- 
bustus  had  been  married,  the  elder  to  the  patrician.  Servins  Sulpicius.  the  younger  to 
the  plebeian,  G.  Licinius  Stolo.  It  happened  that  the  two  sisters,  the  Fabise,  were  one 
day  sitting  in  conversation  in  the  hoi^e  of  Sulpicius.  who  at  that  time  was  consular 
tribune,  and  a  lictor  of  Sulpicius,  when  he  returned  from  the  forum,  rapped  as  usual 


80  THE    EQUALIZATION   OF   THE   ORDERS. 

and  Lucius  Sextius,  tribunes  of  the  people,  brought  before  the 
plebeian  assembly  of  tribes  two  measures  for  relieving  the  dis- 
tress of  the  poor  and  one  to  advance  the  claims  of  the  plebeian 
nobility.  These  were  the  celebrated  Licinio-Sextian  rogations. 
They  enacted  : 

1.  That  the  interest  already  paid  on  borrowed  money  should 
be  deducted  from  the  principal,  and  the  balance  paid  in  three 
yearly  instalments.1 

2.  That  no  person  should  possess  more  than  five  hundred 
jugera  of  the  public  land.2 

3.  That  in  future,  consuls  and  not  military  tribunes  should 
be  elected,  and  one  of  the  two  consuls  miix/  be  a  plebeian.3 

3.  The  Office  of  Praetor  Created. — The  struggle  for  these 
reforms  lasted  ten  years.4  The  senate  impeded  the  measures 
by  making  use  of  the  veto  of  some  one  of  the  tribunes.  Then 
Licinius  and  Sextius  prevented  the  election  of  all  patrician 
magistrates.  In  order  to  overcome  the  people  the  aged  Camillus 
was  appointed  dictator.  All,  however,  was  in  vain.  The  ple- 
beians even  increased  their  demands  by  asking  admission  into 
the  priestly  colleges,  the  sacred  citadel  of  patrician  exclusiveness.5 


with  hi-*. fa*ff*  loudly  on  the  door,  to  announce  the  arrival  of  his  master.  Frightened 
;IT  the  noise,  which  she  wa-  unaccustomed  to.  tin:  younger  sister  -tailed,  and  excited  the 
mirth  ,ind  derision  of  the  elder,  who  Informed  her  of  the  cause  of  the  i.oi-e.  Wounded 
in  her  pride  and  humbled  that  -he.  the  wife  of  a  plebeian,  wa-  to  forego  the  pomp  and 
honor  (if  ollieml  rank,  she  re-ted  not  till  she  had  instigated  her  father.  MS  well  as  her  hus- 
band, to  change  the  order  of  things  in  Koine,  and  to  bring  about  a  reform  by  which  she 
would  lie  able  to  -how  her-elf  ei[nal  to  the  nob!e-t  matrons.— Tbia  story  does  not  -tand 
examination.  How  could  the  daughter  of  M.  Fabius  Auibustus,  who  himself  1  ad  been 
consular  tribune  four  year-  before,  have  been  frightened  at  the  knocking  of  the  lie  lor  at 
tin'  hoove-door,  or  have  felt  her-Hf  degraded  by  marrying  a  man  WBOM  family  had 
already  hold  the  chief  magistracy  in  the  -late,  and  who  could  expect  the  Mime  distinction 
for  himself  ?  The  story  is  out-  of  ihat  ela-s  by  which  the  vulgar  attempt  to  discover  the 
'f  great  events  in  trivial  or  accidental  circumstances.  It  is  characteri.-tic  of  the 
ancient  historians  that  this  ab-nrd  story  is  repeated  by  I. ivy  nr.d  his  -uccc-soi>  without 
the  least  hesitation,  as  if  it  were  perfectly  authenticated.  —  l)nn'n  I/i*t..  vol.  i.,  i  .  318. 

'   I't  (ledncto  eo  lie  cajrito,  Q>"  .  !</.  <j<">'/  *<//*/(.-.W,  '//- 

n/ii'ix  fMir/i<>//i>>i/.<  j* /•xti/i-i /•</"/•;    it  was  probab'v  intended  that  only  the  amount 
of  iniere«t  in  excess  of  the  lesral  interest  should  be  di  ducted  from  the  principal. 

V  f/'  ni, i  '/mi.  This  Article  al-o  contained  provi-ion 

in  regard  to  the  number  of  cattle  which  eacli  could  feed  upon  the  public  pastures  (100 
head  of  large  and  500  of  small),  and  al-o  that  the  number  of  free  men  which  each  em- 
ployed upon  his  farm  should  be  proportioned  to  the  number  of  slave-. 

iniii  iiiilitniii  comlilajii  <i>t>  /  t.r  plfte  crearetiir. 

4  Only  the  flr-t  article  fell  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  plebeian  as-embly  of  tribes  ; 
the  other,  which  pertained  to  the  /////* i-'mm.  belonged  to  the  a/mifia  ctnturiala,  and 
before  it  could  become  a  Kw  required  tlie  sanction  of  the  piitrum  aiictoritas  and  then 
the  ratification  of  the  "iii/iifin  cut 

That  the  care  of  sibylline  books  -hotild  be  taken  from  the  two  patricians  and  en- 
trusted to  ion  men  composed  equally  of  patricians  and  plebeians. 


THE    EQUALIZATION   OF  THE   ORDERS.  81 

The  bill  was  at  last  carried,  and  Lucius  Sextius  was  elected  the 
first  plebeian  consul.  The  patricians  attempted  even  then  to 
nullify  the  election.  The  plebeians  threatened  another  secession. 
The-  the  aged  Camillus  saw  it  was  too  late,  and  came  forward 
as  a  mediator  .ind  peace-maker.  A  compromise  was  effected. 
The  consular  impcrin/ii  was  limited,  under  the  pretext  that  the 
nobility  alone  could  declare  the  law  and  preside  at  the  tribunal, 
by  conferring  its  judicial  duties  on  a  new  patrician  magistrate 
called  praetor.1  Then  the  election  was  ratified  and  the  plebe- 
ians were  admitted  to  the  highest  honors  of  the  state.  Hence- 
forth the  word  populits  had  a  new  import;  it  embraced  the 
citizens  of  both  orders.  The  long  struggle  between  the  orders 
would  have  ended  here,  had  there  not  been  some  among  the 
patricians  who  could  not  regard  their  defeat  as  decisive,  and 
hence  sought  to  regain  their  privileges.  For  the  present,  how- 
ever, there  was  peace,  and  Camillus  commemorated  the  close  of 
the  long  era  of  civil  strife  by  dedicating  a  temple  to  Concord 
and  by  adding  a  fourth  day  to  the  great  Koman  games. 

4.  Further  Progress  of  the  Plebeians. — The  patricians 
still  retained  certain  exclusive  privileges,  but  the  plebeians 
were  finally  admitted  to  these — to  the  dictatorship  in  B.  c. 
356,  to  the  censorship  in  B.  c.  351,  to  the  praetorship  in 
B.  c.  337.  By  the  Ogulnian  law  in  B.  c.  300  the  number  of 
pontiffs  was  increased  from  five  to  eight,  and  that  of  the 
augurs  from  six  to  nine,  and  it  was  enacted  that  four  pontiffs 
and  five  augurs  should  be  taken  from  the  plebeians.2  The  ad- 
mission of  the  plebeians  to  the  sacred  colleges  was  necessary  in 
order  that  they  might  be  free  from  patrician  influence  in  taking 
the  auspices  and  performing  the  sacrifices  for  the  state.8 

1  The  praetor  was  attended  by  six  lictors ;  the  number  of  praetors  was  soon  increased 
to  two,  viz.:  the  praetor  urbanus,  who  administered  the  law  between  citizens,  and  the 
praetor  ix>rfr/rinu*,  who  took  charge  of  all  cases  in  which  foreigners  were  concerned. 
Another  concession  to  the  patricians  \\as  that  two  new  magistrates  called  curule  aediles 
to  (li-tintriiish  them  from  the  plebeian  aediles  were  appointed  to  superintend  the  public 
games  ;  but  the  ottice  was  soon  open  to  plebeians. 

"  The  religious  privilcires  of  the  patricians  that  had  no  political  importance  were  not 
interfered  wiih.  such  as  exclusive  eligibility  to  the  office  of  the  three  supreme  jlamines, 
that  of  rex  (HKrorum.  and  the  guilds  of  Salii  ;  se>'  pp.  3(i.  37. 

3  Henceforth  it  was  to  no  purpose  that  a  patrician  augur  detected  secret  flaws  in  the 
auspices,  and  that  the  patrician  censor  did  not  permit  his  colleague  to  present  the  solemn 
sacrifice  with  which  the  census  closed.  It  became  the  custom  also  for  the  patrician  presi- 
dent- of  the  senate  iprincf-i>#  i-ennini't.  n«t  the  pa'rieinn  members,  but  those  wiio  had  at- 
tained to  the  consul-hip,  pr.vtor.-hip.  an  I  curule  ;edile,ship  to  give  their  opinion  in  order 
and  without  distinction  of  class,  while  the  senators  who  had  held  none  of  these  offices 
still  even  now  took  part  merely  in  the  division  (see  also  p.  88,  n.  2). 


82  CONTIMKI) 


CHATTER,    XIII. 

CONTINUED  AGITATION — THE  MITINV  OF  IX  f\  .°,42 — THE 

PUBLILIAN   AND    IIoRTENSIAN    LAW-. 

1.  The  Licinian  laws  had  brought  about  political  equality. 
A  certain  reaction  set  in.    The  patricians  once  more  thwarted 
the  claims  of  the  plebeians,  and  elected  both  consuls  from  their 
own  order.1    This  produced  violent  discontent.    The  patricians 
sought  to  pacify  it  by  concessions.     The  rate  of  interest  estalv 
lished  by  the  Twelve  Tables  was  not  only  renewed,  but  in  B.C. 
:>4T  was  reduced  to  five  per  cent     The  dictatorship  and  censor- 
ship were  opened  to  the  plebeians. 

2.  The  Mutiny  of  B.  C.  342.— Still  the  state  of  affairs  was 
unsettled  and  discontent  widespread.   In  the  year  n.r.  •'!4'.),  when 
the  army  was  wintering  in  Campania,  it  "broke  forth.   The  con- 
suls perceived  the  danger  and  tried  to  avert  it  by  granting  fur- 
loughs.   The  army  mutinied  and  marched  to  Rome.     The  gov- 
ernment had  to  yield.     The  Licinian  laws  were  re-established. 

It  was  further  a- 

1.  That  both  consuls  might  be  plebeians.2 

2.  That  no  Roman  soldier  when  in  actual  service  should  be 
discharged  from  the  army  without  his  consent.3 

3.  That  no  one  should  be  re-elected  to  the  same  magistracy 
within  ten  years.4 

4.  All  interest  on  loans  was  abolished.3 

3.  The  Publilian  Laws   (B.C.  339). — Still  there  was  a 
strong  party  among  the  nobility,  which    was  constantly   at- 

1  The  consular  Fasti  for  fourteen  years  (332-339),  show  the  names  of  twenty-one 
patricians  and  only  seven  plebeians. 

-  UK  • '"> •<•!••  nri.— Liv.  vii.  42. 

'  Nt  c'ljitx  niii'iix  .<•<•!  i/iti  /,<>/,,.  'in-. — Liv.  vii.  41. 


\,  miteundtm  magittratvm  i/,tin  ./•<»/<  anno  <  <i»<>*  magistrate* anno 

gerere. — Liv.  vii.  42. 

*  This  is  the  so-called  plebtecttum  <•*  -"'i-inin.  and  \va<  carried  during  this  year.— Liv. 
vii.  42.  Ii  is  hardly  to  be  supposed  that  the  intention  of  this  law  was  to  abolish  interest 
altogether.  The  intention  probably  was  to  forbid  an  illegal  rate  of  interest  ;  this  view  is 
supported  by  the  proceeding  \\lie;;  •  revived  the  law  (jj.  *MO) ;  see 

Lunge,  I.e.  vol.  ii.  p.  08  :  for  Ihue's  view,  -ue  his  hi.-tory,  vol.  i.  p.  348. 


CONTINUED   AGITATION".  83 

tempting  to  regain  its  former  power.  The  senate  managed  the 
new  acquisitions  of  land  not  according  to  the  Licinian  laws,  but 
according  to  its  own  interests.  The  patricians  still  possessed 
the  right  to  nullify  the  action  of  the  people  by  refusing  their 
sanction  to  the  resolutions  carried  in  the  comitia.  Under  these 
circumstances  the  dictator,  Q.  Publilius  Philo,  in  the  year  B.  c. 
339,  proposed  three  laws  which  stand  in  close  connection  with 
the  revolt  of  B.  c.  342,  and  which  were  intended  to  abridge  still 
further  the  privileges  of  the  patricians.1  It  was  enacted: 

1.  That  the  resolutions  carried  in  the  plebeian  assembly  of 
tribes  should  be  binding  on  all  the  people.2 

2.  That  all  laws  passed  in  the  comitia  centuriata  should  re- 
ceive previously  the  sanction  of  the  patrum  auctoritas.* 

3.  That  one  of  the  two  censors  must  be  a  plebeian.4 

4.  Changes  in  the  Constitution. — The  first  law  is  but  a 
re-enactment  of  the  Valerio-Horatian  laws  of  B.  c.  449.     The 
patricians  had  from  time  to  time  prevented  the  law  from  being 
carried  into  effect,  and  succeeding  in  this,  had  finally  ques- 
tioned the  validity  of  the  law  itself.     Hence  its  re-enactment. 
The  second  law,  by  requiring  the  previous  sanction  of  patrum 
auctoritas  to  the  action  of  the  assembly  of  centuries,  effectually 
abolished  the  veto  power  of  the  patricians  over  legislation.5 
TJte  third  law  secured  to  the  plebeians  a  share  in  one  of  the 
most  important  offices  of  the  state.6    This  was  an  important 
gain  for  the  plebeians,  for  it  gave  them  a  voice  in  determining 

1  Livy  (viii.  12)  characterizes  them  as  secundixinmas  pkbi,  adverga*  nobUitati. 

'  l~t  plei/isci'ti  onn.f  t^/'ti  it- .« tenerent. — Liy.  viii.  12.  Mominsen  (ROm.  Forch,  p.  200) 
thinks  that  this  clause,  a<  well  a-;  that  in  the  Valerio-Horatian  laws,  applied  to  measures 
tarri  d  in  the  comitia  Mhiiin  ;  and  the  Hortensian  law,  to  those  carried  in  the  concilium 
//•  'it---.  This  supposition  involves  a  very  material  emendation  of  the  text  of  Livy,  with- 
out which  it  is  unsupported. 

3  Ut  legum  guce  comltiis  centuriatls  ferrentur  ante  initum  gvffragium  patres  auctorea 
flerent.—Liv.  vni.  12. 

4  I't  alter  iitli/in  LI- jili-'/'i  cum  eo  (ventum  sit),  ut  utrumque.  plebtjum  (consulem)  fieri 

erearetur.—IAvy,  viii.  12. 

5  The  result  of  this  law  was  to  transfer  the  control  over  legislation  from  the  patricians 
to  the  nobility,  i.e.,  from  the  cn/ieifii/i/>  patrum  ftaaUieu  gentium  patriciarum,  which  be- 
stowed the  patrum  auctoritas  upon  the  senate  (to  the  senatus  consultim  which  preceded 
the  rogations),  which  henceforth  exercised  the  patrum  uuctoritas.    As  this  was  an  impor- 
tant change  of  the  constitution,  it  needed  the  sanction  of  thepatnim  auctoiitas,  which  it 
could  never  have  secured  had  ir  not  been  felt  that  the  new  nobility  in  the  initiative  of  the 
senate  and  the  magistrate   (l-lie  sanction  of  the  patmm  auctoritas  for  the  election  of 
magistrates  was  not  repealed)  still  held  control  over  legislation. 

0  As  this  law  only  related  to  the  ceiisoria  jnteslas  and  not  to  the  imperivm,  it  did  not 
require  the  confirmation  of  the  patrum  auctoritas  or  any  change  in  the  lex  curiata  de 
irioerio. 


84  CONTINUED   AGITATION. 

who  should  be  senators  and  I'ljitifi'x,  and  preventrd  the  patri- 
cians from  managing  the  proletarians  and  freedmen  in  the  in- 
terests of  their  own  order. 

5.  The  Hortensian  Laws. — After  the  successful  conclu- 
sion of  the  third  Samnite  war,  the  nobility  attempted  to  draw 
the  reins  of  government  a  little  firmer,  as  they  felt  secure  in 
their  power.     In  consequence  of  the  tribute  of  B.C.  293  and  the 
pestilence  which  continued  for  several  years,  the  plebeians1  fell 
into  debt  again,  and  the  conflict  between  the  nobility  and  ple- 
beians, between  the  rich  and  poor,  was  renewed  with  its  old 
fierceness.     The  tribune  proposed  a  law 2  for  the  relief  of  the 
poor  debtor,  which  led  to  a  violent  contest  between  the  senate, 
as  the  organ  of  the  nobility,  and  the  people.     This  caused  the 
people  to  secede  once  more — this  time  to  the  Janiculus — and 
they  were  not  induced  to  return  until  the  proposals  of  the  dic- 
tator, Q.  Ho^tensius,  were  adopted  (about  B.  c.  286).     Besides 
amnesty  and  relief  from  their  present  indebtedness,  the  dicta- 
tor carried  the  following  laws : 

1.  That  the  resolutions  of  the  plebeians  should  be  binding 
on  all  the  Quirites. 

2.  That  all  laws  passed  in  the  concilia  plebis  should  receive 
previously  the  sanction  of  t\\Q  patrum  auctoritas? 

3.  That  the  concilia  plebis,  like  the  comitia  centuriata,  could 
not  meet  on  market  days.4 

6.  Further  Changes  in  the  Constitution. — The  first  law 
seems  to  be  only  a  re-enactment  of  a  measure  already  twice 
guaranteed.     We  must  consider,  however,  that  the-  senate  was 
in  no  way  bound  to  execute  the  measures  carried  in  the  ple- 
beian assembly,  and  that  it  had  just  failed  to  execute  a  law  for 
the  relief  of  the  debtor  class.5    The  second  provision  defined 

1  Inflma  plebs.  '  De  cere  alleno. 

s  This  law  placed  the  resolutions  of  the  people  on  the  same  level  as  those  carried  in 
the  oo//"  '  .'  fr»:n  this  time  the  legislative  power-  of  \ht:  coHeilium plfbis  were 

recognized  ;  see  note  2,  pit 

•  !'•  •  ,'.   With  the  Romans  the  days  ,>n  which  the  )rr<rtnr  could  ad- 
minister  justice  o'r  the  public  assemblies  incut,  wen?  called  ifimfa^ti.    The  i-otinl'm  could 
be  held,  however,  only  on  a  certain  number  of  the-c  days,  called  dies  coniitiale*  ;  these 
were  181  in  number.    Z/i<  -•  /«/'/.••/;  were  days  when  neither  the  courts  of  justice  nor  the 
comi'ii  were  allowed  to  be  held.    By  the  lex  Hortensia  the  nun<Jin<z  became /o*<i  non 
comi'irde*. 

*  Ci 


THE   PEOPLE   AND   THE   GOVERNMENT. 


more  clearly  the  measures  to  which  the  veto  of  the  senate  was 
applicable.1  The  third  clause  gave  the  nobility  an  indirect 
control  over  legislation  in  the  plebeian  assembly  by  making  it 
illegal  to  transact  business  on  the  nundince  or  market-days.  On 
these  days  the  plebeians  came  in  large  numbers  to  the  city,  and 
the  assembly  was  likely  to  be  fully  attended.  Since  the  nobility 
had  control  of  the  calendar,  they  could  postpone  action  on 
any  measure  proposed  in  this  assembly  injurious  to  their  inter« 
c.-is  by  declaring  the  day  on  which  the  concilium  met  to  be  a 
holiday  (fcria),  and  therefore  illegal  for  transacting  business.2 


CHATTER  XIV. 

THE  PEOPLE  AND  THE  GOVERNMENT.  —  THE  RISE  OF  THE 

NOBILITY. 


1.  The  passage  of  these  laws  ended  the  long  struggle  between 
the  two  orders.8  The  extension  of  Roman  sovereignty  over 
Italy  and  the  colonies  which  she  planted  to  secure  that  power, 
improved  the  condition  of  the  middle  class.  The  increase  of 
the  indirect  revenue  rendered  it  seldom  necessary  to  impose 
direct  taxes.  The  wealth  which  began  to  centre  in  Home, 
through  war  and  commerce,  reduced  the  rate  of  interest.  The  old 
disputes  and  political  agitations  gradually  died  out.  A  new  era 

1  That  it  did  not  entirely  abolish  the  veto  power  of  the  senate  is  known  from  the  fact 
that  several  decrees  of  the  people,  highly  disagreeable  to  the  senate,  were  annulled,  where 
no  failure  in  the  auspices  had  occurred.  The  law  relates  especially  to  measures  that  re- 
quired for  their  execution  the  co-operation  of  the  senate,  although  carried  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  it.  It  can  be  said,  then,  that  the  lex  Pi/blilia  gave  the  people  a  veto  power  over 
the  decrees  of  the  senate  —  a  negative  power  over  its  action.  The  lex  Hortenna  declared 
that  resolutions  of  ihe  people  in  relation  to  administrative  measures,  carried  in  direct  op- 
poMiion  to  the  senate,  had  the  force  of  law  and  must  be  executed.  That  no  law  passed  in 
opposition  to  the  senate  \va-  carried  into  execution  until  the  agrarian  law  of  Flaminius, 
B.  c.  232,  is  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  tribunes,  without  directly  neglecting  the  interests 
of  the  people,  were  under  the  control  of  the  nobility. 

*  The  nobility  could  also  annul  a  measure  by  declaring  that  it  was  adopted  on  a  day 
when  it  was  illegal  for  the  connltmn  to  meet."  Ihne  (I.e.  vol.  5.  p.  448».  Niebuhr  (Bom. 
ll>*t.,  vol.  iii.,  i>.  I'iut.  and  Arnold  (I.e.  vol.  ii.  p.  377).  assume  that  the  movement  which 
led  to  the  I*.''  Hurt'  iiyl-i  was  connected  with  the  agrarian  law  of  Manius  Curius,  the  con- 
queror of  the  Sa"iiiites. 

'  About  thi<  time  the  ))f.ebi.-'df»m  M(r.ninm  was  carried,  which  compelled  the  patricians 
to  give  their  sanction  to  the  election  of  magistrates  beforehand,  as  they  already  had  to  do 
lation.  i.  i  .  tlir  i-ni 


-!  pfi'r»-/i  fa  "Hi  /.-•  [/'-i^ium  pafrir.  must,  before  the  elec- 
tion. 'jrant  thepatntm  auctoritas  which  empowered  the  candidate,  in  ca-^e  «  f  ejection  by 
>ple,  to  lay  the  Iff  enriafa  tie  imperio  before  the  mwif'xi  evnatafot  their  approval. 


86  THE  PEOPLE  A:NTD  THE  GOVERNMENT. 


began.  The  equality  it  is  true  was  only  formal.  A  new  no- 
bility arose.  The  rich  plebeians,  after  the  Canuleian  law  legal- 
ized intermarriage,  raised  themselves  above  their  felloW-plebeian& 
It  was  no  longer  the  plebeians,  but  the  common  people,  that 
were  treated  as  an  inferior  class.  The  old  nobility  melted 
away.  A  new  nobility,  founded  on  office  and  wealth,  sprang 
from  it  The  germs  of  a  new  aristocracy  and  a  new  democrat 
were  formed  ;  but  for  the  present  all  contest  was  suspended. 
The  glorious  victories  and  their  grand  results  silenced  faction. 

2.  The  Popular  Assemblies. — The  result  of  the  long 
struggle  had  changed  considerably  the  relation  of  the  assemblies 
to  each  other  and  to  the  senate.     The  comitia  centuriata,  with 
their  system  of  auspices  and  complicated  classification,  still  re- 
tained the  right  to  vote  on  a  declaration1  of  war  and  to  elect  the 
higher  magistrates,  but  were  superseded  for  legislative  purposes 
by  the  comitia  tributa.    To  the  latter  was  assigned  the  election 
of  all  the  newly  established  magistrates  except  the  censor  and 
proetor,  and  it  even  assumed  functions  legally  belonging  to  the 
comitia  centnriafa,  and  in  course  of  time  questions  involving 
peace  and  war  came  before  it.    The  decisions  in  this  assembly  fell 
more  and  more  to  the  four  city  tribes  because  the  vast  extension 
of  Roman  territory  had  so  increased  the  number  of  tribes  that 
it  was  impossible  for  them  to  act  in  concert,  especially  since  the 
rights  of  initiation  and  of  discussion  were  not  allowed.2    The  rn/i- 
ciliuin  tributum plebis  hud  been  placed,  in  regard  to  legislation, 
by  the  Hortensian  law,  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  the  comi- 
tia centuriata.    As  only  plebeians  could  vote  in  this  assembly, 
the  patricians  were  excluded  from  taking  a  part  in  the  enact- 
ment of  some  of  the  most  important  laws. 

3.  The  Composition  of  the  Body  of  Citizens.— Appiue 
Claudius  attempted  to  introduce  a  radical  reform  not  only  in 

1  It  must  be  remembered  that  this  vote  of  the  people  did  not  actually  declare  war  but 
•imply  empowered  the  senate  to  declare  and  wa_v  war.  The  nciuul  declaration  of  war 
must  be  made  by  the/'  ti'i/ii  -auctioned  by  ',t<i .-•. 

'-'Tli  i/ed  originally  for  military  purpo-es  (-r  p.  23). 

Tbe  annalists  represent  the  BomaQ  army  a  nostly  of  plebeians.  In  the  as- 

sembly of  centuries,  for  political  purposes,  the  patricians  i or  later  the  nobility)  on  the 
contrary  had  a  decided  majority  :  for  they  were  -utliciently  stronir  to  carry  the  elections. 
This  to/am  that  the  comitia  (•ent'iria'a  had  became  a  mere  political  organization  and  that 
the  army  was  formed  on  a  different  ba^U.  When  this  change  took  place  none  of  the 
original  authorities  tell  us  ;  see  pp.  23  and  51,  note  .">. 


THE   PEOPLE   AND  THE   GOVERNMENT.  8? 

the  plebeian  assembly  of  tribes,  but  in  the  other  assemblies  as 
well.  Hitherto  only  freeholders1  could  be  members  of  the 
country  tribes,2  while  in  the  city  tribes3  not  only  tradesmen  and 
artisans,  but  the  clients  and  freedmen  had  been  enrolled.  For- 
merly the  freedmen  had  constituted  an  unimportant  part  of  the 
population,  but  after  the  conquest  of  Veji  the  number  of  slaves 
had  largely  increased,  and,  as  manumission  was  frequent,  the 
number  of  freedmen  became  very  numerous.  When  Rome  be- 
came the  capital  of  Latium  it  was  a  centre  to  which  more  and 
more  tradesmen,  artisans,  and  adventurers  flocked.  Although 
enrolled  in  the  tribes,  they  were  excluded  from  the  classes  and 
from  military  service.  They  enjoyed  all  the  private  rights  but 
none  of  the  political  privileges  of  Roman  citizens. 

4.  The  Innovation  of  Appius  Claudius.— This  class 
began  to  show  symptoms  of  discontent,  and  Appius  Claudius, 
regarding  them  as  a  real  danger  to  the  state,  or  to  increase  his 
own  influence,  as  censor  enrolled  them  in  any  tribe  they  wished. 
The  result  was  that  not  only  the  concilium  tributum  plebis  but 
the  comitia  tributa  and  the  comitia  centnriata,  since  the  freed- 
men who  possessed  landed  property  were  admitted  to  the  classes, 
were  rendered  more  democratic  than  ever.     This  arrangement, 
however,  was  reversed  by  the  censors,  Fabius  and  Decius  (B.C. 
304),  who  confined  this  class  to  the  four  city  tribes.     Still  great 
powers  had  been  committed  to  the  assembly  of  tribes.    How  easy 
was  it  for  the  demagogues  to  avail  themselves  of  this  favorable 
state  of  things  to  carry  laws  for  grants  of  land,  for  distribution 
of  money  or  reduction  of  debt.     No  effort,  however,  was  made 
in  this  direction  for  the  present.    The  danger  was  afar  off.    The 
republican  spirit  and  love  of  country  were  too  strong.     For  the 
present  all  parties  united  in  bringing  to  a  successful  issue  that 
r-areer  of  conquest  on  which  Rome  had  now  embarked.     During 
this  period  the  public  assemblies  were  only  the  means  which 
the  nobility  used  to  govern  the  commonwealth. 

5.  The   Weakening  of  the  Consular  Powers.  —  At 
the  beginning  of  the  struggle  the  consul  was  the  chief  magis- 

1  Assidui.  *  Tribus  runticce.  *  Tribus  urbarus. 


88  THE    IVOI'LE    AND    THE   GOVERNMENT. 

trate  in  the  state.  At  the  end  of  the  contest  his  powers  had 
been  so  weakened  that  the  most  important  functions — the  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  the  election  of  senators  and  cqnites,  the 
classification  of  citizens,  the  taking  of  the  <vnsi:s.  and  the 
management  of  the  finances — were  transferred  to  others.  For- 
merly the  consuls,  although  eu-rvwhere  co-ordinate,  divided 
between  themselves  their  different  spheres  of  duty.1  !Xow  it 
was  usual  for  the  senate  to  define  annually  the  provinces,  and, 
in  case  of  extremity,  it  could  suspend  the  consuls  by  appointing 
a  dictator. 

7.  The  Senate  ;  its  Composition. — The  senate  practi- 
cally governed  the  Roman  republic.  It  still  consisted  of  three 
hundred  members  who  held  office  for  life  unless  deprived  of  it 
by  the  censors.  At  first  all  vacancies  \\eiv  till. d  by  the  con- 
sul; but  by  the  Ovinian  law  (about  B.  c.  351)  the  power  was 
transferred  to  the  censors.  This  law  enacted  that  every  one 
who  had  been  consul,  praetor,  or  curule-rcdile.2  was  entitled  to  a 
seat  in  the  senate.  These  were  not  enough  to  keep  the  senate 
up  to  its  full  number,  and  hence  the  censor  could  elect  those 
who  had  not  held  office.  The  senate,  as  the  centre  of  the  noble 
houses,  controlled  the  elections,  and  really  took  the  reins  of 

'  Prorlnntr. 

5  By  the.  iil'tiixrjfiiHi  Atiinim,  B.  c.  204,  those  who  had  hern  tribunes  were  entitled  to 
a  seat  in  Ihe  sena'e  (qua/stors  were  not  included  until  the  time  of  Sulla).  It  niu-t  be 
remembered  that  although  these  ex-niairi-i  rates  were  admitted  to  the  -eniue  on  the  expi- 
ration of  their  term  of  office,  they  were  not  actual  senators,  only  liavinir  the 

i .  until  the  next  l< cfin  i-i-niiliin  took  place.     The  insignia  of  the  senators  who  had 
held  a  cnrole  office  (xi-n'tton-*  n»i'//*f,'  \vere  the  tnnici  <•: 

and  iinill,  i/x.  The  senators  who  had  not  held  a  cunile  office  were  styled  ><  naton  « /"  /I'trii 
because  they  a— ented  to  the  opinions  of  the  C  "• .  etc.,  and  when  the  divi- 

sion wa-  taken  voted  with  their  feet  i  ,  .    The  order  in  which  the 

senators  ranked  \\-.\-  •••,i\/o/-;;  an.!  u,//.,-t;  -iho-e 

who  had  never  held  any  office  which  entitled  them  to  admi-sion  to  the  senate'.  From  the 
olde-t  foiixiilitri't  the  ///  ;/»•• /**  \.  mitux  wa-  -elected  by  the  censor.  The  senators  hud  seats 
reserved  for  them  in  that  part  of  the  theatre  called  the  nrchrxtra,  a!-o  at  the  celebrations 
of  the  public  games.  The  senate  could  only  meet  in  a  place  consecrated  by  the  augurs  ior 
to/i/i'"»i).  The  ordinary  place  of  meeting  for  many  centuries  was  the  curia  ll»*til'ni 
(until  B.  c.  215>.  erected  on  the  north  side  of  tl.i  OH  a  part  of  the  Vulconal. 

Later  the  senate  had  many  other  places  of  meeting.  !>>  the  temple  of  Apollo.  JupiterCapi- 
tolinus,  Bellona,  in  the  magnificent  curia  J>//i>i  and  others.  The  magistrates  who  had 
a  right  to  summon  the  senate  were  tip-  'lator,  maf)iJ>- 

usular  tribunes.  i>i,itoi  nrfinn'/f  iaftern.c.  StVli.  and  the  trib- 
unes of  the  plehs  about  n.  c.  -Jlii).  In  the  earliest  times  the  senator-  a— einbJed  on  the 
iiftii  Vnli'it/,1  and  were  -ummoneil  by  a  /-/:iiu.  or  In  I'nlil  ;  in  later  times  public  notice  was 
po-tt'd  ii])  a  few  days  beforehand.  It  dc|«Mided  wholly  upon  the  presiding  magistrate 
what  busine-s  he  would  lay  before  the  i  /vt.  The  senators,  in  speaking,  could 

expre-s  their  opinion  on  other  siibje.  \  ays  added,  at  the  conclusion  of  his 

opinim. .  '•  ndam  :'  when  the  final  vote  was  taken  the 

senators  separated  and  stood  on  different,  sides  of  the  house  (discessio). 


THE   PEOPLE   AND  THE   GOVERNMENT.  89 

public  affairs  into  its  own  hands.  Even  the  tribunes  of  the 
people  bowed  to  its  authority.  The  noble  houses  in  the  senate 
could  control  legislation,  since  no  measure  adopted  by  the  peo- 
ple could  become  a  law  unless  they  sanctioned  it.  In  fact,  in 
regard  to  war  and  peace,  the  management  of  the  finances  and 
the  control  of  the  public  land,  all  depended  upon  the  senate. 
The  senate  issued  instructions  to  the  consuls,  assigned  the 
provinces,*  fixed  the  number  of  troops,  provided  supplies,  and 
voted  or  withheld  the  triumph. 

8.  The  Senate  a  Consultative  Body. — Still  it  must  be 
remembered  that  the  original  and  legal  powers  of  the  senate1 
were  to  advise  and  not  to  command ;  that  it  could  exercise  the 
functions  of  government  only  so  far  as  the  magistrate  volun- 
tarily submitted  to  its  authority.    It  had  no  means  of  enforcing 
submission  except  by  appointing  a  dictator,  and  this  was  only 
possible  when  one  of  the  consuls  lent  his  aid.     Still  so  long  as 
it  governed  with  wisdom  and  moderation  it  kept  its  place  at 
the  head  of  the  state. 

9.  The  Aristocratic  Character  of  the  Government. — 
Rome  was  a  complete  aristocracy  and  wielded  that  concet  trated 
force  which  springs  from  an  aristocracy.     The  upper  classes 
were  reinforced  and  reinvigorated  by  the  infusion  of  new 
blood  from  rich  plebeian  families.    Tho  exclusive  aristocracy 
of  birth  had  been  broken  down  ;   the  aristocracy  of  wealth 
took  its  place  and  wielded  an  overwhelming  influence.      A 
stable  centre  for  that  influence  was  provided  in  the  senate,3 
whose  great  powers  gave  it  a  preponderating  weight  during  the 
long  career  of  military  conflicts   on   which   Rome   had  now 
embarked.    The  time  came  at  last,  however,  when  the  senate 
had  to  abdicate.    The  empire  became  too  large  even  for  that, 
and  the  nobility,  thoroughly  corrupt  and  selfish,  used  its  great 
powers  for  their  own  advantage  ;  then  the  monarchy  stepped 
in  and  transformed  the  freedom  of  the  few,  which  had  become 
a  sham  and  nuisance,  into  an  equal  slavery  for  all.8 

1  See  page  19. 

'  The  prominence  of  the  senate  at  Rome  is  indicated  by  the  official  designation  of  the 
Roman  government,  S.  P.  Q.  £.,  i.  e.  Senatus  populusque  Quirites  Bomanm,  the  tenate 
and  Roman  people. 

*  Ihne,  1.  c.  vol.  i.,  p.  45L  *  See  p.  128,  n.  8. 


Races  in  Italy. 


The  Latins. 


Their 
Civilization. 


Latin  Cantons. 


League   of  the 

Thirty 
Latin    Cities. 


Foundation   of 
Rome, 

B.C.  753. 


The 
Government. 


King. 


Senate. 


Comitia 
Curiata. 


Army. 


Origin    of    the 
Plebeians. 


SUMMARY. 

THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  LATINS. 

In  Italy  proper  (see  p.  108,  n.  i)  there  were  three  races, 
viz.,  Etruscan,  lapygian,  and  Italian,  all  of  which  were 
probably  (certainly  the  last  two)  of  the  Indo-European 
stock.  Of  the  different  branches  of  the  Italian  race,  the 
Latins  were  historically  the  most  important.  They  set- 
tled in  the  plain  between  the  Alban  hills  and  the  sea ; 
they  had  before  their  entrance  into  Italy  attained  to  a  con- 
siderable degree  of  civilization— had  laid  the  foundation 
of  their  social  and  civil  constitution.  The  households 
(via  or  pagi)  were  united  by  ties  of  blood  or  bv  nearness 
of  locality  into  clans,  and  the  householders'  dwellings 
formed  the  clan-villages,  which  were  united,  and  all 
formed  a  canton.  Each  canton  had  a  common  centre, 
where  justice  was  administered  and  the  markets  were 
held.  Around  this  central  town,  which  was  always 
situated  on  an  elevated  and  easily  defensible  position, 
suburbs  grew  up,  which  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  early 
Latin  towns.  The  different  Latin  cantons  united  into  a 
league,  with  Alba  Longa  at  their  head,  known  as  the 
league  of  the  thirty  Latin  cities. 

One  of  these  cantons,  the  Roman,  with  its  capital, 
Rome,  situated  on  one  of  the  hills  on  the  Tiber  about 
18  miles  from  its  mouth,  was  destined  to  be  the  most 
eminent.  The  Ramnians,  or  Romans,  as  they  were 
afterwards  called,  were  not  the  only  dwellers  on  these 
hills,  but  two  other  cantons  were  here,  that  of  the  Titles 
and  that  of  the  Luceres  ;  these  three  united  for  mutual 
protection  and  formed  the  Roman  common  wealth.  The 
government  of  these  three  cantons  after  the  union 
was  like  that  of  all  the  oilier  Latin  cantons.  All  the 
heads  of  families  were  citizens,  and  were  politically  on 
a  footing  of  equality.  They  chose  the  king,  or  leader 
in  war,  who  held  his  office  for  life,  and  he  nominated  a 
council  of  elders,  called  the  senate,  and  all  the  citizens 
met  at  his  bidding  in  a  public  assembly  called  comitia 
curiata  to  enact  laws  or  give  their  assent  to  war  or  peace 
The  citizens  or  householders  were  divided  into  3  tribes 
each  tribe  into  10  curiae,  each  curia  into  10  gentcs,  and 
each  gens  in  theory  into  10  households ;  therefore  300 
gciitts,  or  30  curijc,  or  3000  households  formed  the  pop- 
uliis,  cin'tas,  or  community.  Every  household  had  to 
furnish  one  foot-soldier,  and  each  ^ens  a  horseman  and 
senator.  The  army  thus  consisted  of  3000  foot-soldiers 
and  300  cavalry  ;  the  senate  of  300  members. 

The  union  of  these  three  cantons  gave  the  people  a 
great  superiority  over  the  isolated  cities  of  Latium,  and 
one  after  another  was  subdued,  and  in  some  cases  de- 


SUMMARY. 


91 


Reform  in  the 
Constitution. 


stroyed,  and  the  people  moved  to  Rome.  These  peo- 
ple (plebeians,  as  they  were  called)  were  entirely  without 
political  rights.  Their  efforts  to  obtain  a  share  in  the 
government  led  first  to  the  reform  of  Tarquinius  Priscus 
and  then  to  that  of  S.  Tullius,  by  which  wealth  and  not 
birth  was  made  the  basis  (or  the  taxes  and  military  ser- 
vice. This  was  a  very  important  change.  Hitherto  the 
king,  as  high  priest,  had  been  all-powerful  ;  now  the 
military  and  civil  power,  which  gave  Rome  a  superiority 
over  the  Latin  cities,  became  predominant.  The  terri- 
tory was  divided  into  four  tribes  or  wards,  and  the  pop- 
ulation that  possessed  land  into  five  classes,  and  these 
classes  into  193  centuries,  which  formed  the  comitia  cen- 
turiata,  as  the  people  were  called  when  summoned  in 
military  order  on  the  Campus  Martius  by  the  king. 

The  power  of  the  king  was  carefully  limited,  and  when, 
therefore,  one  of  the  kings,  called  Tarquinius  Superbus, 
oppressed  the  members  of  the  great  houses  and  de- 
manded more  than  was  right  from  them,  they  rose  in 
rebellion  and  expelled  him  from  the  throne.  Hence- 
forth, instead  of  entrusting  the  supreme  power  to  one 
of  their  number  for  life,  they  determined  to  exercise  it 
themselves  in  turn.  According  to  tradition  there  were 
eight  kings,  but  their  history  is  almost  fabulous.  Regal 
period  ended  B.  c.  509. 


Expulsion  of 
the  King. 


End  of  the 
Regal     Period, 

B.C.  509. 


No.    of  Kings. 


Character   of 

the   Roman 

Religion. 


Not 

Mythological. 


SUPPOSED  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  KINGS. 

Romulus  and  Titus  Tatius,  B.  c.  753-716;  one  year 
interregnum ;  Numa  Pompilius,  715-676  ;  two  years 
interregnum  ;  Tullius  Hostilius,  674-642  ;  Ancus  Mar- 
tius, 642-618  ;  L.  Tarquinius  Priscus,  618-578  ;  Servius 
Tullius,  578-534  ;  Tarquinius  Superbus,  534-509. 

RELIGION. 

The  groundwork  of  the  religions  of  the  Romans  and  the 
Greeks  was  substantially  the  same.  Both  nations  wor- 
shipped the  powers  of  nature— the  sun  and  moon,  the 
earth  and  sky,  water  and  air,  light,  darkness,  health  and 
sickness,  were  all  objects  of  special  worship.  Most  other 
nations  invested  their  gods  with  human  passions,  and 
worked  out  a  system  of  genealogy,  but  the  Romans 
regarded  their  gods  as  spiritual  beings.  They  told  no 
myths  or  stories  about  their  gods  before  their  contact 
with  the  Greeks.  In  fact,  the  Romans  were  little  in- 
clined to  enter  into  speculations  concerning  their  gods, 
but  they  were  very  solicitous  to  perform  the  practical 
part — the  prayers,  vows,  offerings,  and  ceremonies — 
this  was  their  religion.1  It  had  little  to  do  with  a  spir- 


1  The  word  religion  comes  from  the  same  root  as  obligation  ;  obligation  denotes  the 
service  due  from  one  person  to  another;  religion  the  service  that  man  owes  the  gods  for 
the  protection  they  give. 


SIMMARV. 


eaiiiiieof  the 
Woril 

Id  It- n>ii. 


Religion* 

Observances. 


The  Four 
Sacred  Colleges. 


The  Auspices. 


Their  Abuse. 


The  Answer  to 
the  Augurs  a 
Simple  YI-;I  or 
Nay. 


The  I!  0111.111 
Religion 
National. 


State  Religion. 


itual  life,  with  morality,  with  right  doing,  with  the  con- 
science. It  simply  demanded  the  performance  of  certain 
services  to  the  gods,  and  this  entitled  the  Roman  to  an 
equivalent — general  protection  and  assistance. 

No  enterprise  was  ever  undertaken,  either  in  public 
or  private  life,  without  first  consulting  the  will  of  the 
gods.  No  battle  could  be  fought,  110  war  dec'ared,  no 
act  of  any  kind  performed,  until  the  assent  of  the  gods 
had  been  obtained.  Unlucky  omens  did  not,  ho\ve\  1 1 , 
deter  the  Roman  from  undertaking  any  enterprise  ;  he 
simply  repeated  the  process  of  divination  until  favora- 
ble signs  appeared.  For  these  reasons  the  observances 
of  their  religion  became  very  numerous,  and  the  least 
oversight  or  mistake  in  one  of  these  might  draw  down 
the  anger  of  the  gods.  Hence  it  was  necessary  to  have 
men  thoroughly  versed  in  the  divine  rites,  that  the  cere- 
monial might  be  performed  with  scrupulous  accuracy. 
For  this  purpose  four  sacred  colleges  were  established  ; 
pontiffs,  augurs,  fetiales,  and  later  the  keepers  of  the 
Sibylline  books.  The  head  of  every  family  was  a  priest ; 
every  house,  getis,  curia,  tribe,  and  finally  the  state,  had 
its  own  sanctuary.  The  augurs  assisted  the  magistrate 
when  he  wished  to  consult  the  will  of  the  gods,  i.e., 
take  the  auspices  ;  the  augur  simply  interpreted  the 
signs,  and  if  he  announced  signs  that  he  did  not  see, 
the  magistrate  was  justified  in  acting  as  if  he  really  had 
seen  them.  This  gave  the  augurs  great  power,  and  they 
soon  began  to  use  it  for  political  purposes,  and  an- 
nounced favorable  or  unfavorable  auspices  as  the  in- 
terest of  their  party  demanded.  In  this  way  elections 
were  annulled,  la%vs  rejected,  and  consuls  recalled. 
On  this  point  the  internal  history  of  the  republic  for 
many  centuries  turned,  for  the  argument  of  the  patricians 
was  that  the  plebeians  could  not  take  the  auspices, 
and  therefore  could  not  hold  the  highest  magistracy. 

The  gods  declared  to  the  augur  their  simple  appro- 
bation or  disapprobation  of  the  enterprise  concerning 
which  they  were  consulted.  When  the  gods  signified 
that  the  undertaking  was  acceptable  to  them  they  gave 
no  directions,  neither  did  they  guarantee  success  ;  all 
was  left  to  the  discretion  of  men. 

The  authority  of  the  Roman  gods  extended  no  fur- 
ther than  the  state.  Their  religion  was  strictly  national, 
and  no  god  outside  of  the  state  could  claim  worship 
It  wa-i  a  duty  to  worship  the  national  deities,  and  trea- 
son of  the  worst  kind  to  pay  homage  to  foreign  gods  until 
their  worship  had  been  permitted  by  a  public  resolution. 

In  the  temple  of  Vesta  was  the  symbolic  hearth  for 
the  whole  state.  The  state  worshipped  Jupiter,  Mars, 
and  Quirinus,  and  the  enlarged  state  Jupiter,  Juno,  and 
Minerva,  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  while  the 
Romans  and  their  allies  united  in  worship  in  the  tem- 
ple of  Diana  on  the  Aventine. 


SUMMARY. 


Political      and 
Social  Dis- 
tinctions 
at    Rome. 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

THE  INTERNAL  HISTORY. 

For  several  hundred  years  after  the  establishment  of 
the  republic  the  history  of  the  Roman  state  is  iittle  more 
than  (i)  a  struggle  between  the  rich  and  poor  ;  (2)  a  con- 
test of  the  plebeians  for  equality  of  rights  with  the  patri- 
cians ;  (3)  an  effort  to  limit  the  power  of  the  patrician 
consul,  for  the  plebeians  as  yet  had  no  share  in  the 
government,  and  they  were  often  badly  treated  by  the 
patricians. 

LAWS  CARRIED  TO  ALLEVIATE  THE  CONDITION 

OF  THE  POOR.  B.C. 

Old  Debts  were  Cancelled  (p.  58) 494 

The  Agrarian  Law  of  Spurius  Cassius  (p.  62). .     486 
The  Licinio-Sextian  Law  (p.  80,  s.  i  and  s.  2). . . .     366 

The  Rate  of  Interest  was  limited  in  B.  c.  351 
to  10  per  cent,  and  reduced  in  B.  c.  344  to  5  per 
cent.  In  B.  c.  349  a  commission  was  appointed  to 
make  advances  from  the  state  treasury  to  needy 
persons  who  could  give  security. 

The  Legislation  of  B.  C.  342  forbade  illegal 
rate  of  interest. 

The  Various  Colonies  planted  to  secure  Ro- 
man sovereignty  in  Italy  improved  the  condition 
of  the  middle  class. 

LAWS  PASSED  TO  ESTABLISH  POLITICAL  EQUALITY 
BETWEEN  THE  PATRICIANS  AND  PLEBEIANS. 

Plebeian  Tribunes  appointed 494 

The  Icilian  Law  (p.  59) 493 

The  Agrarian  of  S.  Cassius  (p.  62) 486 

The  Publilian  Law  of  Volero  (p.  63) 471 

The  number  of  Tribunes  increased  to  ten  (p.  66).  457 

The  Terentilian  Law  (p.  65) 454 

The  Icilian  Law  (p.  66) 454 

The  Valerio-Horatian  Laws  (p.  70,  s.  3) 449 

The  Canulean  Laws  (p.  72) 445 

Military  Tribunes,  "with  consular  powers"  (p.  72)  445 

Sextio-Licinian  Law  (p.  80,  s.  3) 366 

The  Publilian  Law  (p.  83,  s.  i  and  s.  2). 339 

The  Ogulnian  Law  (p.  81) 300 

The  Hortensian  Law  (p.  84,  s.  I  and  s.  2). 286 

These  laws  established  complete  equality  between  the 
two  orders. 

LAWS  CARRIED  TO  LIMIT  THE  POWER  OF  THE 
CHIEF  MAGISTRATE. 

Valerian  Laws  (p.  53,  s.  3) 509 

The  Law  of  the  Twelve  Tables  (p.  67) 450 

Quaestors  appointed  (p.  71) 447 

Censors  appointed  (p.  73) 445 

Praetors  appointed  (p.  80) 366 


SUMMARY. 


Regal    Period, 

B.C.  753-509. 


"\Vai-H  of  the 

l.:n  I. V 
Republic. 


League  with 

the    Latins  and 

Hernicixus, 

B.  C.  493. 

Fabian  House. 

Coriolanus  and 
the    Ki|iii.in>, 

B.C.  488. 

Cliiclniiatus 
and 

the  .TC<iuiaiis, 

B.C.  458. 

Rome  Captured 
by  the  CJaiuls. 

B.C.  390. 

Southern 

Kl  rn  i  i.<  Subject 

to  Rome, 

B.C.  387. 


Colonies 
Founded. 


The  District  a* 
far  as  the  l.i- 
ris  Subject  to 
Rome. 


THE  EXTERNAL  HISTORY. 

The  Romans  carried  on  an  incessant  warfare  with  the 
neighboring  tribes — the  Sabines,  yEquians,  Volscians, 
Rutulians.  Before  the  close  of  the  regal  period  Rome 
had  acquired  the  leadership  in  Latium,  but  after  the 
expulsion  of  the  king,  one  tribe  after  another  broke  away 
from  their  alliance  with  or  subjection  to  Rome  <as  the 
neighboring  tribes  had  made  their  treaties  with  the  king, 
they  regarded  themselves  as  released  when  the  king 
was  expelled),  and  she  lost  most  of  her  territory  and 
was  reduced  to  her  original  limits.  The  annalists,  how- 
ever, made  these  wars  originate  in  the  efforts  of  Tarquin 
to  recover  the  throne — first  the  Etruscans  ofVeji  and 
Tarquinii  aided  him,  then  Lars  Porsenna  of  Clusium, 
and  finally,  the  thirty  Latin  cities  under  the  lead  of 
Octavius  Mamilius  of  Tusculum.  For  the  next  two 
hundred  years  Rome  was  engaged  in  recovering  what 
she  had  lost :  in  most  of  these  wars  she  managed  to 
obtain  the  assistance  of  some  other  tribes — as  the  Latins 
and  Hernicaris,  with  whom  Spurius  Cassius  formed  a 
league  in  B.  c.  493. 

The  most  important  of  these  wars  was  (i)  that  with 
the  Vejentincs  (in  which  the  Fabian  house  was  destroyed) 
until  the  capture  of  Veji  by  Camillus  in  B.  c.  396 ; 
(2)  the  Volscian  war  in  which  Coriolanus  was  the  most 
distinguished  figure ;  (3)  and  the  frequent  wars  with  the 
^Equians,  celebrated  for  the  legend  of  Cincinnatus. 
Rome  was  interrupted  in  this  career  of  conquest  by  the 
invasion  of  the  Gauls  ;  they  entered  Italy  on  a  plunder- 
ing expedition,  defeated  the  Roman  army  on  the  river 
Allia,  captured  and  plundered  Rome. 

After  the  Gauls  retired,  Rome  soon  recovered  her  po- 
sition in  Latium.  The  Tuscans  who  had  assailed  Veji 
were  punished,  and  all  Southern  Etruria  became  subject 
to  Rome ;  four  new  tribes  were  formed  from  the  terri- 
tory, and  the  fortresses  of  Sutrium  (B.  c.  383)  and  Ne- 
pete  (B.  c.  380)  were  established.  The  land  of  the  Vol- 
scians and  the  yEquians  was  subjugated,  the  inhabitants 
were  overawed,  and  Roman  law  and  influence  extended 
by  a  series  of  fortresses.1  The  most  important  of  these 
were  Satricum  (8.0.385)  and  Setia  (B.C.  382).  The 
whole  Volscian  district  (the  Pomptine  Marshes)  was  dis- 
tributed in  small  farms  (2  jugera)  to  the  plebeian  sol- 
diers, and  organized  in  a  few  years  into  tribes.  Rome 
had  now  advanced  as  far  as  the  Liris.  Here  she  came  in 
contact  with  the  Samnites,  the  only  nation  in  Italy  pow- 
erful enough  to  contest  with  her  for  the  mastery  of  Italy. 


1  There  wore  three  classes  of  colonies:  i.  those  Latin  colonies  founded  by  the  Romano- 
Latto  League  before  u.r  -i!»3  ;  U,  those  (also  called  Latin  colonies)  founded  by  the  League 

of  the  Romans,  the  Latin-,  and  the  Ileniicans  before  B.  c.  3*0  :  III,  those  founded  by 
Rome  after  the  closing  of  the  League  in  B.  c.  380,  which  were  either  (1)  Roman  colonies 
with  full  rights,  or  (3)  colonies  with  Latin  rights  (whether  native  Romans  or  not).  The 
Latin  colonie<  together  with  the  original  Latins  formed  the  uniiifn  I.atinuin  and  flood  to 
Rome  as  cintategfaderata.  See  p.  110  an.l  n.  0.  also  p.  116  and  n.  7. 


THE   CONQUEST   OF   ITALY. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  FIRST  SAMOTTE  WAR  (B.C.  343-341). — THE  REVOLT 
OF  THE  LATIN  LEAGUE  (B.  c.  340-338). 

1.  After  the  Gauls*  had  departed,  Rome  soon  recovered  her 
former  position  in  Latium.     The  Latin  towns l  which  had  ac- 
quired a  partial  independence  were  subdued  and  compelled  to 
submit.     The  ^Equians  and  Volscians  were  driven  back,  and 
the  Romans  soon  extended  their  dominion  to  the  Liris.    Here 
they  first  came  in  contact  with  the  Samnites,  who  were  then  at 
the  height  of  their  power. 

2.  The  Samnites,  the  principal  branch  of  the  Sabellian 
race,  inhabited  the  lofty  ridges  of  the  Apennines.     Thence  in 
successive   migrations   they  overran   the  plains  art  their  feet. 
The  chief  towns   of  Campania,2  even  including  Capua  and 
Cumae,  fell  into  their  hands.    As  no  political  tie  bound  them  to 
their  own  country,  they  soon  broke  off  all  intercourse  with  the 
rude  mountaineers  of  the  Apennines.    In  the  beautiful  plains 
of  Campania,  surrounded  by  the  comforts  and  luxuries  of  a 
refined  life,  they  lost  their  old  simplicity  and  bravery,3  and  finally 
so  far  forgot  that  they  were  descended  from  the  Samnites 
of  the  mountains  that  the  two  races  were  sometimes  engaged 
in  hostilities  with  each  other.    It  was  a  contest  of  this  kind 
that  gave  the  Romans  the  pretext  for  crossing  the  Liris,  and  led 
to  the  war  with  the  Samnites  of  the  Apennines. 

1  Such  as  Praeneste  and  Tibur.  "  See  colored  map,  No.  I. 

*  Their  migrations  were  connected  with  the  legendary  custom  of  the  ver  sacrum  or 
sacred  spring.  In  bad  years  the  Sabellians  vowed  to  Mars  (Mamerrt  the  tenth  of  all  that 
was  born  in  the  course  of  one  spring.  This  custom  is  also  found  among  the  Romans  — 
Lifij.  xxii.  10.  The  migrations  to  Camuania  took  place  in  the  iccral  ]>eriod  ;  those  to  tbe 
plains  of  Latiui.i  earlier.  See  p.  12.  *  gee  ,>.  ".  7. 


94 


THE   FIRST   SAMNITE   AVAR* 


This  li<t  of  the  Latin  cities  Is  taken  from  Dioysius  (v.  01).  Schwegler  <ROm.  Gesh. 
ii.  322)  thinks  wiih  Niebnhr  that  ho  obtained  the  list  from  the  treaty  of  n.  c.  -t'.ti  (-re  \>. 
GJ)  ;  others  as  Mmnmseii  (1.  c.  I).  382);  and  Ihne  (Hoin.  Forscli.  p.  53)  think  Dial  it  was 
made  up  from  a  list  of  those  places  that  were  afterwards  regarded  as  members  of  the 
Latin  confederacy;  or  by  some  annalist,  from  various  sources.  That  the  revolt  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  restoration  of  Tarquinius  is  tolerably  certain ;  see  p.  49. 


B.C.  340.]  THE   FIRST   SAMNITE   WAR.  95 

3.  The  Cause  of  the  War.— It  happened  that  another 
Samnite  migration  issued  from  the  mountains  to  the  plains  of 
Campania  and  threatened  Teanum,  a  city  of  the  Sidicini.    Being 
unable  to  withstand  the  attack  of  the  Samnites,  the  Sidicini  ap- 
plied to  the  Campanians  for  assistance.  This  was  readily  granted, 
but  even  then  the  Samnites  were  victorious,  and  having  occupied 
Mt.  Tifata,  from  which  they  issued  as  their  stronghold,  they 
defeated  the  Campanians  as  often  as  they  appeared  in  the  field.1 
The  latter,  in  their  distress,  turned  to  the  Romans  for  assist- 
ance.    The  Romans  had  a  few  years  before  formed  a  treaty 
with  the  Samnites  (B.  c.  354),  and  therefore  had  no  excuse  for 
meddling  in  their  affairs.     This,  however,  was  of  little  conse- 
quence to  Rome  when  she  had  an  opportunity  to  extend  her 
territory.     War  was  declared  and  the  Romans  seemed  in  a  fair 
way  to  gain  possession  of  Campania,  when  an  insurrection2  in 
their  own  army  and  the  threatening  attitude  of  the  Latins 
compelled  them  to  pause 3  and  form  a  hasty  treaty  with  the 
Samnites. 

4.  The  Great  Latin  War4  (B.C.  340-338).— During  the 
regal  period  Rome  attained  her  position  as  head  of  the  Latin 
league.     Thus  far  the  Latins  had  fought  on  the  side  of  Rome, 
and  helped  secure  the  victory.     The  conquered  territory,  how- 
ever, was  not  incorporated  with  the  Latin  league  but  with  the 
Roman  state.5    The  manner  in  which  Rome  had  subdued  the 

1  It  is  not  probable  that  the  Capnans,  a«  Livy  relates,  offered  to  place  Capua  in  the 
hands  of  the  Romans,  because  it  remained  after  the  war  an  independent  town. 

3  See  page  82. 

3  Little  Ts  known  of  the  details  of  this  war,  and  still  less  of  the  terms  of  peace.  The 
account  of  the  war  by  Livy  (vii.  20  ff.)  is  filled  with  descriptions  of  bloody  battles  and 
hand-to-hand  conflicts,  and" all  kind~  of  improbabilities. 

*  Livy  (viii.  8  ff.)  relates  as  a  cause  of  the  war  that  the  Latins  sent  two  praetors,  who 
were  their  chief  magistrates,  to  Rome  to  demand  a  share  in  the  government— that  one  of 
the  consuls  and  half  of  the  senate  should  be  Latins.    The  request  excited  great  indigna- 
tion at  Rome.    The  senate  met  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capltolinoe.     In  the  discus>im: 
which  followed,  the  Latin  praetor  scorned  the  power  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  ;  then  an 
awful  peal  of  thunder  shook  the  temple,  and  as  the  praetor  was  leaving  the  temple  he  fell 
down  the  steps  and  died. 

*  The  threatened  revolt  of  the  league  in  B.C.  384  caused  the  Romans  to  prevent  any 
more  cities  from  joining  the  league.    Hitherto  every  city  founded  by  Rome  and  Latium 
had  enjoyed  this  right,  but  according  to  Latin  usage  the  number  of  citie<  having  the  right 
to  vote  could  never  exceed  thirty  ;  the  others  were  without  this  right.     In  this  way  it 
happened  that  thirty  cities  had  the  right  to  vote,  but  seventeen  others  had  the  privilege 
of  participating  in  the  Latin  festival  without  the  riirht  of  voting.    The  communities 
founded  later,  as  Sutrinm.  Calcs,  &c..  were  not  allowed  to  vote.    This  fixed  the  limits  of 
Latium.    So  long  as  the  Latin  confederacy  had  continued  oj>eii,  the  bounds  of  Latiuin 
advanced  with  the  founding  of  new  cities.    The  later  colonies  not  being  entitled  to  vote 
jn  the  league  were  not  regarded  as  belonging  to  Latium.    See  map  No.  1. 


96  THE   FIRST   SAMN'ITE    WAR.  [u.  C.  ooS. 

Latin  towns  after  the  Gallic  invasion  had  filled  the  Latins  with 
discontent.  The  frequent  acts  of  injustice  on  the  part  of  Rome 
increased,  from  year  to  year,  this  discontent.  The  revolt  of  the 
league  might  be  expected  at  no  distant  day.  The  war  with  the 
Samnites  was  in  progress.  Koine  seemed  in  a  favorable  way  to 
acquire  newr  territory.  This  she  had  no  intention  of  sharing- 
with  her  allies.  Then  the  ferment  broke  out  into  open  ins  11 
rection.1 

The  peoples,  too,  south  of  the  Liris,  had  discovered  the  in- 
tention of  Rome,  and  were  prepared  to  fight  for  their  inde- 
pendence. 

5.  The  Battle  of  Mt.  Vesuvius. — The  danger  was  great. 
The  Latins  alone  were  equal  to  the  Romans  in  courage  and 
military  experience.  Against  such  a  combination  the  Romans 
looked  about  for  aid,  and  even  formed  an  alliance  with  their 
old  enemies,  the  Samnites.  The  Roman  army,  joined  by  the 
Samnites,  entered  Campania  by  a  circuitous  march  through 
Samnium.  The  battle  was  fought  near  the  foot  of  Mt,  Vesu- 
vius.2 The  Romans  and  Samnites  were  victorious.  The  Latins 
could  no  longer  keep  the  field,  but.  shut  up  in  their  fortified 
towns,  they  protracted  the  con-.est,  for  nearly  two  years.  Town 
after  town,  however,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  and 
finally,  on  the  capture  of  Antium  (B.C.  338),  the  Latins  laid 
down  their  arms.  The  Latin  confederacy  was  dissolved,  and  all 

1  Every  Latin  town  except  Laiirentum  joined  the  insurrection. 

*  It  wa*  in  this  war  that  the  annalist*  told  the  story  that  the  con-ul.  T.  Manlm*  Tor- 
nuatus,  ordered  his  own  son  c<>  be  beheaded  for  engaging  in  single  combat  with  Mettiii*, 
Die  leader  of  the  Tnscnlan  cavalry,  contrary  to  the  orden  of  hi*  father.  It  i-  al-o  re- 
lated that  t!  tierce  and  long  undecided.  The  two  con-uls.  \\lio  liud  been 
i  by  a  dream  that  victory  should  be  with  the  army  w!i  nonld  devote 
himself  to  death,  had  agreed  tliat  he  who-e  legion-  Bnt  wavered  in  the  baitle  should 
sacrifice  his  life  for  hi-  country.  At  length  on  the  wing  where  the  plebeian  con-nl 
Deciu*  Mus  commanded,  the  Roman  line  fell  into  disorder.  The  moment  had  come,  and 
the  consul,  calling  the  nonM(r.  veiled  \}\.i  head  with  hi"  gown,  and  repeated  after  the 
nriest  the  sacred  prayer:  "O  Janns,  Jupiter,  father  Mars.  Quirinu*.  Bellona,  ye  Lares, 
ye  u'od*  Novensjles,  ye  gods  Indigetes.  ye  divinities  under  whose  power  we  and  our  ene- 
inic*  are,  and  ye  spirits  of  the  departed  dead,  to  ye  I  priiy,  ye  I  worship.  I  a*k  your 
favor,  that  ye  will  gratit  strength  and  \  ie:o;  y  to  the  Roman  people,  the  Qtiiiites  ;  and 
that  ye  may  strike  the  enemies  (if  the  Komim  people  with  rerp'r.  di-may.  and  death.  As 
I  have  pronounced  in  word*,  so  do  I  now.  in  behaif  of  the  commonwealth  of  the  Roman 
people,  i  he  (Juirite*.  of  the  army,  of  the  legion*,  of  r  the  Homan  ]>eojile.  so  do 
I  devote,  with  myself,  the  legions  and  allie*  of  the  enemy  to  the  -j/irit-  of  the  departed, 
and  to  tiie  earth."  When  he  had  uttered  thi*  prayer  and  ordered  the  lictor>  to  announce 
to  his  colleagues  that  he  had  devoted  himself  for  the  army,  he  girded  himself  with  his 
toga,  and,  fully  anned.  plunged  into  the  thickest  of  the  battle,  to  seek  death  for  himself 
and  victory  for  the  army. 


B.  C.  326-304.]         THE   SECOND   SAMNITE  WAR.  97 

general  assemblies  were  forbidden.  Rome  henceforth  was  the 
common  centre.  Here  the  Latins  could  settle,  buy  and  sell, 
and  marry  ;  but  all  intercourse  and  intermarriage  between 
the  different  Latin  cities  were  prohibited.  Large  tracts  of 
their  land  were  incorporated  with  the  Roman  state,  and  two 
new  tribes  *  were  formed.1 


CHAPTER  XVT. 
THE  SECOND  SAMNITE  WAR  (B.C.  326-304). 

1.  The  Policy  of  Rome. — Rome  busied  herself  in  secu> 
ing  the  territory  she  had  conquered  by  planting  colonies  alon^ 
the  frontier.     Cales  was  conquered. and  a  Roman  colony  estab- 
lished there  (B.  c.  334).     A  colony  was  planted  at  Fregellae 
(B.C.  328),  the  most  important  locality  on  the  Liris.    With  un- 
deviating  energy  Rome  pursued  her  policy,  until  her  territory 
reached  even  to  the  Samnite  border.    A  contest  between  the 
two  nations  was  inevitable. 

2.  The  Cause  of  the  War. — The  city  of  Palaeopolis  was 
the  immediate  cause  of  the  war.    The  senate  complained  that  the 
Pal  aeopoli  tans  had  committed  outrages  upon  Roman  citizens 
settled  in  the  vicinity  of  Cumae.  In  Palaeopolis,  as  everywhere  in 
Italy,  there  was  an  aristocratic  and  a  democratic  party ;  one  party 
was  favorable  to  the  Romans,  the  other  sought  aid  from  the 
Sammies,  who  at  once  dispatched  a  strong  garrison  to  the  city. 
When  this  force  entered  Palaeopolis  the  war  was  really  begun,  not 
between  Palaeopolis  and  Rome,  but  between  thejrwo  great  rival 
nations.  The  Romans  without  hesitation  resolved  on  war,  and  sent 
Q.  Publilius  Philo,  the  same  who  had  carried  the  important  laws 

1  Tibur  and  Praeneste  renewed  their  old  alliance  with  llome  on  a  foqtinsr  of  equality. 
The  citizens  of  the  other  towns  did  not  have  the  franchise  ;  they  received  the  right  of 
intermarriage  with  the  Romans  (rnniiiilivnn  .  :md  the  ri<_rht  to  buy  and  pell  in  Rome 
(eorrUMTchtm) :  the  town*  were  railed  municipia  (bound  to  wrpfesw);  they  were  subject 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Roman  praetor,  who  appointed  a  prefect  i  prcefectwjuri  dicundo) 
to  exercise  the  jurisdiction.  *  Making  2*»  in  n.r.  332, 


98 


THE   SECOND    SAMXITE    WAR. 


[B.  c.  326. 


which  bore  his  name,  into  Campania  with  an  army.  As  he 
was  not  able  to  reduce  the  city  before  his  year  of  office  expired, 
the  senate  prolonged  his  command  under  the  title  of  proconsul. 
In  the  following  year  the  city  submitted,  although  the  garrison 
still  held  out,  and  the  Romans  succeeded  in  winning  over  the 
other  Greek  cities  by  granting  them  favorable  terms  of  peace. 

3.  Declaration  of  War.— In  the  mean  time  the  Samnito 
were  called  upon  in  regular  form  to  withdraw  their  garrison 
from  Palaeopolis.  This  they  refused  to  do,  and  the  Roman 
fetialis  declared  war  in  due  form.1  During  the  first  five  years 


of  the  war  the  Roman  arms  were  generally  successful.  Rome 
placed  three  armies  in  the  field ;  one  continued  the  siege  of  the 
garrison  in  Palaeopolis  and  the  other  two  invaded  Samnium, 
fighting  and  pillaging  as  far  as  Apulia.  Once  more  discontent 
broke  out  among  the  Latins.  A  truce  was  concluded  with  the 
Samnitcs.  Two  Latin  towns2  revolted  and  the  rebellion  threat- 
ened to  spread,  but  Rome,  by  wise  concessions,  appeased  the 
discontent.  The  next  year  the  Samnites  sued  for  peace.  The 
Romans  would  hear  of  nothing  but  submission  ;  so  the  war  was 
renewed. 

4.  The   Caudine  Pass. — In  B.  c.  321  the  two  consuls, 
Veturius  and  Postumius,  advanced  from  Campania  with  the 


See  page  41. 


Privernnm  and  VcHtr??. 


B.  C.  321.]  THE   SECOND  SAMNITE   WAR.  99 

purpose  of  relieving  Luceria,  which,  it  was  reported,  the  enemy 
had  besieged.  Their  route  led x  through  the  defiles  of  the 
mountains  near  Caudium  into  the  enemy's  territory.  The 
army  entered  the  pass,  the  celebrated  Caiidme  Forks?  but 
found  to  its  surprise  that  the  Samnites  awaited  it  here 
and  not  at  Luceria.  The  Romans  attempted  to  force  their 
way,  but  in  vain  ;  meanwhile  the  enemy  had  taken  possession 
of  the  pass  by  which  the  Romans  entered,  and  nothing  remained 
but  to  capitulate.  A  treaty  was  signed  by  which  the  Roman  con- 
suls and  all  the  superior  officers  bound  themselves  by  a  solemn 
oath  to  give  up  all  conquests  and  colonies  in  the  territory  of 
Samnium.  Then  the  brave  Samnite  general,  Gavins  Pontius, 
set  the  Roman  army  free,  after  each  soldier  had  given  up  his 
arms  and  passed  under  the  yoke.8  When  the  news  reached 
Rome  the  senate  very  naturally  *  refused  to  ratify  the  treaty. 
Pontius  demanded  that  either  the  terms  of  the  treaty  should  be 
carried  out  or  the  Roman  army  should  be  returned  to  the  Cau- 
dine  Forks.4 

5.  War  with  the  Etruscans. — The  war  was  renewed 
and  the  experienced  Papirius  Cursor  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  army.  The  army  entered  Samnium  and  appeared  before 
the  walls  of  Luceria.  The  town  surrendered,  and  on  account 
of  the  importance  of  its  position  was  strongly  garrisoned.  The 
Samnites  now  looked  about  for  allies.  The  Etruscans,  whose 
forty  years'  truce  with  Rome  had  expired,  came  to  their  assist- 
ance, and,  in  order  to  create  a  diversion,  attacked  the  fortress 
of  Sutrium.  Fa  bins  Maximus  Rullianus  boldly  entered  the 
country  through  the  Ciminian  forest  and  defeated  the  Etrus- 
cans at  the  Vadimonian  lake5  (B.C.  310). 

1  Between  the  present  Arpaja  and  Montesarchio.  *  Furculce.  C'audlnae. 

3  That  is,  subjiigum;  hence  the  English  word  subjugate  ;  see  p.  66,  note. 

*  Livy  (ix.  8ff.)  relate*  that  when  the  question  of  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  came 
before  the  senate,  Postumius  declared  at  once  that  it  ought  not  to  be  kept,  but  that 
he  himself  and  his  colleague,  with  the  other  officers,  ought  "to  be  delivered  to  the  enemy, 
because  they  had  promised  what  they  could  not  perform.  This  proposal  the  senate  ac- 
cepted, nnd'all  the  officers  who  had  bound  themselves  to  the  Samnites  were  delivered  to 
them.  No  sooner  \va~  the  surrender  made  than  Postumius  si  nick  the  Roman  fetiali*  who 
had  conducted  him  and  cried  out :  ''I  am  now  a  Samnite  citizen,  and  as  f  have  done 
Violence  to  the  sacred  envoy  of  the  Roman  people  ye  will  rightfully.  Romans,  wage  war 
with  u*  to  avenge  this  outrage."  Pontius  refusftd  to  accept  Poetomlos  and  his  compan- 
ions, and  they  returned  unhurt  to  their  own  army  ;  see  Ihne,  vol.  i.,  p.  397  ff.;  Arrtotd, 
P.  296  and  note  52.  '  See  map  ^  *  See  p.  89,  §  7. 


100  THE   THIRD   SAMNITE   WAR.  [fi.  C.  304. 


6.  The  Samnites  Subdued. — In  the  south  the  Samnites 
were  repeatedly  defeated.     Finally,  after  the  capture  of  their 
capital,   Bovianum,   they   were   compelled    to    sue    for  peace. 
They  were  obliged  to  give  up  their  conquests  beyond  Sain- 
nium.     They  formed,  on  an   equal   footing  with   Rome,  an 
alliance  which  secured  them  their  independence.1 

7.  The  Results  of  the  War  were  great.    Four  new  tribes 
were  formed,2  eight  colonies  were  planted,  and  the  large  num- 
ber of  citizens  who  settled  in  Campania  spread  Roman  influence 
throughout  Central  and  Southern  Italy.     The  country  to  the 
north,  between  Samnium  and  Etruria,  was  secured  by  fortresses, 
while  Samnium  on  the  east  and  west  was  hemmed  in  by  a 
whole  line  of  fortifications.     Rome  was  unmistakably  the  first 
power  in  Italy. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

THE  THIRD   SAMNITE    WAR   (B.  c.  298-290).— SUCCESS   IN 
ETRURIA  AND  SOUTHERN  ITALY. 

1.  Cause  of  the  War. — In  the  last  war  the  Lucanians 
had  sided  with  Rome.  The  garrisons  which  the  Samnites  had 
to  keep  in  Lucania  had  been  a  serious  drawback  to  their  suc- 
cess. They  therefore  determined  to  seize  the  first  opportunity 
to  supplant  the  influence  of  Rome  in  that  country.  It  hap- 
pened that  in  internal  dissensions  among  the  Lucanians  one 
party  applied  to  Rome  for  assistance,  the  other  to  the  Samnites. 
The  Samnites  immediately  dispatched  an  army  into  Lucania 
in  order  to  bring  their  party  to  the  head  of  the  government. 
Rome  renewed  her  alliance  with  the  Lucanians  and  ordered  the 
Samnites  to  desist.  This  they  refused  to  do.  Rome  imme- 


1  Livy,  is.  45.    Fcedus  anliquum  Samnitibus  redditum. 

*  Two  foroied  in  B.  c.  818;  two  in  B.  c.  vW-makin"  ibirty-three  in  all. 


B.C.  298-290.]          THE   THIRD   SAMNITE    WAR.  101 

diately  declared  war.  Since  the  year  B.  c.  301  the  Romans  had 
been  at  war  with  the  Etruscans,  who  just  at  this  time  entered 
into  negotiations  for  peace.  This  enabled  the  Romans  to  send 
both  armies  into  Samnium.  The  Samnites  were  defeated  and 
Roman  influence  was  re-established  in  Lucania. 

2.  War  with  the  Etruscans.— In  order  to  induce  the 
Etruscans  to  continue  the  war,  the  Samnite  general,  Gellius 
Egnatius,  promised  to  render  them  assistance  in  their  own 
country.  The  Samnites  placed  three  armies  in  the  field,  one 
to  protect  Samnium,  one  to  invade  Campania,  and  the  other 
Egnatius  himself  led  through  the  Marsian  and  TJmbrian  terri- 
tories to  help  his  allies  in  Etruria.  The  Romans  saw  their 
efforts  to  sever  northern  and  southern  Italy  frustrated.  Nearly 
all  Etruria1  was  in  arms,  and  an  invasion  of  the  Gauls,  whom 
the  Etruscans  had  taken  into  their  pay,  was  threatened.  The 
Romans  made  great  efforts  and  placed  larger  armies  in  the 
field  than  ever  before,  with  the  two  most  eminent  generals  at 
their  head,  the  aged  Q.  Fabius  Maximus  Rullianus  and  Pub- 
lius  Decius  Mus.  They  met  the  enemy  at  Sentinum,  near 


According  to  Livy  (x.  12)  Scipio  fought 


SARCOPHAGUS  OP  SCIPIO 

In  Etrnria  ;  he  make?  no  mention  of  the  towns  of  Taurasia  and  Cisauvta  which  Scipio  Is 
said  to  have  taken,  nor  of  a  defeat  of  the  Lucanians.  Ritschl  (Rhein.  Museum,  1854,  p. 
1  fl.l  thinks  that  the  epiraph  was  not  composed  immediately  after  Scipio's  death  ;  is  in 
fact  not  older  than  the  first  Punic  war.  Ihne  (I.e.  vol.  i..  p.  46)  thi)iks  that  the  whole 
Etruscan  campaign  was  a  fiction,  that  the  Samnite  army  was  sent  to  Etrnria  to  join  the 
Gaul*  it,  %  \va-  airainst  Rome.  AaainsT  this  coalition  A.  Claudius  was  sent  in  B.  c.  296. 
but  the  campaign  was  unsuccessful,  and  the  danger  became  so  serious  that  in  B.C.  295 
Rullianus  and  Decius  were  dispatched  with  two  consular  armies  of  four  legions. 


102  THE   THIRD   SAMNITE   WAR.  [B.  C.  290. 

the  pass  where  the  Via  l-'lnnnina  afterwards  crossed  the  moun- 
tains. The  battle  was  long  undecided  until  the  consul,  Decius 
Mus,  like  his  father  in  the  battle  near  Mi.  Vesuvius,  devoted 
himself  and  the  hostile  army  to  the  infernal  gods.  The  victory 
was  complete,  the  coalition  was  broken;  the  Gauls  dispersed, 
and  all  Umbria  submitted. 

3.  Exhaustion  of  the  Samnites.—  The   Samnites  re- 
treated, to   continue  the  war  in  their  own  country.     There 
with  the  courage  of  despair  they  fought  and  even  defeated  the 
consul,  Fabius  Maximus  Gurges,  the  son  of  Rullianus.     The 
aged  Rullianus  consented  once  more  to  take  the  field,  as  legate, 
under  his  son.     Then  the  Samnites  were  defeated,  and  their 
general,  the  brave  Gavins  Pontius,  who  had  commanded  at 
Caudium,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans  and  was  killed  m 
prison.1     Still  the  spirit  of  the  Samnites  was  not  broken.     In 
their  mountains  they  protracted  the  struggle  until  both  parties 
were  weary  of  war.     They  concluded  an  honorable  peace  which 
secured  them  independence  and  the  entire  possession  of  Sain- 
nium,  though  they  were  compelled  to  give  up  their  foreign 
conquests. 

4.  Colonies  Established. — Rome  now  bent  all  her  ener- 
gies to  secure  the  territory  she  had  gained.     The  Campanian 
coast   was   strengthened    by   two    fortresses,    Minturnae    and 
Sinuessa,  and  the  colony  of  Veuusia  was  planted  on  the  bor- 
ders of  Samnium,  Apulia  and  Lucania  to  command  the  south. 
About  this  time  the  Sabines  were  finally  conquered  and  became 
subjects  of  Rome.2    The  fortress  of  Hatria  was  established  on 
the  Adriatic  to  secure  the  territory  there.3 

5.  War  with  the   Gauls  and  Etruscans.— After  the 
conquest  of  the  Samnites  the  only  peoples  left  unsubdued  were 
the  Lucaniaus  and  Greeks  of  the  south.     Ten  years  elapse*1 

The  following  description  of  the  consul's  triumph  is  from  Dr.  Arnold'*  History  of 

torn,  his  old 


Rome,  ii..  p.  365. — While  he  was  ben 
father  rode  on  horseback  behind  hii 
the  honors  of  his  -on.     15m  at  the 
rived  at  the  end  of  the  Sacred  Wuy.  t 
G.  Pontius,  the  Samnite  general,  wh 


e  along  in  his  chariot,  according  to  cu 

•  of  his  lieutenants,  deltelitiiij:  himself  with 
minont  when  the  consul  and  his  father,  having  ar- 
irned  to  the  left  to  a-cend  the  hill  of  the  capitol, 
i.  with  the  other  prisoners  of  rank,  had  thus  far 


followed  the  procession,  was  led  aside  to  the  right  hand  to  the  pn-on  beneath  the  Cap'- 
toiine  hill,  and  \v»s  there  thrust  dowu  into  the  underground  dungeon  of  the  prison  and 
was  beheaded. 

'  Civeg  fine  svffragio.  *  See  colored  map  No.  1. 


B.  C.  283.]  THE   GREEK   SETTLEMENTS.  103 

between  the  close  of  the  third  Samnite  war  and  the  commence- 
ment of  the  next  great  struggle  in  which  Rome  was  engaged. 
In  the  meantime  the  Senpnian  and  Bojan  Gauls  were  defeated 
at  the  Vadimonian  Lake  (B.C.  283)  and  the  fortress  of  Sena 
Gallica  (Senegaylia)  was  established.  In  Etruria  the  fortune  of 
war  was  tried  again,  Volsinii  was  taken  and  destroyed,  Falerii 
subjugated  and  the  Etruscan  power  completely  crushed. 

6.  War  with  the  Lucanians.  —  In  the  third  Samnite 
war  the  Lucanians  had  rendered  Rome  important  aid.  They 
no  doubt  thought  that  Rome  in  return  for  this  would  look 
quietly  on  while  they  plundered  the  Greek  cities.  They  had 
already  laid  siege  to  Thurii,  which  being  hard  pressed  applied 
to  Rome  for  assistance.  The  Romans  did  not  hesitate  to  es- 
pouse the  cause  of  the  Thurinians  and  to  declare  war  against 
the  Lucanians.  The  latter,  however,  effected  a  union  of  the 
Samnites  and  Bruttians,1  but  Gajus  Fabricius  defeated  their 
united  armies, relieved  Thurii,  received  the  submission  of  most 
of  the  Greek  towns 8  except  Tarentum,  and  after  having  gar- 
risoned them,  returned  to  Rome  laden  with  spoils  (B.  c.  282). 
Tarentum  was  now  the  sole  obstacle  to  Rome's  entire  mastery 
of  Italy. 


XVIII. 

THE   GREEK   SETTLEMENTS. — THE  WAR  WITH  PYRRHUS. 

1.  The  Condition  of  the  Italian  Greeks. —  In  early 
times  the  Greeks  had  founded  colonies  on  the  coasts  of  Sicily, 
Spain  and  France,  and  particularly  in  southern  Italy  where  the 
Greek  cities  were  so  numerous  and  powerful  that  the  country 
was  called  Grcecia  Magna.  Many  of  these  cities,  such  as  Agri- 

1  According  to  Mommsen  the  Lucanians  effected  a  union  of  not  only  the  Bruttians 
and  Samnites  but  also  of  the  Etruscans,  Umbrians  and  Gauls,  and  this  led  to  the  battle 
of  the  Vadimonian  Lake.  Deprived  of  the  narrative  of  Livy  for  this  period  (the  narrative 
ends  B.  o.  292)  the  -uccession  of  events  is  exceedingly  doubtful. 

3  Locri,  Rhegium,  and  Croton  were  garrisoned. 


104 


THE  GREEK   SETTLEMENTS.  [B.  C.  280    .''..'. 


TARENTUM 


gentum,  Syracuse,  Croton,  Sybaris  and  Tarentum  attained 
great  prosperity,  and  extended  their  power  from  the  coast 
inland  and  ruled  over  the  native  raci-s.  The  Greek  cities  in 
Italy,  however,  owing  to  civil  dissensions,  jealousies,  and  hostil- 
ities with  each  other,  had  very  much  declined  in  power  and 
prosperity.  At  the  time  when  Rome  came  in  contact  with 
these  cities  Tarentum  was  by  far  the  most  powerful. 

2.  War  with   Tarentum    (B.  c.  280-272).  —  Favorably 

situated  on  a  splendid  harbor, 
Tarentum  grew  rich  by  com- 
merce and  industry.  Una- 
ble to  defend  their  indepen- 
dence against  the  Lucanians, 
the  Tarentines  had  summoned 
Archidamus,  the  Spartan  king, 
to  help  them.  In  the  interval 
between  the  first  and  second 
Samnite  wars  Alexander  of 

Epirus  had  been  invited  to  assist  them  against  the  Lucanians 
and  Samnites.  The  second  Samnite  Avar  gave  the  Tarentines 
an  opportunity  to  form  a  league  to  check  the  ambitious  schemes 
of  Rome.  But  with  their  usual  indolence  they  left  the  Samnites 
to  struggle  alone,  and  assuming  to  act  as  umpires,  they  sum- 
moned both  parties  after  the  battle  of  Caudium  to  lay  down 
their  arms ;  the  Romans  replied  by  an  immediate  declaration  of 
war.  Even  then  the  Tarentines  took  no  decisive  step.  At  the 
close  of  the  war  the  Tarentines  and  Romans  concluded  a  peace,1 
the  terms  of  which  were  that  the  Romans  should  not  sail 
beyond  the  Lacinian  promontory. 

This  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  Thurii  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Romans,  and  a  fleet  of  ten  vessels  was  sent  to 
protect  Thurii  and  at  the  same  time  to  watch  the  Tarentines. 
When  the  fleet  appeared  off  Tarentum  in  open  violation  of  the 
treaty,  the  Tarentines  quickly  manned  their  ships,  sailed  out, 
attacked  the  Romans,  and  gained  an  easy  victory.2  After  this, 


1  Probably  about  B.  c.  304  :  according  to  Niebutir.  B.  r.  301. 

*  Momnueo  and  Niobuhr  condemn  the  attack  of  the  Tarentines     Ihne  thinks  that  a 
Roman  party  in  Tarentum  had  agreed  to  deliver  the  city  to  the  Romans. 


B.C.  280.]  THE   GREEK   SETTLEMENTS.  105 


Thurii  was  attacked,  the  Koman  garrison  expelled,  and  the 
town  plundered. 

3.  The   Arrival   of  Pyrrhus   in   Italy. — War  was  de- 
clared,1 and  the  Tarentines,  accustomed  to  lean  on  Greece  for 
support,  invited  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  to  conduct  the  war 
against  their  enemies.    Pyrrhus  eagerly  seized  the  opportunity, 
and  in  the  winter  of  B.  c.  280  landed2  at  Tarentum,  and  took 
the  reins  of  the  government  into  his  own  hands.     The  Taren- 
tines were  effeminate,  and  cared  little  for  war.     They  soon 
found,  however,  that  they  had  a  master.     The  clubs  and  thea- 
tres were  closed,  and  the  young  men  were  pressed  into  military 
service. 

4.  The  Battle  near  Heraclea  (B.  c.  280). — The  Roman 
army  under  the  command  of  Valerius  Laevinus  soon  appeared 
and  commenced  hostilities.     The  two  armies  met  at  Heraclea.3 
Seven   times  the  Romans  attempted   to   break  through  the 
Grecian  phalanx ;   then  Pyrrhus  brought  forward  his  cavalry 
and  his  elephants  against  the  exhausted  Romans.    This  decided 
the  contest ;  the  Romans  fled,  and  their  camp  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.    Discontent  was  now  silenced  in  Tarentum,  and  all 
southern  Italy  rose  against  Rome.     The  victory  was  great,  but 
it  had  been  dearly  purchased.    Nearly  four  thousand  of  Pyr- 
rhus's  best  soldiers  strewed  the   field  of  battle.     This  battle 
taught  the  king  the  difficulty  of  the  task  he  had  undertaken, 
for  he  knew  well  that  the  contest  was  only  decided  by  the  sur- 
prise produced  by  the  attack  of  the  elephants.     Before  the 
battle,  when  he  saw  the  Romans  forming  in  line  as  they  crossed 

1  It  is  related  that  before  declaring  war,  the  senate  sent  an  embassy  to  Tarentum  to 
complain  of  the  attack  on  the  fleet  and  demand  satisfaction.    L.  Postumius.  who  was  at 
the  head  of  the  embassy,  was  beset  by  the  rabble.    His  purple-bordered  toga  was  jeered 
at,  and  when  he  began  to  address  the  people  in  Greek,  his  mistakes  and  accent  were 
laughed  at.    He  still  continued  stating  his  demands — release  of  the  captives,  the  restora- 
tion of  Thurii,  and  the  surrender  of  the  author*  of  the  outrages— when  a  dninken  buf- 
foon bespattered  his  white  toga  with  dirt.    The  whole  assembly  applauded,  but  Postu- 
mius,  holding  up  his  sullied  toga,  said  :  "Laugh  while  ye  may,  but  this  robe  shall  be 
washed  in  torrents  of  vour  blood.''    Valerius  Maximus  (ii.  2,  5)  makes  the  insult  to  Pos- 
tuniius  take  place  before  the  assembly  is  called ;  Dionysius  (xviii.  7)  after,  Livy  (epit. 
xii.)  says  the  ambassadors  were  beaten  by  the  Tarentines. 

2  With  an  army  of  21,000  heavy-armed  soldiers,  2,000  archers,  500  slingers,  and  3,OCO 
horsemen. 

'  For  the  first  time  on  the  field  of  Heraclea  the  Roman  legion  and  Grecian  phalanx 
were  brought  in  collision.  The  older  of  the  Roman  army  until  the  time  of  Camilla*  was 
similar  to  the  phalanx.  The  legion  wa-<  now  drawn  up  in  three  lines,  called  the  liaxtati, 
principe.o,  and  triarii:  the  last  line  was  triple  (triani  proper,  rwarii,  and  acceiisi),  so 
xhat  there  were  really  five  lines,  see  p.  368. 


lOo  THE    GREEK    SKTTLK.MKNTS.  |_B.«. 

the  river,  he  said  :  "  In  war  at  least  these  are  not  barbarians." 
Afterwards,  when  he  saw  the  Roman  soldiers  lying  upon  the 
field  with  the  wounds  all  in  front,  he  exclaimed:  "If  these 
were  my  soldiers,  or  if  I  were  their  general,  we  should  conquer 
the  world  ! "  In  view  of  the  fact  that  his  veteran  soldiers 
were  more  difficult  to  be  replaced  than  the  Roman  militia, 
and  that  the  surprise  produced  by  the  attack  of  the  elephants 
could  not  be  often  repeated,  it  may  be  that  the  king  described 
his  victory  as  a  defeat,  or  as  the  Roman  poets  afterwards  ex- 
pressed it :  ''Another  such  victory  and  I  must  return  to  Epi- 
rus  alone." 

5.  Embassy  of  Cineas  to  Rome. — Pyrrhus  resolved, 
therefore,  to  avail  himself  of  the  impression  produced  by  this 
victory  to  make  overtures  of  peace  to  the  Romans.    He  sent 
his  minister  Cineas  to  Rome,  with  the  proposal  that  the  Ro- 
mans should  recognize  the  independence  of  the  Greek  cities.1 
Cineas,  whose  eloquence  is  said  to  have  won  more  cities  for 
Pyrrhus  than  his  arms,  left  no  means  untried  to  induce  the 
Romans  to  accept  the  terms.     When  the  question  came  up  for 
debate,  and  the  decision  of  the  senate  seemed  doubtful,  the 
aged  Appius  Claudius2  appeared  once  more  in  the  senate  and 
denounced  the  idea  of  peace  with  a  victorious  foe  with  such 
effect,  that  the  overtures  of  the  king  were  rejected,  and  Cineas 
was  warned  to  leave  Rome.     When  Pyrrhus,  who  had  been 
waiting  in   Campania,  heard  this,  he  immediately  advanced 
toward  Rome,  hoping  to  secure  the  aid  of  the  Etruscans,  to 
shake  the  adhesion  of  the  allies  of  Rome,  and  to  threaten  the 
city  itself.     He  nowhere  met  with  a  friendly  reception.     The 
Romans  placed  new  legions  in  the  field,  and  Pyrrhus  fell  back 
to  Tarentum  loaded  with  spoils  and  captives. 

6.  The  Battle  of  Asculum  (B.C.  279). — Both  sides  made 
preparations   for  the  next   campaign.      Pyrrhus  had   not  yet 
given  up  all  hope  of  concluding  peace,  and  when  Rome  sent 
an  embassy  to  tn-at  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners  he  determined 

1  And  according  to  Plutarch  (Pyrrhns.  18)  he  would  help  them  subdue  Italy. 

'  SnrnaiiH'd  C;rcn»  :  a  descendant  of  Appius  Claudius,  the  decemvir.  The  story  of 
his  blindne-s  originated  probably  from  his  surname.  See'Mommsen  liOm.  Forsch, 
p.  301,  or  I.  c.  vol.  1,  appendix. 


B.  C.  Ji74.J  T1IK    UKEEK    SETTLEMENTS.  107 

to  renew  his  proposals.  His  negotiations  with  G.  Fabricius, 
the  head  of  the  embassy,  furnished  the  annalists  with  material 
to  eulogize  their  own  countrymen.  Fabricius  was  poor  and 
was  proud  of  his  poverty.  His  integrity  was  incorruptible,  and 
he  rejected  the  large  sums  of  money  offered  by  the  king.  At 
last  Pyrrhus  attempted  to  work  upon  his  fears  by  concealing  an 
elephant  behind  a  curtain,  and  then  causing  the  curtain  to  be 
withdrawn  so  that  Fabricius  was  directly  under  the  monster's 
trunk.  Fabricius  remained  unmoved,  and  only  smiled  when 
the  elephant  roared.  The  object  of  the  embassy  failed.1  The 
king  refused  to  exchange  the  prisoners.  The  next  spring  hos- 
tilities were  renewed.  In  the  battle  at  Asculum  (Ascoli  di  Pu- 
glia)  in  Apulia,  the  Romans  were  again  defeated. 

7.  The  Alliance  of  Rome  with  Carthage. — An  event 
now  occurred  which  induced  Pyrrhus  to  conclude  a  hasty 
peace  with  the  Romans  and  retire  from  Italy.  The  Romans 
concluded  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  Carthage.2 
The  object  of  this  was  to  oppose  the  plans  of  Pyrrhus  both  in 
Italy  and  Sicily.  Carthage  had  already  subdued  the  western 
part  of  Sicily,  and  now  an  opportunity  was  offered  for  her  to 
get  possession  of  the  whole  island.  After  the  death  of  Agath- 
ocles,  the  power  of  Syracuse  rapidly  declined.  TLe  Cartha- 
ginians made  rapid  progress  in  the  island.  Agrigentum  was 
taken  and  Sp-acuse  threatened.  At  this  juncture  the  Syracu- 
sans  applied  to  Pyrrhus  for  aid.  Hence  his  desire  to  bring  the 
war  in  Italy  to  a  conclusion  in  order  to  help  Syracuse  before  it 
was  too  late,  and  hence  the  interest  of  the  Carthaginians  to  de- 
tain him  in  Italy  that  they  might  complete  the  conquest  of  Sicily. 
Leaving  Milo  with  a  garrison  in  Tarentum,  Pyn'hus  sailed  for 
Sicily.  Syrasuse  was  relieved,  the  Greek  cities  united  under 
his  leadership,  and  the  Carthaginians  were  almost  entirely 
driven  from  the  island.  The  arbitrary  rule  of  Pyrrhus  soon 

1  According  to  Appian  (iii.  10,  5).  the  king  allowed  all  the  prisoners  to  go  to  Rome  to 
celebrate  the  feast  of  the  Saturnalia  on  condition  that  they  should  return  if  the  senate 
would  not  accept  the  terms  of  peace  already  offered.  The  senate  remained  firm  and 
threatened  with  death  any  who  should  break  his  oath;  according  to  Justin  (zviii.  1),  he 
released  only  201,  while  Livy  makes  him  release  all  the  prisoners  without  ransom. 

»  This  was  about  B.  c.  2f9.  A  commercial  treaty  had  been  concluded  with  Carthage, 
according  to  Polybius.  in  the  first  year  of  the  republic  (B.C.  509).  According  to  Momm 
teu  (.R5in.  Chroilol.,  p.  272  ff.),  Polybius  date-  this  treaty  161  years  too  early.  See  p.  11A 


108  ROMAN  SUPREMACY   IN   ITALY.  f  B.  C.  206. 

caused  discontent  to  break  out  among  the  Greeks,  and  the  sit- 
uation of  affairs  in  Italy  demanded  his  presence. 

8.  The  Battle  of  Beneventum  (B.C.  274). — In  the  autumn 
of  B.C.  276  Pyrrhus  set  sail  from  the  port  of  Syracuse,  and 
appeared  again  in  Tarentum.     His  troops  were  almost  the  same 
in  number  as  when  he  first  landed  in  Italy,  but  their  quality 
was  far  different.     His  best  officers  had  fallen  in  battle.     The 
Romans  prepared  for  the  campaign.    One  consular  army  under 
Cornelius  Lentulus  entered    Lucania,    and   the  other   under 
Manius  Curius,  Samnium.     The  king  fell  in  with  the  army  of 
Curius  at  Beneventum  and  determined  to  engage  it  before  the 
other  army  could  come  up.     He  stormed  the  Roman  position, 
but  was  completely  repulsed.     Curius  now  led  his  army  into 
the  plain,  and  gained  a  complete  victory.    The  camp  of  Pyrrhus 
fell  into  his  hands.     The  king  was  obliged  to  give  up  his  idea 
of  Italian  conquest,  and  leaving  Milo  with  a  strong  garrison 
in  Tarentum,  he  sailed  to  Greece  to  engage  in  new  adventures. 

9.  Union  of  Italy  (B.  c.  266). — The  departure  of  Pyrrhus 
virtually  ended  the  war.     Tarentum  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Romans  (B.C.  272).    The  guerrilla  warfare  of  the  Samnites  soon 
ceased  and  every  people   south  of  the  rivers1  Arnus  and 
submitted  to  the  power  of  Rome. 


CHATTER  XIX. 

ROMAN    SUPREMACY   IN   ITALY — CLASSES    OF   ROMAN   CITI- 
ZENS— THE  SYSTEM  OF  COLONIZATION — MILITARY  ROADS. 

1.  Roman  Sovereignty. — Rome  ruled  leniently  over  the 
conquered  states.  They  paid  no  tribute  besides  equipping  and 
paying  their  army  when  Rome  called  for  contingents.  They 
still  retained  their  own  local  laws  and  internal  administration. 
when  these  did  not  conflict  with  those  of  Rome.  The  general 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the  allied  states  was  centered  in 


1  AccDrdiiiir  to  Mominsen  (1.  c.  vol.  iii..  '«.  387)  it  was  Sulla  who  fixed  the  rivers  Rubi- 
con and  Arnus  as  the  northern  boundary  <,f  Ita!    ;  ^ee  p.  ^57,  n.  4. 


ROMAN   SUPREMACY   IN  ITALY.  109 

Rome.  Rome  was  the  head  and  her  magistrates  collected  the 
revenue,  superintended  the  census,  and  apportioned  the  military 
service. 

2.  Summary  of  Rome's  Policy. — A  brief  summary  of 
Rome's  policy  in  dealing  with  conquered  states  will  help  us  to 
understand  the  manner  in  which  she  governed  the  different 
peoples  in  central  and  southern  Italy.     In  the  regal  period,  it 
will  be  remembered  that  the  state  was  governed  by  the  patri- 
cians ;  that  when  conquests  were  made  the  territory  was  an- 
nexed to  the  Roman  state  and  the  inhabitants  were  moved  to 
Rome  and  the  surrounding  territory,  and  became  subjects  of 
the  king,  i.e.,  plebeians;   that  after  the  destruction  of  Alba 
Longa,  Rome  became  the  leading  power  in  the  Latin  league. 
In  the  course  of  time  the  plebeians  were  admitted  to  equal  social 
and  political  privileges  with  the  patricians,  and  ceased  to  form  a 
separate  class.    Roman  supremacy  had  meanwhile  been  extended 
Dot  only  over  Latium,  but  over  all  central  and  southern  Italy. 

3.  Classes   of  Roman   Citizens. — The  state,  however, 
still  consisted  of  three  classes:  Roman  citizens,  subjects,  and 
allies.     The  first  class,  the  members  of  thirty-three  tribes,  con- 
stituted the  governing  people.     These  were  the  citizens  of  Rome 
and  of  the  country  tribes  into  which  the  Roman  territory1  was 
now  divided.     Tlie  second  class,  or  those2  who  possessed  only 
the  private  rights 3  but  not  the  public  franchise,4  consisted  of 

1  The  territory  extended  on  the  north  nearly  to  Caere,  on  the  east  to  the  Apennines, 
and  on  the  south  to  Formise,  though  there  were  some  towns  even  in  Latium,  as  Tibur 
and  Praeneste,  which  did  not  possess  the  full  franchise. 

*  L'ttini.  or  ri /•>••<  xinf  xtijfragio. 

3  Every  Roman  citizen  possessed  public  (publica)  and  private  (privata)  rights  (jura). 
The  public  rights  were  :  (1)  the  right  of  voting,  i.  e. ,  of  enacting  and  repealing  laws  (leges 
scribere),  of  declaring  war  (bettum  indicere),  and  concluding  peace  (pacemfacere),  (jussuf- 
fragii)  ;  (2)  the  right  of  holding  public  offices  (jvs  hononim) ;  (3)  the  right  of  appeal 
(Jw  prpeocatiotilt).  The  private  rights  were  :  (1)  jus  connubii,  and  (2)  jus  commercii. 

*  The  first  city  on  which  private  rights  were  conferred  was  C«ere,  in  consequence  of 
Its  having  received  the  vestal  virgins  at  the  time  when  Rome  was  taken  by  the  Gauls. 
Although  this  was  a  great  privilege  for  the  Caerites,  it  was,  of  course,  a  degradation  for 
the  citizens  with  full  rights  (dvis  optima  jure)  to  be  placed  on  the  same  rooting  :  this 
was  one  of  the  modes  in  which  the  censors  expressed  their  displeasure  towards  a  citizen; 
his  name  was  omitted  from  the  roll  of  the  tribe  and  he  was  deprived  of  the  jus  $i(ffrayii. 
Hence  the  phrase,  in  C'cerilum  tabulas  referre  aliquem,  to  deprive  one  of  his  right  of 
voting. 

Any  one  in  full  enjoyment  of  all  these  rights  wa«  a  rivix  optima  j"re.  The^e  rights 
taken  collectively  were  called _/«#  cicitatis  or  simply  cirifa-',  and  might  be  acquired  (1)  bj 
birth,  (2)  by  gift.  A  child  born  of  parents  who  could  contract  a  regular  marriage,  i.e^ 
both  of  whom  had  they'"*  ronm/f.ii,  was  by  birth  a  Roman  citizen.  When  a  marriage  took 
place  between  parties  who  did  not  mutually  possess  ihejus  connubii,  the  children  belonged 


110  ROMAN   SUPREMACY   IN   ITALY. 

the  towns  in  a  part  of  Latium,1  and  some  of  the  communities 
among  the  Hernicans,2  ^Equians,3  and  Subines.4  These  assumed 
the  position  in  the  state  which  the  plebeians  had  formerly 
occupied.  They  were  compelled  to  serve  in  the  Roman  armies, 
and  were  subject  to  all  the  burdens  of  Roman  citizens,  although 
not  admitted  to  full  political  rights.  These  communit  ies :>  were 
divided  into  two  classes,  one  retaining  more  of  local  self-gov- 
ernment than  the  other.  Roman  law  was  introduced  and  ad- 
ministered by  a  prefect6  sent  from  Rome.  The  third  class,  or 
the  allies,7  consisted  of  some  old  Latin  towns,8  such  as  Pneneste 
and  Tibur,  of  three  towns  among  the  Heruicans,  of  the  Latin 
colonies,  and  of  all  the  communities  in  central  and  southern  Italy 
after  their  conquest.  The  Latin  and  Hernicau  towns  retained 
their  old  privileges  to  a  great  extent,  and  their  condition  was 
so  favorable  that  they  were  unwilling  to  change  it  for  that  of 
full  Roman  citizens.  The  condition  of  the  allied  communities 
in  central  and  southern  Italy  was  determined  by  special  treaties. 
They  enjoyed  local  self-government,  but  they  were  deprived  of 
all  political  intercourse  with  other  nations,  and  were  bound  to 
furnish  ships  of  war  and  contingents  for  the  army. 

4.  Colonization. — For  the  purpose  of  securing  the  new 
conquests,  colonies 9  were  founded  far  and  wide  in  Italy.  In 
this  way  Roman  manners  and  customs  were  spread  over  Italy, 


liable,  and  was  bestowed  for  faithful  services,  sometime*  on  individuals,  sometimes  on 
whole  communities.    Sometimes  it  was  be-fowed,  as  already  mentioned,  with  a  limita- 
tion, excluding  the  jug  suffnifjii  and  j>t#  fuMtonim. 
1  After  B.  c.  8'58. 

•  After  B.C.  306.  of  all  but  three  cities,  viz.;    Alatrium,  Ferentinnm,  and  Verulae, 
which  had  not  taken  a  part  in  the  war  atrain-t  Koine. 

'  After  B.  c.  304.  •  After  B  c.  290.  !  .'/"// >n>na— bound  to  services 

•  Hence  called  prefectures  </,  T  CMtala  faderata. 

•  That  is.  \fmii  i<  Lntiii'im  :  the  way  to  full  citizenship  was  opened  to  the  citizens  of 
any  ot'ihr-'  to\\n-,  on  emiirratin!,'  to  Rome,  if  they  left  children   in  their  native  city  or 
had  held  office  there  ;  to  the  otherr<  the  privilege  of  citizenship  was  not  granted. 

•  In  the  north,  Ariminum.  Firmum,  and  C:i-mun  Xovnin  were  founded:  in  Sam- 
niam.  Beneventum  and  ^E-ernia  ;  in  Lnc-inia.  Pa^-tum  ( I't^i'in'iim  and  Cosa.     The  col- 
onies founded  at  Pyrtri.  the  se  :  ,•.  O-tia,  Antium  IB.  r.  338 1,  Tarracina  (B.C. 
329),  Minturnse.  ami  shine—a  m.  c.  ^l.")K  Si-na  Gallica.  and  Castnim  Xovnm  (B.C.  2831, 
retained  their  full  Roman  citizenship,  and  h  ul  the  iii;ht.  probably,  of  managing  their 
own  local  affairs      The  others  wore  Latin  colonies,  i.  r..  Latins  wh.o  settled  on  the  lands 
taken  from  the  conquered  population.     They  could  acquire  full  citizenship,  by  emigrat- 
iii£  to  Rome  (see  note  8),  but  after  the  foundinGr  of  Ariminum  (B.  c.  268),  this  right  wa» 
limited  to  th.>-e  who  had  held  office  iu  their  own  city. 


B.  C.  312.]  R03IAX  SUPREMACY  IN  ITALY.  Ill 

and  the  local  dialects  began  to  give  way  to  the  Latin  language 
when  all  the  subjects  looked  to  Rome  as  the  common  centre. 
The  contact  with  the  Greek  cities  made  the  Romans  acquainted 
with  the  Greek  language  and  literature,  the  influence  of  which 
was  soon  visible  in  their  religion,  customs,  and  literature. 

5.  Military  Roads. — Intimately  connected  with  the  colo- 
nial system  was  that  of  the  military  roads,1  which  in  time  were 
so  extended  that  they  intersected  all  parts  of  Italy  and  bound 
the    outposts  to    Rome  as   the  common  centre.     This  great 
system  was  begun  by  Appius  Claudius,  who,  after  the  conquest 
of  Campania,  constructed  a  paved  road2  to  Capua,  called  from 
him  the  Appian  Way  (B.  c.  312).     This  was  soon  extended  to 
Brundisium  by  the  way  of  Venusia  and  Tarentum.    This  project 
of  Appius  was  carried  out  by  others,  each  of  whom  gave  his 
name  to  the  work  he  had   executed.     The  Flaminian  Way 
^B.  c.  220)  was  constructed  to  Ariminum  by  the  way  of  Narnia 
and  Fanum  ;  the  ^Imilian  Way  (B.  c.  187)  continued  the  line 
to  Placentia  by  the  way  of  Bononia,  Mutina,  and  Parma  ;  while 
another  of  the  same  name  (B.  c.  171)  extended  the  Cassian 
W;iv  from  Arretium  to  Bononia.     The  Valerian  led  through 
the  country  of  the  Sabines,  ^Equians  and  Marsians,  and  the 
Latin  led  through  the  valley  of  the  Liris  to  ^Esernia.    All  issu- 
ing from  the  capital  they  bound  the  different  cities  and  colo- 
nies not  only  together  but  to  Rome,  and  were  the  great  high- 
ways by  which  intelligence  was  speedily  carried  and  the  Roman 
armies  marched. 

6.  The  Aqueducts. — At  about  the  same  time  (B.C.  313) 
Appius  commenced  the  system  of  aqueducts  which  was  to  sup- 
ply the  capital  with  pure  water  from  the  Sabine  hills.3    No 


'  Vm  militares. 

-  This  road  was  excavated  in  1350  ;  eo  much  of 
the  work  still  remains  that  it  even  now  deserves 
its  ancient  title  of  the  "  Queen  of  Roads  "  (regi- 
na  viai-urn}.  The  first  ancient  mile-stone  (columna 
milliaria  i  before  the  Porta  Capena.  of  the  time  of 
Yr-pa-ian,  found  in  1584,  is  in  the  Piazza  del  Cam- 
pidoglio. 

1  Water  had  hitherto  been  obtained  from  the 
Tiber  and  from  wells  sunk  in  the  city  ;  but  it  now 
THE  PAVEMEXT  OF  THE  VIA  APPIA,  be^a-i  (on  account  of  the  increase  in  population)  to 
IN  ITS  PRESENT  CONDITION.  be  insufficient,  and  was  also  unwholesome. 


112  ROMAN   SUPREMACY  IN  ITALY.  [B.C.  406. 

undertaking  of  the  Romans  presents  more  striking  evidence 
of  their  energy,  skill  and  untiring  perseverance,  than  the 
military  roads  and  aqueducts.  The  latter  were  constructed  at 
an  expense  of  a  vast  amount  of  toil  and  money,  over  hills, 
valleys  and  plains,  sometimes  in  subterranean  channels,1  some- 
times on  long  ranges  of  lofty  arches,2  the  remains  of  which, 
stretching  for  miles  over  the  barren  and  desolate  Campagna, 
present  one  of  the  most  imposing  and  picturesque  spectacles 
around  modern  Rome.  The  Appian  aqueduct8  started  about 
eleven  miles4  from  Rome,  and  was  constructed  under-ground 
except  about  three  hundred  feet  at  its  termination.  .M'. 
Curius  Dentatus  commenced  the  Anio  Veins5  in  B.  c.  272, 
and  the  expenses  were  defrayed  from  the  spoils  taken  in  the 
war  against  Pyrrhus.  The  water  was  conveyed  in  a  winding 
channel  under-ground,  from  above  Tibur,  for  a  distance  of 
forty-three  miles,  until  where  it  entered  the  city  it  was  raised 
on  arches.  Two  others6  were  constructed  during  the  time  of 
the  republic,  but  the  number  was  increased  under  the  empire 
to  nineteen.  They  were  the  most  wonderful  structures  of 
ancient  Rome  and  well  might  excite  the  admiration  expr 
by  Pliny  :7  "If  any  one  will  carefully  calculate  the  quantity  of 
the  public  supply  of  water,  for  baths,  reservoirs,  houses,  trenche% 
gardens,  and  suburban  villas  ;  and,  along  the  distance  which 
it  traverses,  the  arches  built,  the  mountains  perforated,  the 


1  These  were  formed  of  stone  or  brick  and  were  arched  in  order  to  keep  (lie  water 

free  from  impurities  :  a]MMture-  (!ntnin<t\  i-ee  p.  44~   were  made  for  ventilation.    The 

channel  descended  wiih  a  gradual  Mope  and  the  bottom  of  it  was  coated  with  cement. 

When  the  aqueduct  wa-  carried  tlirontrli  solid  rocks  the  rock  it-elf  served  as  a  channel. 

That  the  water  ini-jht  ilepo-ii  the  Impurities  with  which  it  was  contaminated  large  recep- 

"i- pond-,  were  made  at  convenient  place*  for  the  water  to  enter:  in  the  city  it 

•  •rived  into  a  reservoir  and  from  thence  conducted  in  lead  or  earthen  pipes  inM 

smaller  reservoirs  in  the  different  district"  which  it  was  to  -npply. 

-  It  ha-  -ometiine-  been  a— crtcd  that  the  Romans  were  unacquainted  with  the  princi- 
ple that  water  finds  its  own  level,  because  they  built  aqueducts  instead  of  laying  pipes. 
This  ha-  ari-en  from  the  a—um  pt  ion  that  the  large  pipes  are  better  adapted  to  carry  water 
than  the  aqueduct.  The  Romans  did  make  u-e  of  pipes,  but  theyperct  ved  the  advan- 
tage of  the  aqueduct  over  pipes.  Although  at  tir-t  more  expensive,  yet 
strneted  they  were  permanent  and  durable  Four  of  the  old  Roman  aqi 
in  n-e.  The  large  pipes  are  liable  to  get  obstructed  or  to  yield  at  the  joi 
con-tant  attention  and  repair-,  and  are  really  in  the  long  run  more  expen-  ve.  Engineers 
are  now  returning  to  the  aqueduct.  The  New  River  in  London  and  theCroton  aqueducts 
in  New  York  are  constructed  on  the  plan  of  the  Roman  aqueducts. 

1  A'/ mi  Ai>/ria.  •  A  Roman  mile  =  4850ft. 

1  Remains  of  these  are  found  at  Tivoli  and  near  the  Porta  Maijywre. 

'  The  ama  Marcia,  B.  c.  144,  and  wjuu  Teuula,  B.  c.  125. 

'  Xat.  Hut.,  xxxvi.,  15. 


vhen  once  con- 
educts  are  still 
ts,  and  require 


ROMAN   SUPREMACY   IN   ITALY. 


113 


valleys  leveled,  he  will  confess  that  there  never  was  anything 
more  wonderful  in  the  whole  world." 

7.  The  Military  System. — The  new  military  system, 
introduced  probably  by  Camillus,  has  already  been  mentioned.1 
This  necessitated  a  far  longer  military  training  than  that  of  the 
old  phalanx,  in  which  the  solidity  of  the  mass  kept  the  inex- 
perienced in  the  ranks.  This  end  was  now  attained  by  aban- 
doning the  former  mode  of  ranking  the  soldiers  according 
to  property,  and  arranging  them  according  to  length  of  ser- 
vice. The  recruit  entered  first  among  the  light-armed  skir- 
mishers (rorarii)  and  advanced  step  by  step  to  the  first,  then 
to  the  second  line,  and  finally  to  the  third,  where  all  soldier^ 
of  long  service  and  experience  were  associated  in  the  corps  of 
the  friarii?  which  imparted  tone  and  vigor  to  the  whole  army. 

1  See  page  105,  n.  3.  "  See  n.  309. 

*  This  grotto  is  cut  through  a  promontory  between  Naples  and  Bajse  ;  the  distance  is 

about  2210  ft.;  at  either  eud  there  are  arches  to  increase  the  firmness  of  the  structure. 
In  preparing  to  make  a  road,  two  trenches  were 

first  dng  parallel  to  eaci.  other  to  mark  the  breadth 

of  the  road.    The  breadth  in  the  great  lines  like 

the  Via  Appia  was  about  13  feet.    The  loose  earth 

between  these  trenches  was  then  removed  and  the 

excavation  was  continued  until  a  solid  foundation 

was  reached ;  sometimes  in  swampy  land  a  basis 

was  formed  artificially.    Above  the  foundation 

small  stones  were  first  laid  ;  then  a  mass  of  bro- 
ken stones  about  9  inches  thick,  cemented  with 

linn',  and  above  this  were  fragments  of  bricks  and 

pottery,  about  9  inches  in  depth,  also  cemented. 
Above  this,  large  polyg- 
onal blocks  of  the  hard- 
e-t  stone,  fitted  and 
joined  with  great  nicety, 
were  placed.  The  cen- 
tre of  the  road  was  a 
little  elevated  to  permit 
the  water  to  run  off. 
Foot-paths  were  con- 
strue'ed  on  either  side. 

tThe  water  channel 
was  made  of  freestone  or 
brick,  and  covered  in  the 
one  case  with  slabs  of 


ClIANNKL    OP   AN 

AQUEDUCT,  t 


THE  VIA  APPIA.* 


Ftone,  in  the  other  with  vault.    The  interior  was 
lined  with  a  water-tight  coating  of  cement  made        (Passing  through  the  grotto  of 
of  chalk  and  fragments  of  bricks.     The  water  Posilipo  near  Naples.) 

either  ran  directly  through  this  channel,  or  it  was 

carried  through  p'ipes  laid  along  the  channel.  The  pipes  were  of  lead,  or  of  terra-cotta, 
and  sometimes  of  leather.  The  pipes  were  made  in  lengths  not  less  than  ten  feet,  and  of 
various  widths.  They  were  cemented  together  at  the  joints,  which  in  earthen  pipes  were 
made  to  overlap,  and  when  the  water  was  first  let  in,  ashes  were  mixed  with  it,  in  order 
that  they  might  settle  in  the  joints  and  stop  them  more  completely .  By  the  use  of  pipes 
the  water  was  sometimes  carried  round  a  hill,  and  in  very  wide  v.illeys  the  costly  struc- 
ture of  arches  could  be  dispensed  with,  the  pipe  being  brought  down  the  one  slope  on  a 
substructure,  and  up  the  opposite  slope,  to  nearly  the  height  yfthat  of  the  opposite,  side. 
8ee  also  pp.  112,  notes  1  ami  2,  and  447,  n.  2,  and  489,  n.  1. 


SUMMARY. 

CONQUEST  OF  ITALY — B.  c.  384-266. 


The  Revolt    of 

the 
lint  in  League, 

B.C.  384. 


Internal 
Condition. 


Peace  Policy 

of  Home 
Abandoned. 


The    Roman* 
and    Samuites. 


The    First 
Samuite     \Vsir, 

B.C.  343-341- 


After  the  destruction  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls  in  B.  c. 
390,  the  Latins  and  Hernicans,  who  had  hitherto  been 
united  in  a  league  with  the  Romans,  took  the  opportu- 
nity to  declare  the  league  dissolved.  Rome,  however, 
recovered  with  remarkable  rapidity  and  succeeded  in 
maintaining  her  position  in  Latium.  The  malcontents 
were  subdued  and  the  league  restored  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Rome.  After  the  conquest  of  the  Volscians  in 
B.  c.  383  no  people  of  importance  opposed  the  advance 
of  the  Romans  to  the  river  Liris. 

As  the  internal  condition  of  the  state  gradually  im- 
proved '  and  political  equality  between  the  two  orders 
was  established,2  Rome  felt  that  she  could  safely  con- 
tend with  the  peoples  of  Central  Italy.  Accordingly, 
when  the  Campanians  offered  to  enter  into  an  alliance 
with  and  to  place  their  chief  city  in  the  hands  of  the  Ro- 
mans, if  the  Romans  would  protect  them  against  the 
Satnnites  who  were  making  forays  into  their  territory, 
the  offer  was  too  tempting  to  be  rejected.  Those 
Samnites  who  had  descended  from  the  mountains 
and  settled  in  the  plains  of  Campania  became  in 
the  course  of  time  detached  from  the  parent  stock, 
the  Samnites  of  the  mountains,  and  the  two  nations 
were  sometimes  engaged  in  hostilities  with  each  other. 
The  Samnites  of  the  mountains  made  forays  into  the  rich 
and  highly  civilized  lowlands  of  Campania.  To  save 
themselves  from  these  forays  the  Campanians  offered  to 
place  themselves  under  the  protection  of  Rome.  To 
accept  the  offer  was  to  double  the  territory  of  Rome  ;  to 
reject  it  was  to  strengthen  the  Samnites,  who  were  al- 
ready the  chief  nation  in  Southern  Italy.  The  offer  was 
accepted,  the  Campanians  were  received  into  alliance, 
anil  the  First  Samnite  War  followed.  A  Roman  army 
was  sent  to  Campania,  gained  some  successes,  and  pre- 
pared to  winter  there.  The  mutiny  of  the  soldiers  3  and 
the  threatened  revolt  of  the  Latins  compelled  the  Ro- 
mans to  make  a  hasty  treaty. 

The   land 4   that  had    been   acquired    in    Campania, 
Rome  had  no  intention  of  sharing  with  the  Latins,  al 
though  it  had   been  won  by  their  help.     The  spirit  of 
the  Latins  began  to  rise.     They  demanded  a  share  in 
the   spoils   of  war  and    in  the  government   of    Rome. 


'  See  p.  85.  "  Sec  p.  81.  P.  82. 

•  It  is  Important  to  remember  that  Rome,  when  she  conquered  a  si.-ite.  succeeded  to 
the  rights  of  the  previous  government.  A- all  of  the  Italian  state-*  possessed  a  public 
domain  of  some  kind.  Rome  acquired.  as  her  conquests  advanced,  large  tracts  of  public 
land  and  various  other  kinds  of  property,  such  as  mine-,  quarries,  salt-work*,  etc.  In 
addition  to  all  this  Rome  required,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  the  surrender  of  a  tract  of 
arable  or  pasture  land,  which  was  added  to  the  public  domain  (ayer  fiomanus).  In  this 
way  the  territory  of  Rome  was  always  iiim'asin;,'. 


SUMMARY. 


115 


The  Latin  War, 

B.C.  340-338. 


Second 
Saumite    War, 

B.C.  326-304. 


This  was  not  an  unjust  demand.  The  two  peoples  had 
the  same  political,  religious,  and  social  institutions. 
Rome,  however,  rejected  these  demands,  and  war  was 
declared.  The  Romans,  aided  by  the  Samnites,  with 
whom  they  had  just  formed  an  alliance,  defeated  the 
Latins  near  Mt.  Vesuvius.  The  Latin  league  was  dis- 
solved, and  the  leadership  of  Rome  in  Latium  was  con- 
verted into  a  supremacy.  Henceforth  the  Latin  cities1 
furnished  soldiers  and  contributions,  not  according  to  a 
fixed  rule,  but  according  to  the  pleasure  of  Rome. 
From  this  duty  of  the  subject  towns  arose  the  name 
"municipal,"  i.  e.,  bound  to  services. 

The  Romans  now  had  time  to  secure  their  conquests 
in  Campania.  Colonies  were  established  at  Gales 
(B.  c.  334),  and  at  Fregellae  (B.  c.  328)  on  land  conquered 
by  the  Samnites — a  direct  challenge  to  the  Samnites. 
This  was  followed  by  an  attack  on  Palaeopolis,  an  inde- 
pendent Greek  city,  which  had  long  been  under  the 
protection  of  the  Samnites.  It  was  alleged  that  the 
Palaeopolitans  had  maltreated  Roman  citizens  settled 
near  Cumse.  The  aristocratic  party  in  Palaeopolis  was 
favorable  to  Rome,  but  the  popular  party  sought  aid 
from  the  Samnites.  The  Samnites  dispatched  a  strong 
garrison  to  the  city,  and  Rome  declared  war.  It  was 
felt  in  Rome  that  the  time  had  already  come  when  the 
contest  must  be  decided  whether  the  Romans  or 
Samnites  were  to  rule  in  Southern  Italy.  During 
the  first  part  of  the  war  the  Romans  were  successful  ; 
but  in  B.  c.  321  the  Roman  army  was  defeated  at  the 
Caudine  Forks  by  G.  Pontius.  The  Romans,  however, 
recovered,  and  Papirius  Cursor  was  in  a  fair  way  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  favorable  conclusion  when  the  Etrus- 
cans revolted.  Fabius  Maximus  defeated  the  Etruscans 
at  Lake  Vadimo  (B.  c.  310),  and  in  a  few  years  after 
Bovianum,  the  capital  of  Samnium,  was  captured,  and 
the  Samnites  were  compelled  to  sue  for  peace  (B.C.  304). 

The  Lucanians  furnished  the  cause  for  the  third  war 
with  the  Samnites.  During  the  last  war  Lucania  had 
sided  with  Rome,  but  the  popular  party  among  the  Lu- 
canians was  averse  to  this  alliance,  and  sought  support 
from  the  Samnites.  As  it  was  Rome's  interest  to  keep 
the  Lucanians  as  their  allies  in  a  sort  of  dependency, 
she  ordered  the  Samnites  not  to  interfere  in  Lucania. 
The  Samnites  refused  to  obey  the  command,  and  Rome 
declared  war.  Although  the  Samnites  were  assisted  by 
the  Etruscans  and  Umbrians,  and  almost  all  Italy  was 
united  in  a  league  against  Rome,  still  their  united  armies 
were  defeated  by  Rullianus  and  Publius  Decimus  Mus 
at  Sentinum  (B.  c.  295),  and  the  Samnites  were  compelled 
to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  Rome. 


Battle  at  the 

*  umlim    Fork-.. 
B.C.  321. 


The  Third 
Sam  ait  e    War, 

B.C.  298-290. 


Battle 

of  ><-ni  ilium. 
B.C.  295. 


1  There  \vere  three  classes  :  (1)  the  towns  with  which  the  old  alliance  was  renewed ; 
(2)  those  that  became  muiiiuipia  ;  (3)  and  those  that  were  absorbed  into  the  Roman  state, 
from  whose  territory  two  new  tribes  wore  formed. 


116 


SUMMARY. 


The  only  obstacle  to  Rome's  entire  mastery  of  the 
War  peninsula  was  Tarentum.  A  rash  attack  of  the  Taren- 

wltli  Pyrrhus,  tines  on  the  Roman  fleet  led  to  war.  The  Tarentines  in- 
8.0.280-272.  vited  Pyrrhus,  King  of  Epirus,  to  their  assistance.  He 
defeated  the  Roman  army  under  Laevinus  at  Heraclea 
(B.  c.  280),  and  the  next  year  at  Asculum  (B.  c.  279). 
Events  now  occurred  that  called  Pyrrhus  to  Sicily,  but 
on  his  return  three  years  afterwards  he  was  defeated  by 
Manius  Curius  at  Beneventum1  (B.C.  274),  and  Pyrrhus 
was  compelled  to  evacuate  Italy,  and  soon  after  (B.C. 
272)  Tarentum  surrendered,  and  all  Italy  south  of  the 
rivers  Arnus  and  JEs\s  acknowledged  the  supremacy 
of  Rome.  Military  colonies  were  established  in  South- 
ern Italy  at  Pxstuin,  Cosa '•'  IB. c  273),  and  Beneventum, 
and  the  great  Appian  \Vay  was  soon  extended  to  Brun- 
disium  ;  in  the  north,  as  an  outpost  against  the  Gauls, 
colonies  were  planted  at  Ariminum  (B.C.  268),  Firmum, 
and  Castrum  Novum.3 

All  the  different  states4  in  Italy  were  now  united  un- 
der the  general  management  of  Rome.  Self-government 
was  granted  to  the  different  states.  Rome  reserved  to 
herself  the  sole  right  (i)  to  make  war  or  to  conclude 
peace  ;  (2)  to  coin  money  ;  (3)  Rome  also  had  the  right 
to  demand  ships  of-war  and  troops  in  case  of  war,  and 
these  troops  must  be  armed  and  equipped  by  the  com- 
munity which  furnished  them.  The  citizens  within  this 
great  confederacy  were  divided  into  three  classes  :  First, 
Classes  the  body  of  Roman  citizens5  inhabiting  Rome  and  the 

of  Citizens.  country  tribes  into  which  the  Roman  territory6  was  di- 
vided. Second,  those  who  possessed  the  private  rights 
of  a  Roman  citizen,  but  not  the  public  franchise  (fives 
sine  siiffra^io}.  Third,  the  allies,  consisting  of  the 
Latins  in  a  few  old  Latin  towns,  and  of  the  so-called 
Latin  colonies/  and  of  all  the  Sabellian  and  Greek 
towns  in  Italy. 


Rome's 

Relations  totlic 
Subject  States. 


1  The  name  of  the  place  when'  the  battle  was  fought  was  changed  for  a  good 
omen  from  Maleventum  to  Beiieventum.  and  a  colony  established  there.  B.C.  268. 

•  The  situation  of  Cosa  is  doubtful.    According  to  Livy,  xxvii.,  10,  it  seemed  to  be 
on  the  west  coa-t. 

3  To  some  <>f  these  places  4000.  and  to  one  a<  many  as  30.000,  colonists  were  sent. 

•  Einhraciiv,'  the  territory  -oni!i  of  the  river-  Arnus  aim 

•The  territory  inhibited  bv  Roman  citizen*  extended  from  Caere  on  the  north  to 
Forinue  on  the  south,  and  eastward  a-  fur  a<  the  Apennines.  Then- wen-  sone  cities 
within  this  limit  that  did  not  i>()«e-^  the  full  Roman  franchise,  and  a  few  beyond  its 
bound-  that  did  possess  it.  The  number  of  citizens  (including  citizens  of  the  first  and 

i  ui,i  men.  women,  children,  slaves  ( about  50,000\ 
and  foreigners,  total  =  about  2,300,000  ;  the  population  of  the  city  =  210,000  souls. 

•  Tho-Je  citizen*  who  had  emigrated  into  Roman  colon  :  ••inm  Romanomm) 
retained  all  their  civil  ri^lit-.  but  could  not  e.vrci-e  them  on  account  of  their  absence 
from  Rome. 

•  Cotonia  Latintr.  or  Latin  colonies,  consisted  of  Roman  citizens  who,  by  becoming 
colonist-,  io-t  their  rL'ht   to  rote  iv,  I  at   Rome.     The   Latin  colonies  were 
planted  in  the  conquered  territory,  and  were  compelled,  as  the  rulers  of  the  surrounding 
districts,  to  lean  on  Rome  for  support.    To  -o:ne    if  these  places  4000  and  to  some  as 
many  as  20.009  coloni-H  were  sent.     If  ua-  the-*  Latin  colonists,  who  belonged  origi- 
nally to  the  body  of  Roman  citizens,  and  who  felt  them-elves  every  way  equal  to  Roman 
citizens,  t'aat  felt  so  keenly,  at  a  later  time,  their  subordinate  position, 


CARTHAGE  AND   ROME. 


1160 


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II i siil §1  111 i 
§«i«    § 


116J  LIST   OF   MAGISTRATES. 


LIST  OF  MAGISTRATES. 

Consuls  (originally  called  prcetors,  sometimes  justices)  were  the  highest  ordi- 
nary magistrates  at  Rome.  They  exercised  at  first  the  full  civil  and  military  authority. 
They  were  always  two  in  number  and  were  elected  annually  by  the  Comitia  Centuriata. 
It  was  their  duty  to  command  the  army,  convoke  the  Comitia  Centuriata,  to  preside  in 
the  same  and  to  carry  into  effect  the  decrees  of  the  senate  and  the  people.  They  entered 
upon  their  duties  after  B.  c.  154  on  the  first  of  January. 

Tribunes  of  the  People  were  elected  (first  in  B.  c.  494)  to  protect  the  plebeians. 
They  could  be  chosen  from  the  plebeians  only,  and  their  person  was  sacred.  They 
were  elected  by  the  plebeians  in  the  special  plebeian  assembly  by  tribes  (after  B.  c.  471). 
The  number  of  tribunes  was  increased  in  B.  c.  457  to  ten. 

Prsetor  was  first  elected  in  B.  c.  306.  Originally  there  was  only  one  ;  but  as  the 
territory  of  the  state  was  extended,  the  number  was  increased  in  B.  c.  242  to  two,  in 
B.  c.  227  to  four,  in  B.  c.  197  to  six,  by  Sulla  to  eight,  and  by  Caesar  to  sixteen.  One  of 
the  praetors  (praetor  urbanus)  administered  justice  in  the  city,  while  the  other  (pere- 
yrinus)  attended  to  lawsuits  between  foreigners  or  citizens  and  foreigners.  After 
B.  c.  149  all  the  praetors  remained  in  the  city  during  their  year  of  office  (two  presiding, 
as  formerly,  in  the  civil  courts,  the  other  two  having  charge  of  criminal  cases),  and  the 
next  year  as  propraetors  governed  provinces. 

JEdiles  were  elected  in  the  Comitia  Tributa.  There  were  two  sets  of  aediles,  two 
plebeian  asdiles  and  two  curule  sediles  (elected  first  in  B.C.  367).  The  asdiles  had  charge 
of  the  public  buildings,  the  care  of  cleaning  and  draining  the  city,  and  a  general  super- 
intendence of  the  police  and  the  public  games. 

Quaestors  took  charge  of  all  the  moneys  belonging  to  the  state.  They  received  all 
the  taxes  and  made  all  the  payments  for  the  civil  and  military  service.  At  first  there 
were  two  quaestors,  but  in  B.  c.  421,  the  number  was  increased  to  four,  in  B.  c.  267  to 
eight,  by  Sulla  to  twenty  and  by  Caesar  to  forty. 

Censors  were  two  in  number,  and  were  elected  every  five  years,  but  they  held 
their  office  only  until  their  duties  were  discharged.  Their  duties  were  to  take,  the  census, 
on  which  the  position  of  every  one  in  the  state  depended  ;  they  also  exercised  control 
over  the  conduct  and  morals  of  the  citizens,  and  had  a  general  superintendence  of  the 
finances  of  the  state,  under  the  direction  of  the  senate  (such  as  leasing  the  fixes,  fixing 
the  amount  of  the  tributnm  for  each  individual,  etc.).  They  had  no  concern,  however, 
with  payments  into  the  treasury,  nor  with  the  expenditure  of  the  public  money.  When- 
ever the  senate  resolved  to  have  public  works  of  any  kind,  as  bridges,  roads',  aqueducts, 
etc.,  constructed,  the  censors  made  the  contracts  and  superintended  their  erection. 

The  magistrates  above  mentioned  (except  censors)  were  elected  annually.  It  became 
the  custom  (legally  from  the  time  of  Sulla,  B.  c.  82)  for  them  to  remain  the  first  year  of 
office  in  the  city,  and  then  as  proconsuls,  propraetors,  etc.,  to  command  in  the  provinces. 
It  was  legally  enacted  in  B.  c.  180,  by  the  Lex  Annalis,  that  any  citizen  who  desired  to 
attain  the  consulship  must  commence  with  the  quiestorship  and  pass  through  a  regular 
gradation  of  public  offices.  The  earliest  age  for  the  quaestorship  was  27  years  ;  for  the 
aedileship,  37  ;  for  the  preetorship,  40 ;  and  for  the  consulship,  43. 

Dictator  must  be  nominated  by  one  of  the  consuls  in  obedience  to  a  decree  of  the 
senate.  He  exercised  for  six  months  only  the  whole  civil  and  military  authority,  all  the 
other  magistrates  being  subject  to  his  control.  He  was  usually  nominated  in  case  of 
some  extraordinary  danger,  as  for  the  prosecution  of  a  war  (rei  gerundce  causa)  or  the 
suppression  of  sedition  (seditwnis  sedandce  causa.)  At  a  later  time  dictators  were  ap- 
pointed when  the  consuls  were  absent  from  the  city  to  perform  some  special  act.  and 
they  resigned  when  the  duty  was  done.  As  soon  as  he  was  nominated  he  appointed  a 
lieutenant,  called  Magister  Equitum.  to  lead  the  cavalry,  while  he  led  the  legions.  After 
the  second  Punic  war,  the  office  fell  into  disuse,  the  senate  conferring  upon  the  consuls 
iictatorial  powers  in  the  formula,  vitltant  con-xulex  ne  quid  respublica  detrimenti  capiat. 


FOREIGN    CONQUESTS. 


CH AFTER  XX. 

CARTHAGE   AND   ROME.  —  THE   FIRST   PUNIC   WAR 
(B.  C.  264-241). 

1.  Nature  of  the  Carthaginian  Empire. — On  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean,  opposite  to  Italy,  lived  from  the  earliest 
times  the  Libyans,1  a  branch  of  the  Semitic  race.  Their 
country  was  early  visited  by  the  Phoenicians,  whose  enterprise 
led  them  to  plant  colonies  not  only  on  the  coast  of  Africa  and 
the  islands  of  the  Mediterranean,  but  even  in  Spain.  Con- 
nected by  no  particular  tie  with  the  mother  country  these 
colonies  soon  became  independent.  One  of  the  most  important 
on  the  coast  of  Africa  was  Carthage,2  which,  from  her  favorable 
situation,  attained  a  rapid  growth,  and  succeeded  in  not  only 
uniting  the  other  colonies  under  her  sway  but  in  subjecting  a 
considerable  tract  of  the  surrounding  territory.  The  city  grew 
rich  by  industry,  agriculture  and  commercial  enterprise.  In 
order  to  extend  their  commerce,  and  make  the  products  of  the 
countries  of  the  Mediterranean  pass  through  their  hands,  the 
Carthaginians  established  trading-posts  on  the  northern  coast  of 
Africa,  in  Sardinia,  Corsica,  Spain,  and  Sicily.  Their  vessels 
distributed  the  products  of  the  East — glass  from  Sidon,  em- 
broideries and  purple  from  Tyre,  frankincense  from  Arabia, 
slaves  and  ivory  from  Africa,  linen  from  Egypt  —  over  the 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  brought  back  in  return  iron 
from  Elba,  silver  from  the  Balearic  islands,  gold  from  Spain, 
tin  from  Britain,  and  copper  from  Cyprus.  Carthage  became 


1  The  Numidians.  Mauritanians  and  Gastulians  belonged  to  the  Libyan  race. 
"  Carthage  was  founded  probably  in  the  ninth  century;  according  to  .fug.  xviii.fi, 
in  B.  c-  826  ;  according  to  others,  in  B.  c.  861.  or  826,  or  888. 


118  CARTHAGE   AND   ROME.  [B.  C.  270. 

• 

the  mart  for  these  countries,  and  the  immense  gain  resulting 
from  this  commerce  made  her  one  of  the  richest  cities  in  the 
world. 

2.  The  Constitution  of  Carthage. — The  government  was 
very  similar  to  that  of  Rome.    Two  magistrates,  elected  by  the 
people  from  the  best  families,  were  at  the  head  of  the  state. 
The  command  of  the  army  was  committed  to  a  dictator  whose 
authority  in  the  field  was  unlimited.     The  families  were  repre- 
sented in  the  senate,  which,  like  the  Roman  senate,  really  man- 
aged all  matters  of  foreign  and  domestic  policy.     From  the 
senators  was  elected  a  board  of  one  hundred  and  four,  in  whose 
hands  the  judicial  power  was  vested,  and  through  which  the 
senate  exercised  control  over  the  magistrates  and  the  general 
administration  of  public  affairs.    How  wisely  this  government 
was  planned  and  administered  is  attested  by  the  fact  that  for 
more  than  six  centuries  there  was  no  revolution  in  Carthage.1 

3.  The  Relative  Strength  of  Rome  and  Carthage.— 
It  was  in  Sicily  that  the  Romans  and  Carthaginians  first  came 
in  contact.     Their  relations  had  hitherto  been  peaceful,   and 
the  treaty  concluded  in  B.  c.  348  had  been  renewed  in  B.  c.  279. 
The  resources  of  the  two  nations  were  nearly  equal.     Carthage 
relied  on  mercenaries  for  conquest  and  defence,  while  Rome 
formed  her  armies  from  her  own  citizens.     The  Roman  empire 
was  consolidated  and  the  different  peoples  in  Italy  looked  to 
Rome  as  the  centre.     The  dependencies  of  Carthage  were  widely 
scattered,  and  too  loosely  connected  to  be  serviceable  in  a  long 
war.     The  efforts  of  the  Carthaginians  to  gain  possession  of 
Sicily  and  the  expedition  of  Pyrrhus  to  relieve  Syracuse  have 
been  related.2    Both  Rome  and  Carthage  were  eagerly  watching 
the  course  of  events  in  Sicily,  and  it  was  evident  that  a  struggle 
for  the  possession  of  the  island  was  not  far  distant.     Pyrrhus, 
when  he  quitted    Sicily,  exclaimed.  '•'  How  fine  a   battle-field 
are  we  leaving  to  the  Romans  and  Carthaginians!" 

4.  The  Mamertines. — It  happened  while  the  war  was  going 
on  between  Pyrrhus  and  the  Romans,  that  bands  of  mercenaries 

1  Aristotle,  Polit.  ii.  8,  §  9.  •  See  p.  107. 


B.  c.  264.] 


CARTHAGE   AKD  ROME. 


119 


TlIE  TERRITORY  OF  SYRACUSE 
TEAR   B.  C.   2« 


gYRACUSAE 


seized  the  towns  of  Rhegium  and  Messana.  After  the  con- 
clusion of  the  war  Rhegium  was  taken  by  the  Romans  and  the 
revolters  were  put  to  death. 
In  Messana*  the  mercena- 
ries who  called  themselves 
Mamertines,  that  is,  sons  of 
Mars,  maintained  their  po- 
sition, preyed  upon  the 
surrounding  territory,  and 
made  the  whole  island  un- 
safe. After  the  capture  of 
Rhegium  the  day  of  pun- 
ishment seemed  near  for 
the  Mamertines.  Hiero, 
the  king  of  Syracuse,  was 
sent  against  them.  They 
were  defeated  in  battle  and 
shut  up  in  Messana.  After 
the  siege  had  lasted  five 
years,  and  the  Mamertines 
were  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  they  looked  about  for  aid. 
Their  only  choice  was  between  Rome  and  Carthage.  The 
party  in  favor  of  Rome  finally  prevailed,  and  an  embassy  was 
sent  to  the  senate  to  offer  the  surrender  of  the  city.  The 
temptation  was  strong,  for  the  refusal  to  grant  protection 
would  surely  throw  the  town  into  the  hands  of  the  Carthagin- 
ians.1 Only  six  years  before  Hiero  had  assisted  the  Romans 
in  subduing  Rhegium,  and  it  seemed  now  impossible  that  the 
Romans  could  lend  their  aid  against  their  old  ally  to  those  who 
were  guilty  of  the  same  crime  which  they  had  just  punished 
so  severely.  If  the  assistance  were  granted  it  would  lead  to  a 
war  with  Carthage  and  take  the  Romans  beyond  Italy.  The 
Roman  senate  hesitated  ;  but  when  the  question  came  before 
the  people  all  considerations  were  laid  aside,  and,  animated  by 


1  According  to  Ihne,  a  Carthaginian  garrison  was  first  admitted  to  the  town,  and  then 
an  embassy  sent  to  the  Roman  senate.  *  See  map  I,  p.  6-7. 


120  CARTHAGE   AND    ROME.  [B.  C.  262. 

the  hope  of  spoils  and  gain,  they  voted  for  the  undertaking. 
The  consul,  Appius  Claudius,  AVRS  entrusted  \\ith  the  task  of 
carrying  out  the  decree. 

5.  The  Siege  of  Messana.— In  the  meantime  the  Car- 
thaginians had   appeared    before   Messana  and  concluded  a 
peace  between  Hiero  and  the  Mamertines  ;  and  Hanno,  the 
Carthaginian  general,  had  been  admitted  into  the  city,  so  that 
there  was  no  longer  any  pretext  for  the  interference  of  the  Ro- 
mans.   Still  the  consul  would  not  abandon  the  enterprise.    His 
legate  crossed  to  Messana,  ostensibly  for  the  object  of  settling 
the  difficulty,  and  persuaded  the  Mamertines  to  expel  the  Car- 
thaginians.     Hiero    and    the    Carthaginians  made   common 
cause,  and  laid  siege  to  Messana.1    Appius,  although  the  Car- 
thaginians ruled  the  sea,  managed  to  elude  their  fleet,  landed 
with  his  army,  relieved  Messana,  and  advancing  even  to  the 
walls  of  Syracuse,  defeated  Hiero  and  the  Carthaginians. 

6.  The  Capture  of  Agrigentum  (B.  c.  262). — The  next 
year  the  Romans  carried  on  the  war  with  two  consular  armies. 
On  their  advance  the  Sicilian  cities  one  after  the  other  deserted 
Hiero  and  the  Carthaginians  and  joined  the  Romans,  so  that 
the  latter  were  in  a  fair  way  to  gain  possession  of  the  whole 
island.     Hiero  became  alarmed  and  saw  that  he  had  made  a 
great  mistake  in  forming  an  alliance  with  the  Carthaginians. 
He  soon  concluded  a  peace  with  the  Romans,  and  ever  after 
remained  their  faithful  ally  (B.  c.  263).     The  Romans  now  laid 
siege  to  Agrigentum,  which  the  Carthaginians  had  selected  as 
the  base  of  their  operations.    After  a  siege  of  seven  months, 
the  city  fell  into  their  hands.     The  capture  of  this  fortified 
town  had  not  been  attained  without  great  loss,2  but  the  success 
was  correspondingly  great.    All  Sicily,  except  the  fortresses  of 
Eryx  and  Panormus,  was  entirely  subdued.    The  Romans  began 
now  to  look  higher  than  merely  keeping  the  Carthaginians  out 
of  Messana.     The  prospect  of  acquiring  all  Sicily  was  opened 
to  them. 


1  There  was  no  formal  declaration  of  war  by  the  Roman  fetialis  (see  page  41  f .)  the 
action  of  the  people  had  practically  bcirtin  the  war. 

'  According  to  Diodoras  (xxiii.  9),  the  Romans  los-t  30,000  men. 


B.  C.  260.]  CARTHAGE   AND  ROME.  121 

7.  The  First  Roman   Fleet. — The  Bomans  prosecuted 
the  war  with  vigor,  but  they  saw  from  year  to  year  that  it  was 
impossible  to  defend  Sicily  and  bring  the  war  to  a  successful 
conclusion  without  a  navy.     In  Sicily  the  towns  on  the  sea- 
coast  were  continually  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  the  Cartha- 
ginian fleet,  and  even  the  coast  of  Italy  was  ravaged.    There 
was  a  good  deal  of  truth  in  the  declaration  of  the  Carthaginian 
diplomatists  before  the  war,  that  no  Eoman  against  their  will 
could  wash  even  his  hands  in  the  sea.     The  Romans  deter- 
mined to  construct  a  fleet  and  meet  the  Carthaginians  on  their 
own  element.    The  navy  of  the  Greek  and  Etruscan  towns 
must  have  been  considerable,  yet  the  Romans  determined  to 
defend  Italy  with  a  fleet  of  their  own.    Hitherto  Rome  had 
built  triremes  only,  that  is,  galleys  with  three  tiers  of  benches 
for  rowers,  which  were  entirely  unable  to  cope  with  the  quin- 
queremes  of  the  Carthaginians — ships  with  five  tiers  of  benches 
for  rowers.    A  Carthaginian  qumquereme,  wrecked  on  the  coast 
of  Bruttium,  served  as  a  model.    The  forests  of  Italy  furnished 
pitch  and  timber.    The  sailors1  were  levied  from  the  Greek 
and  Etruscan  towns.     In  the  short  space  of  sixty  days  one 
hundred  and  twenty  ships  were  built.2 

8.  The  Battle  off  Mylas  (B.  c.  260).— One  of  the  consuls, 
Cn.3  Cornelius  Scipio,  put  to  sea  with  seventeen  ships,  but  was 
surprised  in  the  harbor  of  Lipara  and  taken  prisoner  with  all  his 
crews.    This  loss  was,  however,  soon  repaired.    Gajus  Duillius, 
his  colleague,  took  command  of  the  rest  of  the  fleet  and  im- 
mediately led  it  against  the  enemy.     The  battle  was  fought  off 
Mylae.     The  Carthaginians  were  far  superior  to  the  Romans  in 
maritime  tactics.     In  order  to  supply  their  lack  of  skill  in 
manoeuvring  the  vessels,  the  Romans  invented  the  boarding- 
bridges.4    Each  ship  was  provided  with  one,  which  was  pulled 

1  The  name  KOCII  narnlf-s  -hows  that  they  were  raided  chiefly  from  the  allies  (sodi\ 

*  Ihne  thinks  that  a  great  part  of  the  fleet  came  from  the  allies  and  was  manned  by 
them  (vol.  ii.,  p.  54i;  Pee  map  No.  1. 

'  Although  the  letter  g  had  been  in  use  for  some  time,  still  the  abbreviation  Cn.  was 
retained  for  the  name  Gn(ei(3.    See  Hi.-/,  of  Li/r  /•  •• 

*  It  was  thirty-Mx  feet  long  and  \va-  pulled  up  twelve  feet  above  the  deck  and  fn«- 
tened  to  the  mast  twenty-four  feet  hish  in  such  a  way  that  it  could  be  moved  up  and 
down  as  well  as  sideways,  by  means  of  a  rope,  which  passed  from  the  end  of  the  bridge 
through  a  ring  in  the  top  of  the  mast,  down  to  rhc  deck.    The  bridge  was  broad  eaougb 


CARTHAGE   AND   HOME. 


[B.  C.  257. 


up  and  fastened  to  the  mast  in  the  fore  part  of  the  ship.     If 

the  enemy's  ship  approached 

"v -^MU/.UM  ":ky'  ncar  enough>  the   rope   Avas 

loosened,  the  bridge  fell  on 
the  deck  of  the  hostile  ship, 
and  the  spikes  on  the  under 
side  penetrated  the  timbers 
and  fastened  the  two  ships 
together.  The  soldiers  then 
ran  along  the  bridge  to  board, 
and  the  sea-fight  became  a 
hand  -  to  -  hand  engagement. 
£'  When  the  Carthaginians  saAV 
the  Roman  fleet,  confident  of 
an  easy  victory,  they  bore 
down  upon  it.  The  board- 
ing-bridges worked  admira- 
bly. Their  ships  were  seized 
_.  liy  the  boarding-bridges,  and 
when  it  came  to  a  hand-to- 
hand  fight  the  Carthaginian 
crews  were  no  match  for  the 
Roman  soldiers.  The  victory 
wa.-  complete,  and  Duillius 
was  awarded  the  honor  of  a 
triumph1  on  his  return  to 
Rome,  and  a  column,  deco- 
rated with  the  beaks  of  the 

conquered  ships  and  an  inscription2  celebrating  the  victory, 

was  erected  in  the  forum. 

9.  The  Battles  of  Tyndaris  and    Ecnomns.  —  After 

the  battle  of  Mylae,  two  plans  were  open  to  the  Romans,  either 


yX/d. 


COLUMNA  ROSTRATA. 


for  two  soldiers  to  walk  abreast,  and  a  railing  on  each  side  protected  them  from  the  mis- 
M!c<  of  the  enemy. 

1  It  N  related  that  other  honors  were  conferred  upon  him.  and  that  he  was  accom- 
panied home  in  the  evening  from  bnnqueN  by  a  flute-player  and  torch-bearer. 

"  The  fragment  of  the  Inscription  on  this  column,  renewed  by  Tiberius,  is  preserved 
at  Rome,  in  the  Palace  of  the  Conservator!  (Du'dtos  consol  advorsum  Ptenos  en  SeceHad. 
etc.  See  Hint,  of  Lit.,  p.  ). 


l:.  0.256.]  CARTHAGE  AND   ROME.  123 

to  invade  Africa  or  to  attack  and  subdue  the  islands  of  the 
Mediterranean.  The  latter  course  was  adopted.  Expeditions 
were  sent  to  Corsica  and  Sardinia,  and  Hamilcar,  who  at  this 
time  was  placed  in  command  of  the  Carthaginian  forces  in 
Sicily,  was  driven  to  the  western  end  of  the  island.  The  sea 
battle  at  Tyndaris  (B.  c.  257),  although  not  a  decisive  victory, 
encouraged  the  Romans  to  enlarge  their  fleet,  and  to  transfer  the 
war  to  Africa.  The  task  was  entrusted  to  the  two  consuls,  M. 
Atilins  Regulus  and  L.  Manlius  Vulso.  They  sailed  along  the 
southern  coast  of  Sicily,  and  near  Ecnomus  met  the  Cartha- 
ginian fleet,  under  command  of  Hamilcar  and  Hanno,  pre- 
pared to  obstruct  their  way  to  Africa.  In  the  battle  which 
followed,1  the  boarding-bridges  did  good  service  as  at  Mylae. 
The  Roman  fleet  was  victorious  and  the  way  to  Africa  was 
opened. 

10.  Regulus  in  Africa  (B.  c.  256). — The  Romans  landed 
near  the  town  of  Clypea,*  and  established  there  their  camp. 
The  country  all  about  was  covered  with  flourishing  villages, 
towns,  and  the  villas  of  the  nobility.  The  spoils  were  great. 
Town  after  town  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  till  at  last 
the  capital  itself  was  in  danger.  The  Carthaginians  sued  for 
peace,  but  the  conditions  were  too  humiliating,  and  they  deter- 
mined to  continue  the  war  with  energy.  They  increased  their 
forces.  Among  their  mercenaries  was  Xanthippus,  a  Spartan 
general,  a  man  of  great  military  ability.  He  pointed  out  to 
them  that  their  defeat  was  due  to  the  fact  that  they  did  not 
select  the  proper  field  of  battle  where  their  elephants  and  cav- 
alry could  be  useful,  and  not  to  the  superiority  of  the  Romans. 
By  his  advice  the  Carthaginians  left  the  hills  and  offered  bat- 
tle on  the  level  ground.  This  Regulus  readily  accepted.  His 
irmy  was  almost  annihilated  (B.  c.  255).  A  Roman  fleet 2  was 
sent  to  carry  off  the  remains  of  the  army,  but  on  its  return 
home,  it  was  overtaken  by  a  fearful  hurricane  on  the  southern 


1  The  Romans,  according  to  Polybius.  had  330  ship?  and  140,000  men  ;  and  the  Car 
thaginians  had  a  still  larger  force,  150,000  men  and  350  ves>i>is. 

*  On  its  way  to  gain  a  victory  at  the  Hermtean  promontory,  near  Alexandria. 

*  See  map,  p.  217. 


124  CARTHAGE  AND   ROME.  [B.C.  254 

coast  of  Sicily.     Nearly  the  entire  fleet  was  destroyed,  and  the 
coast  was  strewed  for  miles  with  wrecks  and  corpses. 

11.  Fanormus  (B.  c.  254).— The  Romans,  after  these  re- 
verses, set  about  with  undiminished  energy  rebuilding  their 
fleet,  and  in  less  than  three  months  they  had  220  vessels  ready 
for  sea.      This  fleet  surprised  and  captured  Panormus  (Pal- 
ermo), one  of  the  most  important  Carthaginian  strongholds  in 
Sicily.    This  success  so  encouraged  the  Romans  that  they  made 
a  second  descent  on  the  African  coast,  but  nowhere  obtained 
a  firm  footing.     On  its  return  the  fleet  was  overtaken  by  a 
terrible  storm  near  the  Palinurian  promontory  on  the  coast  of 
Lucania,  in  which  one  hundred  and  fifty  ships  were  lost.     For 
the  next  few  years  the  war  languished.     The  Carthaginian 
dominion  was  confined  to  the  western  part  of  Sicily,  with  the 
two  important  fortresses  of  Lilybaeum  and  Drepana. 

12.  Fanormus  (B.  c.  250). — In  the  year  B.  c.  251  Ham- 
ilcar  arrived  in  Sicily  with  a  large  army  and  one  hundred  and 
forty  elephants.     He  laid  waste  the  country  and  approached 
the  walls  of  Panormus.     The  consul,  L.  Mi-tellus,1  at  a  favor- 
able time  accepted  battle  and  gained  a  complete  victory.    This 
was  the  most  important  battle  that  had  yet  been  fought  in 
Sicily,2  and  the  result  encouraged  the  Romans. 

1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

L.  C.SCILHJ3  METEI.LU?, 

cos.  B.  c.  251,  247. 


Q.    MKTELU'S,          L.   METET.LfS,  M.   METELLTJ8, 

cos.  B.  c.  206.         tr.  pi.  B.  c.  215.  pr.  B.  c.  206. 


Q.  METEX.  MACEDONICCS,  L.  METEIXUS  CALVUS, 

cos.  B.  c.  143.  cos.  B.  c.  142. 


2.  MET.  BALEAR-        L.  MET.  DIADEM-      M  METELLHS,       G.  MET.        CECILIA,  m.      CECILIA,  m. 
ATCS,  coi.  B.  c.  115.     CAI-RARITS.     O.  SF.RVILIUS,      SCIPIO  NA- 

cos.  B.  r.  li'i.  cos.  B.  c.  117.  cos.  B.C.  113.  VATIA.  SICA. 

1  Hamilcar,  on  his  return  to  Carthaec.  \va?  crucified.    120  elephants  were  taken  and 
led  in  the  triumphal  procession  of  Metellu^. 


B.  c.  249.] 


CARTHAGE   AND   ROME. 


125 


13.  Lilybaeum  and  Drepana. — The  battle  of  Panorama 
was  a  turning  point  in  the  war.  The  Carthaginians  were  dis- 
couraged and  sent  an  embassy1  to  Rome  to  negotiate  a  peace. 
Nothing,  however,  was  accomplished,  and  the  Romans  renewed 
the  war  with  vigor.  They  concentrated  all  their  force  against 
Lilybseum,2  situated  in  the  western  extremity  of  the  island  on  a 
promontory  of  the  same  name.  This  siege,  like  that  of  Veji, 
lasted  almost  ten  years.  All  kinds  of  attacks  were  resorted  to, 
but  without  avail.  In  the  second  year  (B.  c.  249),  the  consul, 
P.  Claudius  Pulcher,8  was  sent  to  Sicily  with  a  new  army.  He 

1  Connected  with  this  embassy  is  the  celebrated  story  of  Regulus.    It  is  related  that 
he  was  sent  to  Rome  with  the  ambassadors  to  negotiated  peace  or  at  least  to  procure  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  bound  by  his  oath  to  return  if  not  successful.    The  poets  relate 
how  Regnlus  at  first  refused  to  enter  the  city  as  a  slave  of  a  Carthaginian  ;  how  he  would 
not  give  his  opinion  in  the  senate,  as  he  had  ceased  by  his  captivity  to  be  a  member 
of  that  body ;  how  at  length  he  dissuaded  his  countrymen  not  only  from  peace  but 
from  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  because  he  thought  it  would  result  to  the  advantage  of 
Carthage  ;  how  he  resisted  all  the  persuasions  of  nis  family  and  friends  who  urged  him 
to  remain  at  Rome  ;  how,  when  the  senate  wavered  and  seemed  disposed  to  make  the  ex- 
change, he  told  them  that  he  could  no  longer  be  of  any  service  to  his  country,  because 
the  Carthaginians  had  given  him  a  slow  poison,  which  would  soon  terminate  in  his 
death.    He  refused  to  see  his  wife  and  children,  and,  true  to  his  oath,  returned  to  Car- 
thage, where  he  was  put  to  death  with  cruel  tortures.    When  the  news  of  his  death 
reached  Rome,  the  senate  gave  np  two  noble  Carthaginians,  Hamilcar  and  Bostar,  to 
his  family,  on  whom  to  revenge  themselves  for  the  cruel  death  of  Regulus.    This  story, 
inherently  improbable,  is  not  mentioned  by  Polybius.    It  is  scarcely  credible  that  the 
Romans  refused  to  exchange  prisoners,  for  we  know  from  Zonaras  (viii.  16)  that  they 
agreed  to  an  exchange  willingly  two  years  afterwards. 

2  The  modern  Marsala  :  for  the  manner  of  besieging  a  town  see  p.  381. 

»  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

APPIUS  CLAUDIUS  C^ECUS, 

cens.  B.C.  312. 


AP.  CLAUD.  CRASSUS,     P.  CL.  PULCHER,     G.  CL.  CENTO,     TIB.  CL.  NERO,     CLAUDLE, 
cos.  B.  c.  268.  cos.  B.  c.  249.         cos.  B.  c.  240.  QUIXQUE. 


AP.  CL.  PULCHER,  cos.  B.  c.  212. 


CLAUDIA  QUINTA. 


CLAUDIA  m.         AP.  CL.  PULCHER,         P.  CL.  PULCHER,          G.  CL.  PULCHEB, 


PECUVIUS  CALAVIUS. 


cos.  B.  c.  184.  cos.  B.  c.  177. 


A.  CL.  PULCHER,  m.  ANTISTIA. 


A.  CL.  PULCHER. 


CLAUDIA, 
VESTAL. 


CLAUDIA,  m. 
TIB.  GRACCHUS. 


126  CARTHAGE  AND   ROME.  [B.C.  24? 

formed  the  design  of  surprising  the  Carthaginians  at  Drepana. 
The  attack  miscarried,  and  he  was  defeated  with  great  loss.1 
This  defeat  caused  great  terror  at  Rome,  such  as  the  city  had 
not  experienced  since  the  day  of  the  Allia.2 

14.  Destruction  of  the  Roman  Transport  Ships. — The 
other  consul,  L.  Junius  Pullus,  was  almost  equally  unsuccess- 
ful.    He  was  sailing  along  the  coast  of  Sicily  with  a  part  of 
the  eight  hundred  transports,  loaded  with  provisions  for  the 
soldiers  in  Lilybaeum,  which  he  had  collected  in  Sicily  and 
Italy,  when  he  was  overtaken  by  a  storm,  which  was  so  severe 
that  not  one  of  the  transport  ships  was  saved. 

15.  Romans  Discouraged. — These  were  great  misfortunes 
for  the  Romans.     The  war  had  continued  fifteen  years.    They 
had  lost  four  large  fleets  and  more  than  one-sixth  of  their  fight- 
ing population.    Lilybaeum  and  Drepana  defied  all  their  efforts. 
Their  trade  and  industry  were  ruined.     It  was  no  wonder  that 
they  were  discouraged.   They  became  inactive  or  carried  on  hos- 
tilities on  a  small  scale.     For  the  next  six  years  their  efforts 
were  chiefly  confined  to  blockading  Lilybaeum  and  Drepana. 

16.  Hamilcar  Barcas. — In  the  year  B.  c.  247  the  chief 
command  of  the  Carthaginians  was  entrusted  to  Hamilcar,  sur- 
named  Barcas  (that  is,  Lightning),  the  father  of  the  c^l-'brated 
Hannibal.     He  was  truly  a  great  man.     ^Vith  slender  means 
he  carried  on  the  war  for  six  years;  until  the  faults  of  others 
compelled  him  to  counsel  peace. 

17.  Battle  at  the  .SIgatian  Islands  (B.C.  241).— He  took 
possession  of  Mount  Hercte  (Monte  Pellegrino),  from  which  he 
could  threaten  Panormus,  now  the  most  important  possession 
of  the  Romans  in  Sicily.     For  three  years  Ilamilcar  attacked 
the  Romans  by  land  and  sea.  carried  his  raids  even  as  far  aa 
Mount  ^Etua,  and  laid  waste  the  coast  of  Italy.     All  efforts  oq 
the  part  of  the  Romans  to  dislodge  him  were  in  vain.   At  length 
he  left  Mount  Hercte  for  a  position  on  Mount  Eryx,  near  Dre- 


1  He  lost  8.000  men  in  battle.  SO.OOO  prisoners,  and  180  chips. 

1  The  Romans  attributed  his  defc.it  \«  his  impiety.  When  the  ancnirie-  were  con- 
sulted, and  Claudius  was  informed  that  the  sacred  chickens  would  nut  eat,  "At  airi 
rate,"  said  lie,  "  let  them  drink ;"  and  ordered  them  to  be  cast  into  the  sea. 


B.  C.  241.]         THE   WAR   WITH  THE   MERCENARIES.  127 

pana,  which  he  held  for  two  years  longer ;  at  length  the 
Romans  determined  to  build  another  fleet  and  attack  the  Car- 
thaginians again  on  the  sea,  the  only  means  by  which  the  war 
could  be  brought  to  a  successful  conclusion.  In  B.  c.  242  a 
fleet  of  two  hundred  ships  under  the  consul  G.  Lutatius  Ca- 
tulus  was  fitted  out  and  sent  to  Sicily.  As  the  Carthaginian 
fleet  was  away  plundering  the  coast  of  Italy  and  Sicily,  the 
consul  had  time  to  exercise  his  men  and  to  become  acquainted 
with  the  coast.  The  next  year  (B.  c.  241  y  he  gained  a  com- 
plete victory  over  the  Carthaginian  fleet  off  the  ^Egatian 
islands. 

18.  Terms  of  Peace. — The  Carthaginians  were  exhausted 
and  weary  of  the  war.  The  discontent  of  their  mercenaries 
warned  them  to  make  peace.  Carthage  therefore  empowered 
Hamilcar  to  treat  with  Catulus.  At  first  the  Romans  de- 
manded dishonorable  conditions,  but  Hamilcar  refusing  these, 
and  the  consul  being  anxious  to  complete  the  negotiation  before 
his  term  of  office  expired,  preliminaries  were  agreed  upon. 
Carthage  was  to  evacuate  Sicily,  to  give  up  the  Roman  prison- 
ers without  ransom,  and  pay  the  cost  of  the  war.2 


XXI. 

THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  PROVINCIAL  SYSTEM — THE  ILLY- 
RIAN  WARS — WARS  WITH  THE  GAULS. 

1.  War  with  the  Mercenaries  (B.C.  241-238). — During 
the  interval  between  the  the  first  and  second  Punic  wars,  a 
period  of  twenty-three  years,  both  Rome  and  Carthage  exerted 


1  The  engagement  was  with  the  fleet  of  the  Carthaginians,  which  had  just  arrived 
with  supplies  for  tho  troops  in  Sic'ly.  The  commander  attempted  to  land  the  provision* 
and  take  on  board  the  soldiers  of  Hamilcar.  then  to  engage  the  Romans.  Catullus, 
although  wounded,  promptly  prevented  this.  In  the  battle  which  followed,  Valerias 
Falto  took  the  command. 

'  That  is,  the  sum  of  8,200  talents  -  $4,000,000 ;  one-third  do\\  n  ant!  the  remainder  in 
ten  annual  payments. 


128         THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  PROVINCIAL  SYSTKM.      [B.C.  229. 

themselves  to  the   utmost   to   consolidate    and   extend   their 
power. 

The  resources  of  Carthage  were  very  much  weakened  by  the 
revolt  of  her  subjects  in  Africa ;  so  much  so,  that  when  the 
mercenaries  returned  from  Sicily,  and  were  unable  to  obtain 
their  overdue  pay,  they  rose  in  open  mutiny.  The  mercenaries 
and  African  allies  made  common  cause.  They  laid  waste  the 
country  far  and  wide,  and  all  the  towns  in  Libya  except  Car- 
thage were  in  their  bands.  The  genius  of  Hamilcar  orira nixed 
an  army,  and  after  a  war  of  nearly  three  years,  exterminated 
the  mutineers. 

2.  Provincial  System. — Rome  took  advantage  of  the  ex- 
hausted condition  of  Carthage,  to  interfere  in  a  revolt  in  Sar- 
dinia.   When    Carthage  made    preparations    to   subdue    the 
revolting  island,  Rome  pretended  to  regard  it  as  a  menace  of 
war.     Carthage  being  too  much  exhausted  to  engage  in  war 
with  Rome,  had  to  purchase  peace  by  resigning  Sardinia  and 
paying  twelve  hundred  talents.1     Sardinia2  became  a  Roman 
province.3    At  this  time  (B.C.  227)  Sicily4  was  also  organized 
as  a  province.    This  was  the  beginning  of  the  provincial  sys- 
tem.    Each  province  was  governed  by  a  praetor  and  paid  taxes 5 
to  the  Roman  people. 

3.  Hamilcar  Barcas. — The  manner  in  which  Carthage 
had  been  treated  inspired  in  Hamilcar  an  implacable  hatred  of 
Rome.     He  departed  for  Spain,  where  he  strove  to  restore  the  re- 
sources of  his  government  and  to  renew  her  exhausted  energies. 

4.  The  First  Illyrian  War  (B.  c.  229-228).— The  Romans, 
in  securing  their  frontier,  first  came  in  contact  with  the  Illy- 

1  About  1,500.000  dollars. 

*  Corsica,  which  had  never  been  in  the  hands  of  Carthage,  was  added  to  Sardinia,  and 
formed  one  province. 

3  The  word  province  ( prorincia)  denoted  primarily  the  field  to  which  the  imperiiim 
of  the  consul  or  other  magistrate  >vas  limited  When  foreign  territory  was  acquired,  the 
government  of  it  was  assigned  to  a  consul  or  a  praetor  and  the  /'////«/•/'"///  was  extended 
(  i>r(,rniintinn\  for  this  purpose.  This  foreign  territory  was  called  prorincia.  a  special  use 
of  the  word,  which  N  more  f.imilia:-  th;m  the  original  meaning. 

*  According  to  Appian  (Sic.  2>.  Sicily  w«-  organized  a*  a  province  in  B.C.  245  ;  Livy 
(En.  xx.)  says  that  the  nnmber  of  pnetore  wax  increased  from  two  to  four  in  B.C.  227, 
and  one  sent  to  Sicily  :  this  is  the  earliest  notice  that  the  Romans  took  the  government 
into  their  hands.    The  province  of  Sicily  con-i<ted.  until  B.C.  210,  of  only  the  western 
part  of  the  island:  after  that,  of  the  whole  Hand.    The.  territory  of  Syracuse  consisted  of 
the  seven  cities.  Syractisae.  Acrse,  Luontini,  Megara,  Eloruiu,  Netum,  and  Tauromenium. 

*  Either  rertigral  or  irilnititm  :  see  p.  182, 


B.C.  225.]  THE    WAR   WITH   THE   ILLYRIANS.  129 

rians,  who  lived  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Adriatic.  They  were 
a  nation  of  pirates  and  made  the  whole  Adriatic  and  Ionian  seas 
unsafe  for  commerce,1  and  even  the  Italian  towns  began  to  suf- 
fer. An  embassy  was  sent  to  Scodra  (Scutari),  to  Queen  Teuta, 
to  complain  of  these  injuries.  She  not  only  refused  all  redress, 
but  caused  one  of  the  ambassadors  to  be  murdered  on  his  way 
home.  War2  was  declared  (B.  c.  229).  A  Roman  fleet  appeared 
in  the  Adriatic,  the  corsair  vessels  were  scattered  and  Queen 
Teuta  was  compelled  to  give  up  her  conquests  and  to  make  peace. 
Corcyra  was  surrendered  and  Demetrius  of  Pharos  (Lesina) 
taken  under  the  protection  of  Rome.  The  Greek  towns  which 
were  liberated  from  the  Illyrians  were  taken  under  the  protec- 
tion of  Rome.  The  action  of  Rome  in  suppressing  the  piracy 
caused  great  joy  among  the  Greek  states. 

5.  The  Agrarian  Law  of  G-.  Flaminius  (B.C.  232). — The 
Romans  began  now  to  look  to  their  border  in  northern  Italy, 
with  a  view  of  extending  it  to  the  Alps.    After  the  defeat  of  the 
Gauls  at  the  Vadimonian  Lake  comparative  quiet  had  prevailed, 
and  the  colonies  at  Sena  and  Ariminum  had  been  founded  to  se- 
cure their  dominion  in  that  quarter.    There  were  still  large  tracts 
of  unoccupied  land  which  had  been  taken  from  the  Gauls,  and 
which  had  thus  far  remained  as  public  land.     In  B.C.  232  the 
tribune,  G.  Flaminius,  curried  an  agrarian  law  to  the  effect  that 
this  land  should  be  divided  among  the  veterans  and  poorer  classes 
in  order  to  people  those  districts.     The  senate,  although  since 
the  Hortensian  law  the  resolutions  of  the  assembly  of  tribes  did 
not  need  the  confirmation  of  the  pat  rum  auctoritas,  resisted 
the  measure.     In  spite  of  this  resistance  the  law  was  executed, 
colonies  were  planted,  and  the  Flaminian  Way3  was  constructed 
to  Arimiuum,  at  that  time  the  extreme  outpost  of  Roman 
civilization. 

6.  War  with  the  Gauls  (B.  c.  225-222).— This  activity  of 
the  Romans  alarmed  the  Boji.    They  looked  f  orward  to  the  day 
when  their  country  would  be  seized  by  Roman  settlers.    To  pre- 

1  The  towns  Issa.  Pharos.  Apollonia.  ana  Epidamnas  were  in  danger.    Corcyra  was 
taken  and  given  to  an  unprincipled  Greek  from  Pharos  called  Demetriu  . 
»  An  army  of  20,000  men  and  2,000  horse  went  to  Brundisium  to  embark, 
*  V\(l  Flaminia  ;  see  maps,  pp.  2  and  114. 


130 


THE    WAR   WITH   THE   ILLYRIA^S. 


Map    Illustrating 
THE 

ILLYRIAN  WARS 


The  country  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic.  comprising  what  was  afterwards  the 
provinces  Dahnatia.  I'annonia,  Mce^ia,  and,  according  to  Api>ian  dilyr.  (ii,  Rhuctia,  and 
Noricum.  wa-  known  to  tin-  aneietn-  by  tin-  name  of  Illyrinini  i-ee  map,  p.  130).  At  one 
time  Ducia  and  the  district  between  the  Dalmatians  and  Epirns,  with  the  cities  Apollonla, 
Dyrrhacium,  and  Li^sn-,  wore  included  under  tlic  name  of  Illyricmn,  nltlxnifrh  later  this 
di-trii'!  wa-  nio-tly  joined  to  Maccd.nila  and  known  a-  Iliyria.  The  la<t  king  of  Illyria 
wa"  (M-iitiii-:;  he  wa<  ^nhdned  n.c.  Hit.  hN  ca]>ital,  Scodra,  taken,  and  his  kingdom  v.as 
divided  into  three  part*  and  taken  under  the  protection  of  Home.  When  the  Dalmatians 
lapydian,  and  Lihurniuns  were  subdued  their  country  was  formed  into  a  province  which 
the  Romans  called  Illyricuni.  It  extended  on  the  south  to  the  river  Drilo,  on  the  north  to 
the  northern  boundary  of  Pannonia.  and  to  the  eastward  a<  far  as  the  Donau  (after  A.D.  9). 
In  A.  D.  10  Pannonia  wa<  made  a  sejiarate  province  and  at  the  same  time  the  territory  be- 
tween the  borders  of  Macedonia  and  those  of  Italy,  or  from  Lissns  to  the  river  Arsia.  was 
organized  under  the  name  of  ,*nperi///  -in.  or  simply  Illyricuni.  Soon 

after  the  time  of  Augustus  (about  A.D. 50)  the  name  Dalmatia  was  -nb.stituied  for  that  of 


?.  C.  222.]  THE    WAR    WITH    THE   GAULS.  131 

vent  this  they  organized  an  alliance  of  all  the  Cisalpine  Gauls,1 
and  summoned  numerous  adventurers  across  the  Alps  for  a  com- 
bined attack  on  Rome.  When  the  news  of  this  invasion  reached 
Rome  terror  pervaded  all  Italy.  The  day  of  the  Allia  *  was  re- 
called and  the  Sibylline  books2  were  consulted.  To  avert  the 
impending  evil  two  Gauls  and  two  Grecians,  one  of  each  sex, 
were  burned  alive  in  the  public  market-place.3  A  large  army4 
was  raised  and  stationed  at  Ariminum,  on  which  side  the  attack 
was  expected.  In  the  common  danger  the  allies  eagerly  offered 
men  and  supplies.  The  consul,  Atilius  Regulus,  who  was 
engaged  in  a  war  with  the  natives  in  Sardinia,  was  hastily 
summoned  home.  The  Gauls,  deceiving  the  calculations  of 
the  Romans,  took  the  most  westerly  of  .the  great  highways  to 
Rome  and  thus  avoided  the  consular  army  at  Ariminum.  They 
fell  in  with  the  reserve  corps,  and  completely  defeated  it.5  In- 
stead of  continuing  their  advance  to  Rome  they  decided  to  fall 
back  and  first  place  their  plunder  in  safety,  and  after  collecting 
new  forces,  to  renew  their  raids.  By  this  time  the  consular  army 
had  arrived  from  Ariminum  and  followed  closely  on  their  heels. 
The  other  consul  had  brought  back  his  army  from  Sardinia, 
and  landing  at  Pisa,  marched  southward  on  the  same  road  on 
which  the  Gauls  were  retreating.  The  decisive  battle  was 
fought  near  Telamon  (Telemone).  The  Gauls,  hemmed  in 
between  the  two  consular  armies,  were  annihilated.6 

7.  Roman  Colonies. — During  the  next  two  years  the  Ro- 
mans defeated  the  Insubres,  captured  their  capital,  Mediolanum 
(B.  c.  222),  compelled  them  to  submit,  and  reduced  the  whole 
country  between  the  Alps  and  Apennines.  Two  more  colonies, 
Placentia  and  Cremona,  were  founded  to  secure  the  newly  ac- 
quired territory.7 

1  Except  the  Cenomanians.  *  See  p.  77,  note. 

2  Plu.  Marcell.  3  :  according  to  Ihne  the  libri  fatales,  of  Etruscan  origin,  %vere  con- 
suited.    The  Sibylline  buok>,  which  were  of  Grecian  origin,  would  hardly  demand  the 
sacrifice  of  a  Greek. 

3  Forum  Boari»>/>. 

*  The  army  numbered  in  all  23,000  men  and  was  commanded  by  the  consul,  L.  ^Emilius 
Papus,  with  a  reserve  corps  of  about  50,000  Umbrian.s  and  Sabines  to  protect  Etruria, 
stationed  near  Arretium. 

5  Probably  near  Clusinm. 

6  Thi<  wa<  B.C.  225  ;  40,000  were  killed  ;   10,000  taken  prisoners  ;  only  the  horsemen 
escaped. 

7  According  to  M'unm-'en  the  Via  Flaminia  was  extended. after  the  subjection  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  from  Spoletium  through  the  Furlo  Pass  to  Ariminum  (B.  c.  220). 


132  mi:  BECOSB  rixic  WAR.  [n.c.219. 

8.  The  Second  IU3rrian  War  (u.  <•.  -ill)).— While  the 
Romans  were  engaged  on  the  northern  frontier  in  subduing  the 
Gauls,  Demetrius  of  Pharos  had  taken  the  opportunity  to  free 
himself  from  his  subjection  to  Rome,  and  entered  into  an 
alliance  with  Antigonus  of  Macedonia.  Thinking  that  Rome 
would  soon  be  engaged  in  a  war  with  Carthage,  he  had  collected 
a  fleet,  attacked  the  Roman  allies,  and  committed  various  acts 
of  piracy  along  the  coast  as  far  as  the  ^Egean  Sea,  The  Ro- 
mans prepared  with  all  speed  to  settle  affairs  in  Illyricum,  that 
their  hands  might  be  free  for  the  war  with  Hannibal  which  was 
now  inevitable.  The  consul,  L.  ^Emilius  Paullus,1  crossed  the 
Adriatic,  destroyed  Pharos,  and  restored  the  Roman  supremacy 
in  that  quarter.  Demetrius  fled  to  Macedonia  and  sought  to 
prevail  on  the  king  to  declare  war  against  Rome  ;  but  Philip, 
the  new  king,2  was  too  young  to  resent  the  attack  upon  his 
ally. 


CHAPTER     XXII. 

THE  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR  (B.  C.  218-201).— THE  FIRST 
PERIOD  (B.  C.  218-216). 

1.  Carthaginian  Policy. — While  Rome  was  busy  enlarg- 
ing and  strengthening  her  power,  Carthage  was  not  idle. 
After  the  loss  of  Sardinia  the  determination  to  renew  the 
struggle  with  Rome  became  a  fixed  national  sentiment  The 
aristocratic  and  peace  party  lost  its  control  of  the  govern- 
ment, The  popular  party  with  true  instinct  s:tw  its  only 
hope  in  war,  and  a  fitting  leader  in  Uamilcar.  He  found  a 
rich  compensation  for  the  loss  of  Sicily  and  Sardinia  in  Spain. 
Here,  during  nine  (B.  c.  23G-228)  years  he  extended  the  Car- 
thaginian power  over  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula.  When 


1  This  spelling  is  better  than  Paulas;  see  Brambach,  p.  262, 
»  Antigonn*  died  B.  c.  221. 


B.C.  219.]  THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR.  133 

he  fell  in  battle  his  plans  were  ably  carried  out  by  his  son- 
in-law,  Hasdrubal,  whom  the  voice  of  the  soldiers  raised  to  the 
chief  command.  New  Carthage  was  founded  and  destined  to 
be  the  capital  of  the  new  empire.  The  steady  advance  of  tho 
Carthaginian  power  to  the  northward  awakened  the  jealousy  of 
Rome ;  she  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Saguntum  and  Em- 
porife  and  assumed  to  be  the  protectress  of  the  Greek  cities  on 
the  Iberian,  as  she  already  was  of  those  on  the  Adriatic  Sea. 
She  formed  an  alliance  with  several  of  the  native  tribes  and 
compelled  Hasdrubal  to  declare  that  Carthage  would  not  ex- 
tend her  power  beyond  the  Ebro  (Iberus). 

2.  Siege  of  Saguntum1  (B.C. 219).— In  B.C.  221  Hasdrubal 
was  assassinated.    The  universal  voice  of  the  army  and  the  Car- 
thaginian people  called  Hannibal,  the  son  of  Hamilcar  Barcas, 
to  the  chief  command.    He  was  at  that  time  in  his  twenty-ninth 
year,  and  was  already  trained  to  the  knowledge  of  war.    Sworn 
from  boyhood  to  eternal  hatred  of  Rome,  he  had  accompanied 
his  father  to  Spain,  and  was  there  trained  to  that  personal 
courage  and  endurance  that  made  him  the  idol  of  the  army. 
He  wished  to  make  war  at  once  on  Rome  before  the  Illyrians 
and  Gauls  were  subdued;   but  he  had  first  to  complete  his 
preparations  for  the  security  of  Spain  and  Africa,  and  to  try 
his  army.    In  the  spring  of  B.C.  219  he  proceeded  to  attack 
Saguntum,  which  claimed  to  be  of  Greek  origin  and  which  had 
already  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Rome.    The  Roman  senate 
warned  him  to  desist,  and  felt  that  a  warning  would  be  suffi- 
cient.    Hannibal  pushed  on  the  siege,  and  after  a  stubborn 
resistance  of  eight  months  the  town  surrendered. 

3.  Roman  Embassy  to  Carthage. — A  second  embassy 
was  sent  to  Carthage,  after  the  fall  of  Saguntum,  to  demand 
the  surrender  of  Hannibal  as  a  sign  that  the  Carthaginians 
took  no  part  in  this  violence  done  to  the   allies  of  Rome. 
After  a  long  discussion,  Quintus  Fabius,  the  chief  of  the  em- 
bassy, gathering  up  the  folds  of  his  toga,  said,  "  Here  I  carry 
peace  and  war;  say,  ye  men  of  Carthage,  which  you  choose  ?" 
"Give  us  which  ye  will,"  was  the  reply.     "Then  we  give  you 
war,"  said  Fabius,  spreading  out  his  toga.     "We  accept  it, 

1  Seejnap,  p.  175. 


134  THE   SECOND    PUNIC   WAR.  [B.  C.  218. 

and  will  maintain  it  with  the  same  spirit  with  which  we  have 
accepted  it."1  Thus  war  was  declared,  a  war  the  most  memora- 
ble of  all  in  the  annals  of  the  ancient  world;2  memorable  not 
alone  for  its  length,  the  numbers  engaged,  and  the  ability  of 
the  generals,  but  because  it  decided  the  future  destiny  of 
Europe.  It  decided  whether  the  civilization  of  Greece  or  of 
Rome  was  to  prevail  in  the  west,  or  to  be  superseded  by  the 
Semitic  civilization  of  the  east. 

After  the  fall  of  Saguntum,  Hannibal  returned  to  New  Car- 
thage, where  he  spent  the  winter  in  preparation  for  the  invasion 
of  Italy. 

4.  The  Growth  of  Roman  Power. — The  power  of  Rome 
had  been  much  increased  since  the  last  war  with  Carthage.3 
All  Italy  was  now  united,  old  animosities  had  died  out  and  all 
looked  to  Rome  as  the  centre.     Her  armies  were  composed  of 
her  own  citizens  and  faithful  allies.     Her  supremacy  was  ac- 
knowledged in  the  western  Mediterranean.     With  Carthage  it 
\v:i>  very  different.     Her  armies  wen-  composed  of  mercenaries, 
her  subjects  and  allies  were  not  trustworthy,  and  her  finances, 
although  considerably  improved  by  the  resources  of  Spain, 
were  far  from  what  they  had  been.     Hannibal  saw  this,  and 
the  necessity  of  securing  allies.    Negotiations  were  opened  with 
the  king  of  Macedonia  and  with  the  Gauls  in  northern  Italy. 
The  colonies  which  the  Romans  had  founded  in  their  country 
had  awakened  anew  their  hostility.     If  he  could  unite  these 
Gauls  with  his  own  disciplined  army,  and  make  their  country 
the  base  of  his  attack  on  Rome,  his  success  seemed  certain. 
He  hoped  also  to  secure  the  alliance  o'f  the  Italians,  and  that 
his  victories  would  finally  shake  the  adhesion  of  the  Latins. 

5.  Hannibal's  March  from  New  Carthage.  —  In  the 
spring  of  B.C.  218  all  his  preparations  were  complete,  and  he 
crossed  the  Ebro  with  an  army  of  ninety  thousand  foot,  twelve 
thousand  horse,  and  thirty-seven  elephants.     After  a  severe 
contest,  and  the  sacrifice  of  nearly  one-fourth  of  his  army,  he 

1  Livy,  xxi.  18.  *  Liry,  xxi.  1. 

•  The  population  of  Italy  proper  was  about  9,000,000,  with  770,000  men  capable  of 
bearing  arms. 


B.C.  218.]  TITE   SECOND   PUNIC  WAR.  135 

forced  his  way  through  the  country  between  the  Ebro  and  the 
Pyrenees.  At  the  Pyrenees  he  left  his  brother,  Hasdrubal, 
with  ten  thousand  men  to  defend  the  newly  conquered  territory. 
An  equal  number  of  Spanish  soldiers  he  discharged,  finding 
that  they  accompanied  him  unwillingly.  With  a  picked  force 
of  fifty  thousand  men  and  nine  thousand  horse  and  the  ele- 
phants, he  reached  the  Rhone  without  serious  opposition.  The 
Gauls  had  assembled  a  force  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river. 
These  he  outflanked  by  sending  a  detachment,  under  Hanno, 
across  on  rafts  two  days'  march  higher  up,  and  thus  easily  put 
the  Gauls  to  rout  and  forced  a  passage. 

6.  The  Preparations  of  the  Romans. — The  Romans 
acted  with  remissuess.     They  had  no  conception  of  Hannibal's 
plan.    The  two  consular  armies  were  levied  as  usual ;  the  one 
under  Tiberius  Sempronius  Longus  was  to  be  sent  to  Sicily  and 
thence  it  was  to  cross  over  into  Africa  to  attack  Carthage  itself: 
the  other,  under  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,  to  act  against  Han- 
nibal in  Spain.     Scipio,  late  in  the  summer,  proceeded  to  Mas- 
silia  on  his  way  to  Spain.     Here  he  learned  that  Hannibal  had 
crossed  the  Ebro  and  the  Pyrenees.    On  advancing  up  the  Rhone 
to  the  spot  where  Hannibal  had  crossed,  he  learned  that  the 
Carthaginian  army  was  three  days  in  advance  of  him  on  its 
way  to  Rome.     When  he  heard  this,  he  sent  the  main  part  of 
his  force  under  his  brother  Gnaeus  into  Spain,  and  he  himself 
set  sail  with  a  few  men  for  Genoa  and  hastened  to  Cisalpine 
Gaul  to  take  command  of  the  troops  there  and  to  attack  Han- 
nibal immediately  on  his  arrival. 

7.  Hannibal's  Route. — Hannibal  advanced  up  the  river 
Isere  almost  to  the  foot  of  the  Little  St.  Bernard.     Here  he 
commenced  the  passage  of  the  Alps.     In  contests  with  the 
native  tribes  and  in  struggling  through  the  difficult  places  he 
lost  more  than  half  of  his  army  ;  when  he  at  length  emerged 
into  the  valley  of  the  Duria  and  descended  into  the  plains  of 
the  Po  his  first  care  was  to  recruit  his  exhausted  troops.    After 
a  few  days'  rest  he  turned  against  the  Taurinians,  who  had  re- 
jected his  offers  of  alliance,  and  in  three  days  took  their  capital 
(Turin)  and  annihilated  their  army.    The  other  tribes  submitted. 


136 


'I  UK    SECOND    PUNIC    WAK. 


ROUTE  OP  HANNIBAL 


}rlanHn-:  •  VW.  Genevre 
f^ 


8.  Skirmish  on  the  Ticinus. — The  Romans  had  no  suit- 
able army  in  northern  Italy1  to  oppose  the  progress  of  Hanni- 
bal.    The  recent  insurrection  of  the  Gauls,  on  account  of  the 
founding  of  Placentia  and  Cremona,  had  caused  the  Romans 
to  leave  some  troops  there.    The  consul  Scipio  took  command  of 
this  force,  and,  utterly  ignorant  of  the  quality  of  Hannibal's 
army  and  of  his  genius  as  a  commander,  hastened  to  meet  him. 
He  advanced  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Po.  across  the  Ticimis, 
where  he  fell  in  with  a  part  of  Hannibal's  cavalry.    The  Roman 
cavalry  was   repulsed   and    Scipio   himself  severely  wounded. 
Unwilling  to  come  to  a  regular  engagement,  on  account  of  the 
superiority  of  the  Numidian  cavalry,  Scipio  hastened  across  the 
Po  to  Placentia.     Having  occupied  a  strong  position  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Trebia,  he  waited  until  his  colleague  arrived  from 
Sicily. 

9.  The  Battle  of  the  Trebia  (B.C.  218).  —  Sempronius 


1  See  map,  p.  2. 


B.C.  2K.J  THE  SECOND   PUNIC   WAR.  137 

had  already  sent  his  troops  to  Ariminum,1  and  thence  he 
marched  to  the  Trebia  where  he  effected  a  junction  with  Scipio. 
The  combined  armies 2  were  superior  to  Hannibal's,  and  Sem- 
pronius  was  eager  for  battle.  Hannibal  succeeded  in  drawing 
the  Roman  army  across  the  river,  already  swollen  by  the  recent 
rains,  and  in  delivering  battle  on  a  field  chosen  by  himself.  It 
was  towards  midwinter  (December),  and  the  day  was  cold,  and 
sleet  and  snow  filled  the  air.  The  battle  was  decisive.  The  Ro- 
mans were  completely  defeated  and  thousands  perished  on  the 
retreat,  in  the  river  and  by  the  cold.  The  remains  of  the  army 
took  refuge  within  the  walls  of  Placentia.  The  wavering  Gauls 
joined  the  Carthaginian  standard  and  were  eager  for  the  plun- 
der of  Italy. 

10.  Battle  of  Lake  Trasimenus  (B.  c.  217).— The  Ro- 
mans made  great  preparations  for  the  next  campaign.  Four 
new  legions  were  raised,  and  provisions  and  supplies  were  sent 
to  the  north.  One  of  the  new  consuls  On.  Servilius,  proceeded 
to  Ariminum  with  two  legions,  and  the  other,  G.  Flaminius, 
the  leader  of  the  popular  party  and  a  man  of  great  energy,  to 
Arretium.  It  was  the  same  Flaminius  who  was  the  author  of 
the  Agrarian  law  that  occasioned  the  Gallic  war.  Of  no  great 
military  ability,  he  had  been  raised  to  the  consulship  by  popu- 
lar favor,  in  opposition  to  the  aristocratic  party.  After  his 
election  he  hurried  from  Rome,  lest  under  pretext  of  some  bad 
omen  his  election  should  be  annulled.3  As  soon  as  the  season 
permitted,  Hannibal  crossed  the  Apennines,4  and  after  great 
difficulty  and  tremendous  loss  in  the  low  ground  along  the 
Arno,  reached  the  Upper  Amo,  and  then  proceeded  southward 
past  the  camp  of  the  consul  at  Arretium  towards  Perusia. 
Flaminius  followed  the  Carthaginian  army  beyond  Cortona  as 
far  as  Lake  Trasimenus,5  where  Hannibal  awaited  the  consul's 
approach  in  a  narrow  defile,6  his  army  occupying  the  heights. 

1  According  to  Livy,  xvi.  51.  *  Numbered  40,000. 

3  Liry,  xxi.  63.  It  \vas  customary  for  the  newly  elected  consul,  before  departing  for 
hi'-  province,  clad  in  his  purple-bordered  toga,  to  o'ffer  prayer  to  Jupiter  Capitolinus.  per- 
form certain  sacrifice-,  and  raperintend  the  celebration  of  the  Latin  festival  on  the  Alban 
Mount.  The-^e  formalities  Flaminius  disregarded  and  left  Rome  at  once. 

*  By  the  Pontremoll  pass  from  Parma  to  Lucca. 

•  IMQO  fli  Perugia  •  see  colored  map.  p.  4. 

°  According  to'Nissen,  near  the  village  of  Tuoro. 


138  T1IK    SKCONI)    1MNI<      \\.\H.  |  U.  <  .  '.'1  ? 

The  Roman  column  advanced  without  hesitation  into  <:n- delile. 
the  thick  mist  concealing  the  position  of  the  enemy.  The  rear- 
guard had  just  entered  when  Hannibal  gave  the  signal  for 
battle.  The  Romans,  attacked  by  invisible  enemies,  encum- 
bered by  their  baggage,  with  no  time  to  form  their  line  of 
battle,  were  cut  down  on  every  side.1 

11.  Hannibal's  Treatment  of  his  Prisoners. — Hannibal 
treated  the  prisoners  the  same  as  after  the  battle  of  Trebia. 
The  Roman  allies  were  dismissed  without  ransom,  with  the 
assurance  that  Hannibal  waged  war  against  Rome  only.     Hy 
this  means  he  hoped  to  shake  the  adhesion  of  the  Italians,  and 
to  represent  himself,  not  as  an  invader,  b'.vfc  as  one  come  to  free 
them  from  the  Roman  yoke.     All  Etruria  was  lost  to  the   l!o- 
mans,  and  the  road  to  Rome  was  open.     The  senate,  however. 
did  not  despair.     Measures  were  taken   for  the  defence  of  the 
capital ;   the  bridges  over  the  Tiber  were  broken  down  ;  arms 
were  distributed,  Servilius  was  summoned  to  Rome,  and  Quin- 
tus  Fabius  Maximus  was  appointed  dictator.2 

12.  Flans  of  Hannibal.  —  Hannibal  did  not  march  to 
Rome  as  was  expected,  but  turned  aside  across  the  Apennines 
through  Umbria  and  Picenum  to  the  Adriatic,  and  then  con- 
tinued his  march  to  the  southward,  hoping  that  the  Italians 
would  join  his   standard.     Their  fidelity  to   Rome  remained 
unshaken  ;  not  a  town  opened  its  gates. 

13.  The  Policy  of  Fabius.  —  Four   new  legions  were 
raised,  and  Fabius  determined  not  to  risk  a  battle,  but  revive 
i  he  cuurage  of  his  army  and  accustom  his  soldiers  to  war.     He 
marched   through  Samnium  into  Apulia  and  encamped  near 
Hannibal.     The  latter  tried  to  force  him  to  an  engagement. 
but  nothing  could  induce  him  to  change  his  cautions  strategy. 
Hannibal  marched   past   him.  crossed  the  Apennines  into  the 
Campaman  plain,  the  garden  of  Italy,  and  then  to  Capua. 
After  the  battle  at  Lake   Trasimenus  he  had  released   three 
Capuan  knights  who  promised  him  their  assistance.     Capua, 

1  Fifteen  thousand  were  killed  and  an  equal  number  taken  prisoners.  Hannibal  lost 
only  fifteen  hundred.  The  battle  \va<  fought  the  last  of  April. 

r-  Constitutionally  one  of  the  consuls  must  nominate  a  dictator ;  in  this  case  it  was 
Impossible,  so  the  people  elected  a  pro-dictator. 


B.C.  x51?.j  THK    SECOND    PUNIC    WAR.  139 

however,  remained  faithful,  and  Hannibal  continued  to  lay 
the  country  waste  far  and  wide,  and,  after  collecting  his  plun- 
der, set  out  to  retrace  his  steps  to  Apulia.  Fabius  had  all 
this  time  followed  on  his  track,  and  from  a  secure  position 
on  the  mountains  had  watched  the  ravages  of  Hannibal.  Fa- 
bius attempted  to  occupy  a  pass  and  thus  obstruct  the  retreat 
of  Hannibal,  loaded  as  he  was  with  prisoners  and  plunder,  to 
Apulia.  Hannibal,  instead  of  retracing  his  steps  and  taking 
another  road,  eluded  the  vigilance  of  Fabius  by  a  stratagem. 
He  ordered  his  light-armed  troops  to  drive,  in  the  night,  a 
number  of  oxen  with  fagots  tied  to  their  horns,  to  the  summit 
of  the  hill.  The  Eomans  in  the  pass,  thinking  that  the  Car- 
thaginians were  crossing  the  hills  in  that  direction,  left  the 
pass  and  hastened  to  the  same  heights.  This  left  the  defile 1 
open  for  Hannibal  and  he  continued  his  march  with  all  his 
plunder,  unmolested,  to  Geranium,  where  he  encamped,  dis- 
patching a  part  of  his  army  to  collect  supplies,  while  the  re- 
mainder watched  Fabius. 

14.  Dissatisfaction  with  Fabius. — The  inactivity  of  the 
dictator  occasioned  great  dissatisfaction  at  Rome.   A  temporary 
success  of  Minucius,  the  master  of  the  horse,  caused  the  storm 
of  indignation  to  break  forth.    In  the  assembly  of  tribes  it  was 
proposed  to  divide  the  command  between  Fabius  and  Minu- 
cius.    The  latter,  eager  for  battle,  soon  engaged   the  enemy. 
The  army  of  Minucius  would  have  been  annihilated  had  not 
Fabius  come  to  his  assistance.     Minucius  acknowledged  his 
error  and  resumed  his  former  position.     Hannibal  took  up  his 
winter  quarters  at  Geronium. 

The  cautious  firmness  of  Fabius  the  Cunctator,  or  the  De- 
layer, had  saved  the  state,  and  the  crown  of  grass,2  the  highest 
military  distinction,  was  awarded  him  by  the  senate. 

15.  Roman  Firmness. — During  the  winter  the  Eomans 
made  great  preparations.     As  yet  all  the  allies  remained  faith- 
ful.    The  Greek  cities  sent  presents  and  Hiero  sent  supplies 

1  The  location  of  thin  defile  has  not  been  satisfactorily  ascertained ;  for  Livy's  account 
see  book  xxii.  10. 

-   Corona  'jraminea. 


140 


TIIK  M-;roNi>  i-rsic  WAU. 


[H.C.  v! 


and  troops.  The  senate  remained  calm  and  firm,  and  even  re- 
minded the  Illyrians  to  pay  their  tribute,  and  ambassadors  were 
sent  to  the  king  of  Macedonia  to  demand  the  surrender  of  De- 
metrius of  Pharos,  who  had  taken  refuge  with  him.  The  peo- 
ple, however,  were  impatient.  The  burdens  of  war  pressed 
heavily.  By  the  defeat  of  Flaminius,  the  nobility  had  gainr<l 
the  upper  hand,  and  Fabius,  as  dictator,  was  to  restore  their 
ascendency.  The  popular  party  made  violent  opposition.  As  the 
elections  approached,  party  spirit  ran  high.  The  popular  candi- 
date, G.  Terentius  Varro,  was  elected,  with  Lucius  vEmilius  Paul- 
lus,1  a  man  of  experience  and  military  ability,  as  his  colleague. 
16.  Battle  of  Cannae  (B.C.  216).  —  Hannibal  had  re- 
mained at  Geronium  until  late  in  the  spring,  and  then  taken 
up  a  position  at  Cannae,  on  the  south  of  the  river  Aufidus.2 
The  Roman  army  3  arrived  at  Cannae  about  the  middle  of  June 
(B.  c.  216),  and  pitched  two  camps,  the  larger  on  the  right  and 
the  smaller  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Aufidus.  In  the  bend  of 


1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

M.  JSimius  PAUU.US, 
cos.  B.  c.  302. 


M.  ^EMILIUS  PACJLLOS, 
cos.  B.  c.  255. 


L.  JiMiLius  PAULLCS, 

cos.  B.  c.  219,  210. 

Fell  at  Caiinae. 


L.  /EMILII-S  PAULLUS  MACEDONICCS, 

cos.  B.C.  is-.1.  li.S:  tlii'd  n  c.  KiO. 

m.  PAPIRIA,  daughter  of  PAPIKIUS  MASO, 

co-.  B.C.  231. 


./EMILIA,  m.  P.  CORNELIUS  Scmo 
AFKICANUS  major. 


Eider  son.  adopted 
by  Q.  FABIUS  MAX- 
nti's  ^EMILIAST-. 


in.  Q. 
BEI:O. 


PlUMA 

To- 


Younger  «on,  adopt- 
ed by  P.  COI:M  i.it  s 
Snrio,  the  son  of 

Sell-Ill  AFBICAXfS 

maj(/r,  became  P.  COR- 
NELIUS SCIPIO  AFRI- 
CANUS  minor  (see  D. 
170). 

'  II1<  army  numbered  40.000  foot  and  10.000  horse. 

"  The  army  numbered  nearly  90,000  ;  NI.OOO  foot  and  6,000  horse. 


^EsirLiA  SECUNDA 
m.  M.  POBCIUS 
C'ATO,  the  son  of 
M.  PORCIUS  CATO, 
the  censor. 


THE  SECOND   PUNIC    WAR. 


141 


PLAN  OF 


the  river  on  the  left  bank  Varro  selected  the  battle-field.  Leav- 
ing ten  thousand  men  in  the  larger  camp,  he  drew  up  his  army, 
the  legions  in  the  middle  in  files  of  twice  their  usual  depth,  and 
the  cavalry  on  the  wings, 
with  the  right  resting  on 
the  river.  The  Roman 
cavalry  on  the  right,  com- 
posed of  the  sons  of  the 
noblest  families,  was  com- 
manded by  Paullus,  and 
the  cavalry  of  the  allies  on 
the  left  by  Varro.  Cn. 
Servilius,  the  consul  of  Ihe 
preceding  year,  and  Minu- 
cius  led  the  legions  in  the 
centre.  Hannibal  drew  up 
his  infantry  in  the  centre 
in  a  semicircle  and  placed 

on  the  left  wing  the  Spanish  and  Gallic  cavalry  under  Hasdru- 
bal,  and  the  light  Xumidian  horse  on  the  right  under  Hanno. 
The  battle  commenced  almost  simultaneously  along  the  whole 
line.  The  onset  of  the  Carthaginian  cavalry  was  irresistible. 


A ,  first  camp  of  Ihe  Romans. 

B,  urcnnd  or  larger  cnnij). 

C,  the  smaller  camp. 
D,rnmp  of  Hannibal. 

E,  scrti.' of  the  battle. 

F,  town  or  ritadol  of  Cannee. 

G,  Cannsium. 

H,  Bridge  of  Caniistam. 


.Aemlllus 
A 


THE  ORDER  OF  BATTLE 

The   Proconsul 


Varro 


t  11          m  I 

H-.xlrubal  Hannibal  Hanno1 

A  A,  the  right  and  left  wing ;  I  and  k,  the  cavalry ;  g  h,  the  light  armed  troops  before 
the  line  ;  abc,  the  columns  of  infantry  ;  on  the  side  of  the  Carthaginians,  q  q,  the  posi 
tion  of  the  Balearic  ^lingers,  archers,  &c.;  p  m  and  n  u,  the  cavalry  on  the  win^s;  II 
the  infantry  ;  o,  the  centre,  the. columns  of  infantry. 

The  battle  all  along  the  line  was  terrible.  The  legions,  en- 
gaged in  front  and  attacked  by  the  cavalry  of  Hasdrubal  in 
the  rear,  were  crowded  upon  each  other  and  surrounded  on  all 
sides.  Flight  was  impossible.  !No  quarter  was  given.  Seventy 


1  Livy  (xxil  46)  makes  Maharbal  command  the  right ,  see  Polybius  iii.  114,  §?. 


142  THE    SECOND    PUNIC    \VAK.  [l5.  C.  216. 

thousand  Romans  strewed  the  field  of  battle.1  Hannibal  lost 
only  six  thousand  in  all.  Paul  his.  tin-  two  consuls  of  the  pre- 
ceding year,  Minucius,  about  eighty  senators,  and  many  of  the 
knights  were  among  the  slain.  Varro  escaped  with  a  few 
horsemen  to  Venusia. 

17.  The  Spirit  of  the  People. — When  the  news  of  this 
battle  reached  Rome,  the  people  thought  that  the  last  day  of 
the  republic  had  come.     The  remnant  of  the  senate  met  and 
sought  with  calmness  to  restore  the  public  confidence.     Tarty 
strife  was  hushed  before  the  common  danger.     The  old  Roman 
pride  and  stubbornness  saved  the  commonwealth.     Hannibal 
lias  been  censured  because  he  did  not  march  after  the  victory, 
as  Maharbal,  the  commander  of  the  Xumidian  cavalry,  urged, 
directly  upon  Rome.     "  If,"  said  this  officer,  "  you  will  let  me 
lead  the  cavalry,  within  five  days  you  shall  dine  in  the  capitol." 

18.  Position   of  Hannibal   in  Italy. — Hannibal  knew 
the  Roman  people  better.     He  sent  a  commission  to  Rome  to 
treat  for  exchange  of  prisoners  and  to  open  negotiations  of 
peace.    No  one  in  Rome  thought  of  peace.     The  messengers 
were  not  allowed  to  enter  the  city.     Hannibal  proceeded  to 
Campania  and  sought  to  obtain  in  the  conquest  of  some  forti- 
fied town  a  new  base  of  operation.     He  also  hoped  that  now, 
at  last,  the  Roman  allies  would  join  him.    In  this  he  was  disap- 
pointed.    The  Roman  and  Latin  colonies,  the  Greek  cities,  and 
the  vast  majority  of  Italian  subjects  remained  faithful.     In 
southern  Italy  a  few  tribes  showed  a  willingness  to  revolt  from 
Rome.2   Capua  and  a  few  other  walled  towns  Ml  into  his  hands. 
Hannibal  sent  Mago  to  Cart  hap*  with  the  report  of  his  last 
great  victory,  while  he  himself  took  up  his  winter  quarters  in. 
Capua.     It  has  been  said  that  his  brave  warriors  became  effemi- 
nate in  this  luxurious  city,  and  lost  their  love  of  war ;  in  reality, 
however,  Hannibal's  superiority  in  the  field  remained  as  decided 
as  ever.     Henceforth  the  war  was  spread  over  a  greater  space. 


the  camps,  a  total  loss*  of  71,100.  folyDlua  (in.  HTI  placer-  tne  loss  ui^ner,  or  aoout  s«.suu 
in  all  :  the  battle  took  place  An<ni-t  \^t.  or,  according  to  the  corrected  calendar,  in  Ju::e. 
-  The  Lnoav.ians  Apnlians,  Bruttians,  Caudmians,  and  Hirpinians. 


B.C.  218.] 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC  WAR. 


143 


Difficulties  began  to  multiply  around  his  path.  The  series  of 
givat  victories  had  culminated  in  Cannae,  and  it  became  yearly 
more  evident  that  the  resources  of  Eome  were  superior  to  those 
of  Carthage. 

19.  The  War  in  Spain  (B.  c.  218). — Publius  Scipio,1  when 
he  returned  from  Massilia*  to  northern  Italy,  sent  his  brother 
Gnffius  to  Spain  with  a  large  part  of  the  consular  army.  He 
acted  with  energy,  and  defeated  Hanno  both  by  sea  and  land, 
and  acquired  possession  of  most  of  the  country  from  the 
Pyrenees  to  the  Ebro.  Meanwhile  Publius  himself  had  been 
sent  to  Spain  with  an  army  of  eight,  thousand  men  and  with 
thirty  ships  (B.  c.  218).  Even  after  the  battle  at  Lake  Trasi- 
menus,  reinforcements  were  sent  to  Spain,  the  senate  regarding 
it  as  important  that  the  war  should  be  waged  there  in  order 
that  no  considerable  force  could  be  sent  to  Hannibal  in  Italy. 
The  two  brothers  carried  on  the  war  with  vigor.  They  availed 
themselves  of  the  discontent  among  the  different  tribes  to  in- 


1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 
L.  SCIPIO,  cos.  B.  c.  259. 


P.  SCIPIO,  CN.  SCIPIO  CALVUS,  L.  SCIPIO. 

cos.  B.C.  218.  cos.  B. c.  222. 

Killed  in  Spain,  B.  c.  211.     Killed  in  Spain,  B.  c.  211.    CN.  SCIPIO  HISPAILUS, 

cos.  B.  c.  171. 

| 

CN.  SCIPIO  HISPALLUS, 
praet.  B.  c.  139. 

I 
CN.  SCIPIO  HispALLua 


P.  SCIPIO  AFRICANUS  major, 
cos.  B.  c.  205,  194,  m.  ^EMILIA. 


L.  SCIPIO  ASIATICUS, 
cos.  B.  c.  190. 


P.  SCIPIO 
AFRICANUS. 


L.  SCIPIO 
AFKICANUS. 


CORNELIA, 
in.    P.    SCIPIO 
NASICA    COE- 
CULUM. 


P.  SCIPIO  .<EMILIANUS  AFRICANUS 
minor  (son  of  L.  ^EMILIUS  PAULLUS  and 
adopted  by  P.  SCIPIO  AFRICANUS),  cos. 
B.  c.  147,  134,   married  SEMPRONIA,   the 
sister  of  the  GRACCHI  (see  p.  202). 


CORNELIA, 
m.  TIB.  GRAC- 
CHUS. 


L.  SCIPIO  ASIATICUS, 
s.  B.  c.  167. 


L.  SCIPIO  ASIATICUS. 


L.  SCIPIO  ASIATICUS, 
cos.  B.  c.  83. 


*  See  Map  No.  5. 


144  HIE   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR.  [B.C.  '-.'I.') 

duce  them  to  throw  off  the  dominion  of  Carthage.  When 
Mago  laid  the  news  of  Hannibal's  great  victories  before  the 
Carthaginian  senators,  they  resolved  to  raise,  for  his  assistance. 
twenty  thousand  infantry  and  four  thousand  cavalry  in  Spain. 
This  the  Scipios  determined  to  prevent;  they  crossed  the  Kbro 
and  inflicted  so  severe  a  blow  on  Hasdrubal  in  the  battle  of 
Ibera1  that  he  was  obliged  to  delay  his  plan  of  sending  rein- 
forcements to  Hannibal.  The  results  of  this  victory  probably 
saved  the  Roman  government ;  it  decided  the  wavering  Spanish 
tribes  in  favor  of  Rome  and  prevented  the  Carthaginians  from 
sending  another  army  to. reinforce  Hannibal  when  lie  was  in 
the  full  tide  of  success. 


CHA3TPKR  XXIII. 

THE  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR. — SI-X-OND  PERIOD  (B.  C.  21(>-2<>7). 
SIEGE  OF  SYRACUSE  (B.  C.  214-212). — WAR  IN  SPAIN 
(B.  C.  215-206). 

1.  Measures  for  Carrying  on  the  War. —  During  the 
winter,  while  Hannibal  was  carrying  on  negotiations  with  the 
king  of  Macedonia  and  waiting  for  the  co-operation  of  the 
Italians,  Rome  strained  every  nerve  to  raise  a  new  army.  All 
men  of  military  age  were  called  out.  Prisoners  and  slaves  were 
enrolled,  and  the  whole  city  resounded  with  the  preparations 
of  war.  Twenty-one  legions  were  placed  in  the  field2  and  a 
fleet  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  vessels  was  built.  The  year 
(B.C.  215)  passed  away  without  any  decisive  events.  As  no 
great  accession  of  force  came,  Hannibal,  having  to  protect 
Capua  and  southern  Italy,  acted  on  the  defensive.  Hasdru- 
bal was  detained  in  Spain  ;  Philip,  the  king  of  Macedonia, 

1  The  location  of  this  town  is  unknown. 

'  Eight  to  keep  Hannibal  in  check,  three  in  the  north  against  the  Gauls,  one  at  Brun- 
disium  to  act  against  the  king  of  Macedonia,  two  to  guard  Rome,  two  in  Sardinia,  two 
in  Sicily,  and  three  in  Spain,  amounting  in  all  to  nearly  200,000  men. 


B.  C.  214.  J  THE  SECOND   PUNIC  WAB.  145 

did  not  make  the  expected  attack.  Hannibal  was  also  foiled 
in  his  attempt  to  get  possession  of  Neapolis,  Tarentum,  and 
Puteoli. 

2.  War  in  Sicily  (B.C.  214-210). — Meanwhile  events  were 
occurring  in  Sicily  that  revived  the  hopes  of  Hannibal.     Hiero, 
the  faithful  ally  of  Rome  for  nearly  fifty  years,  died  and  his 
grandson,  Hieronymus,  a  boy  of  fifteen,  succeeded  him.     The 
new   king  immediately  opened  negotiations  with   Carthage. 
Hannibal,  in  order  to  encourage  him,  sent  two  of  his  own 
officers,  Hippocrates  and  Epicydes,  to  Syracuse,  to  act  as  nego- 
tiators.    The  king,  however,  was  assassinated  after  a  reign 
of  a  few  months,  and  the  Roman  party  in  Syracuse  gained 
the  ascendency.      Hannibal's  envoys  had  to  leave  the  city. 
They  took  refuge  with  the  people  of  Leontmi  and  urged  them 
to  assert  their  independence  of  Syracuse,  and  finally  incited 
them  to  attack  a  military  post  of  the  Romans.    Marcellus,  the 
Roman  praetor,  without  waiting  for  the  co-operation  of  Syra- 
cuse, marched  against  Leontini,  took  the  city  by  storm,  and 
although  he  spared  the  inhabitants,  inflicted  severe  punishment 
on  the  Roman  deserters  that  he  found  in  the  garrison.     Thia 
act  of  brutality  alienated  the  Syracusan  soldiers  and  they  joined 
Hippocrates  and  Epicydes.    The  gates  of  Syracuse  were  opened 
and  the  Carthaginian  party  had  undisputed  possession  of  the 
city.     Marcellus  appeared  before  Syracuse  with  a  large  army, 
and,  failing  to  take  it  by  storm,  proceeded  to  lay  siege  to  the 
city.     On  the  land  side  the  usual  modes   of  attack1  were 
directed  against  the  walls,  while  sixty  Roman  vessels,  carrying 
wooden  towers  and  battering-rams,  attacked   from  the  sea. 
These  were  driven  back,  and  all  efforts  to  capture  the  city 
were  rendered  unavailing  by  the  skill  of  Archimedes.2    Marcel 
lus  was  compelled  to  turn  the  siege  into  a  blockade. 

3.  The    Fall    and    Sack    of   Syracuse.3— This    delay 

1  See  page  380  ff. 

5  Many  stones  are  told  of  the  wonderful  and  cnrions  engines  of  war  constructed  by 
Archimedes.  It  is  said  that  the  ships  of  the  Romans  were  seized  by  iron  hooks,  partly 
raised  from  the  water,  and  iheu  dashed  back  to  the  dismay  of  the  crews.  Tb3  storv 
that  Archimedes  fired  the  Roman  vessels  by  wonderful  reflecting  mirrors  is  probably 
a  fiction,  since  neither  Polybins  nor  Livy  mention  it. 

5  The  siege  of  Syracuse  beg-au  probably  near  the  end  of  the  year  B.  c.  214,  uutl  thu  io\vu 


146 


THE  SECOND   PUNIC  WAR.  [B.  C.  212. 


gave  the  Carthaginians  time  to  send  reinforcements  to  Syracuse, 
Landing  at  Heraclea,  they  soon  made  themselves  masters  of 
Agngentum.  The  position  of  Marcellus  was  becoming  critical 
when  an  unexpected  attack  on  a  part  of  the  walls,  left  unguard- 
ed during  a  festival,  made  him  master  of  the  Epipolae  with  the 
quarters  of  Neapolis  and  Tycha.  This  was  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs when  the  C'ai 
tliaginiau  army  ad- 
vanced to  the  relief 
of  the  city.  The 
Roman  army  man- 
aged to  keep  its  posi- 
tion. As  summer 
approached  a  deadly 
di>caso  broke  out 
among  the  ( 'art  had- 
nian  army  which  was 
encamped  on  the  low 
ground  by  the  river 
Anapus.  After  a 
great  part  of  the 
men  and  officers 
had  died  the  remain- 
der dispersed.  In 
the  meantime  another  revolution  took  place  in  Syracuse  ;  still 
Marcellus  did  not  attempt  to  take  the  city  by  storm  until  a 
Spanish  officer, commanding  on  the  side  of  Ortygia,  opened  the 
gate.  The  next  day  the  army,  after  a  siege  of  two  years,  cntnvd. 
Marcellus  promised  to  spare  the  lives  of  the  inhabitants,  although 
the  city  itself  was  given  up  to  plunder.  Archimedes  was  slain, 
because  he  was  too  intent  upon  a  mathematical  problem  to  an- 
swer the  question  of  a  plundering  soldier.1  The  numerous 
works  of  art  which  during  so  many  centuries  had  been  collected 


was  stormed  in  B.  c.  218.  Livv,  however.  a«iim»  the  storming  of  the  town  to  the  year 
B.  c.  214  ;  i-eo  Weir-enhoru'.-  (Li\y  xxiv.  30)  note.  The  text  of  Polybin-  is  probably  cor- 
rupt :  he  says  (viii.  9.  §6)  that  the  siege  lasted  only  eight  mouths.  The  town  was  taken 
ill  the  full  of  B.  c.  212. 

•  Archimedes  called  to  the  soldier  in  the  well  known  words  noli  liirbare  circulos  meos. 


B,  C.  212.]  THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAIL  14? 

were  sent  to  Rome.1  The  fall  of  Syracuse  gave  the  Romans  the 
upper-hand  in  Sicily;  still  Hannibal's  cavalry  general,  Matines, 
prolonged  the  war  for  two  years.  After  Agrigentum  fell,  and 
the  leaders  were  beheaded,  the  inhabitants  sold  as  slaves,  and 
the  town  sacked,  the  other  towns  submitted,  and  all  resistance 
in  Sicily  to  Roman  rule  was  at  an  end. 

4.  War  in  Spain  (B.  c.  215-206). — After  the  successful- 
campaign  of  the  two  Scipios  in  Spain,  in  B.C.  215,  the  Romans 
continued  the  wur,  and  overran  the  Carthaginian  possessions. 
The  Ebro  was  crossed,  Saguntum  was  taken,  and  preparations 
wire  made  for  an  attack:  on  Africa.  Syphax,  a  Numidian 
chief,  was  won  over  to  their  side.  The  Libyans  began  to 
desert  Carthage  in  such  numbers  that  Hasdrubal  was  recalled 
from  Spain.  He  secured  the  alliance  of  another  Xumidian 
prince,  Gula,8  whose  son,  Masinissa,  only  seventeen  years  old, 
;i  his  long  career,  which  was  destined  in  the  end  to  be  so 
fatal  to  the  Cart li agin ians.  Syphax  was  defeated  and  Hasdrubal 
was  able  to  return  to  Spain  with  large  reinforcements  (B.C.  212). 
Finding  that  the  Romans  had  divided  their  forces,  Hasdrubal 
attacked  each  army  in  succession,  and  so  thoroughly  routed 
them  that  but  few  escaped,  and  the  two  Scipios  were  slain. 
Xearly  all  Spain  was  lost  to  the  Romans.  The  efforts  of  Rome 

•/ 

!o  prevent  the  invasion  of  Italy  from  Spain  had  ended  dis- 
astrously, and  nothing  seemed  able  to  check  the  Carthaginian 
general  if  he  intended  to  attack  Italy  from  this  quarter.  The 
senate,  however,  resolved  to  make  one  more  effort3  and  to 
entrust  the  command  to  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,4  then  only 
twenty-seven  years  of  age,  who  had  only  been  aedile,  and  there- 
fore never  invested5  with  any  office  to  which  the  imperiwn 
was  attached.  In  the  autumn  of  B.  c.  210  he  set  out.  on  his 
hazardous  mission. 

1  Tlii *  was  not  the  fir-t  instance  of  a  practice  that  afterwards  became  so  general. 
Tareiitiun  and  Vol.-inii,  on  their  eapiure.  hud  been  plundered.  These  works  of  art  from 
Syracuse  were  *o  much  more  numerous  and  valuable  than  any  before  taken  that  tradition 
(Liv.  xxv.  4(1)  assigns  the  lieu'lnnint:  of  tl.e  custom  to  Marcelhii-. 

"  King  of  the  Massyliaruj.  •'  They  sent  11.000  men. 

4  Livy  (xxvi.  18)  relates  that  when  no  one  came  forward  to  take  the  command  in 
Spain,  Scipio  declared  his  willingness  to  assume  the  dangerous  post,  and  inspired  the 
people  with  confidence  and  courage. 

5  See  p.  50. 


148  THE    SECOND    I' I  'NIC    \VAIi.  [  H.  c.   214. 

5.  The   Success   of  Scipio. — Landing  at  Emporiae*  he 
took  up  his  winter  quarters  in  Tarraco,  where,  with  the  utmost 
secresy,1  he  prepared  for  the  coming  campaign.    Fortune  favored 
him  from  the  first.     Learning  that  the  three  Carthaginian  ar- 
mies2 were  a  long  distance  from  New  Carthage,  in  the  early 
spring  of  207  B.C.  he  appeared  unexpectedly  before  this  city, 
which,   after  a  short  siege,  fell  into  his  hands,  with  all  it.-' 
stores,  engines,  and  materials  for  war.    Scipio,  following  up  this 
success,  attacked  Hasdrubal  at  Bnecula  in  Andalusia.     The  re- 
sults,3 however,  were  so  far  favorable  to  Hasdrubal  that  he  was 
able  to  carry  into  execution  his  long-delayed  plan  of  reinforcing 
his  brother  in  Italy.   His  departure  left  Spain  an  easy  conquest  for 
Scipio.     In  the  year  B.  c.  206,  Scipio,  marching  southward.  UK  t 
a  second  time  the  Carthaginian  army  under  another  Hasdruba!. 
the  son  of  Gisgo,  at  Baecula,4  and  totally  defeated  it.     The  Span- 
ish levies  fell  off,  and  Hasdrubal  escaped  almost  alone  to  Gades, 
the  only  place  in  Spain  left  in  the  hands  of  the  Carthaginians. 

6.  Scipio's    Interview   -with    Syphax. —  This    decided 
victory  not  only  caused  the  spirit  of  disaffection  to  spread 
among  the  Spanish  tribes,  but  even  among  the  African  troops. 
Masinissa,  the  brave  Numidian  prince  who  had  rendered  im- 
portant services  against  Syphax,  thinking  that  the  cause  of 
Carthage  was  lost,  and  fascinated  by  the  influence  of  Scipio, 
secretly  promised  aid   to   the  Eomans.     According  to  Livy, 
Scipio  crossed  to  Africa  with  only  two  quinqueremes  and  spent 
some  days  at  the  court  of  Syphax.  where  he  accidentally  met 
Hasdrubal,  the  son  of  Gisgo.5     During  his  absence  some  of  the 
Spanish  tribes  revolted,  and  a  body  of  eight  thousand  Romah 
soldiers,  who  complained  that  their  pay  had  been  withheld, 
mutinied.     This  rebellion  was  quickly  subdued,  and  before  the 

1  He  communicated  his  plans  to  his  friend  G.  Ltnlius  only,  the  father  of  theLsellu* 
Fhope  friendship  for  the  younger  Africanus,  Cicero  has  rendered  so  celebrated. 

3  Hasdrubal  Barca  was  in  Castile  :  Mairo  \va-  at  the  strait-  of  Gibraltar,  and  Ilasdru 
bal,  the  son  of  <ii-<_'»,  on  theT:e_ru-  with  an  army  of  •„'">. 000  infantry  and  2,500  cavalry. 

1  Livy  (xxvii.  18  f.t  a-s.-rts  that  lla-drubal  wu-  d'-leuteil  with  loss  of20,000men. 

•  Livy  (xxviii.  l:Ji  culls  the  place  aKo  Silpia.  which  is  probably  the  same  place 'hat 
Poly  bins  ixi.  20)  calls  llipa  (in  the  .MS.  Eli:  *  See  map,  p.  175. 

*  The  voyage  of  Scipio  to  Africa  anil  the  succession  of  events  for  the  year  B.  c.  206 
have  been  exposed  to  serious  doubts.    Weiswnborn  mote  to  Liry.  xxviij.  it;,  14)  assigns 
a  part  of  the  events  to  the  year  B.  c.  207.    The  mutiny  of  the  army  probably  took  place 
during  the  illness  of  Scipio. 


B.  C.  211.]  THE   SECOND    PUNIC    WAR.  149 

close  of  the  year  (B.  c.  206)  Gades  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Romans,  and  Spain  was  lost  to  the  Carthaginians. 

7.  The  War  in  Italy  (B.C.  214-203).— While  these  events 
were  going  on  in  Spain  and  Sicily,  Hannibal  made  no  real 
progress  in  Italy.     Two  years  of  indecisive  warfare  passed,  in 
which  Hannibal  tried  to  capture  Tarentum,  and  the  Romans 
to  recover  Capua.     In  the  year  B.  c.  212  Hannibal's  efforts  were 
jrowned  with  success,  and  Tarentum  was  betrayed  into  his 
hands.    This  enabled  him  to  turn  his  attention  to  Capua.     By 
a  brilliant  campaign  he  relieved  Capua,  and  scattered  the  Ro- 
man armies  in  southern  Italy.     Still  Roman  perseverance  held 
out.    There  was  no  thought  of  peace. 

8.  The  Siege  of  Capua. — The  next  year  (B.  c.  211),  the 
Roman  armies  marched  toward  the  doomed  town.     When  the 
news  reached  Hannibal,  he  appeared  once  more  on  the  ridge  of 
Mount  Tifata  and  made  an  attack  upon  the  Roman  line.    This 
time  the  Romans  were  too  numerous.     Compelled  to  give  up 
the  attempt  to  raise  the  blockade  of  Capua  by  a  direct  attack 
on  the  Roman  lines,  he  changed  his  plan,  and  marched  directly 
upon  Rome.    Plundering  the  country  as  he  advanced,  he  spread 
terror  and  dismay  everywhere  on  his  path.  At  his  approach,  the 
city,  although  well  garrisoned,  was  filled  with  alarm.  A  part  of 
the  army  was  recalled  from  Capua,  and  marching  directly  by 
the  Appian  road  reached  Rome  as  soon  as  Hannibal.    His  plan, 
however,  did  not  succeed;  the  siege  of  Capua  was  not  raised, 
and  the  Romans,  acting  strictly  on  the  defensive,  gave  no  op- 
portunity for  battle.    In  the  meantime  the  fate  of  Capua  was 
sealed.     All  the  leading  men  in  the  town  were  beheaded  ;  the 
people  were  sold  as  slaves.    Capua  could  no  longer  hope  to  rival 
Rome  ;  she  was  blotted  from  the  list  of  Italian  towns.     The 
right  of  local  self-government  was  withdrawn,  and  a  prefect 
was  annually  sent  from  Rome  to  govern  the  district 

9.  Movements  of  Hannibal.  —  The  conquest  of  Capua 
was  the  turning  point  in  the  war.     Hannibal  lost  his  strong- 
hold in  Campania  and  was  obliged  to  retire  to  the  southern 
part  of  Italy.     Rome  was  gaining  everywhere.    The  Italians 
who  had  joined  Hannibal  began  to  lose  confidence.  Salapiaaml 


150  THE   SECOND    PUNIC    WAR.  [B.  C.  209. 

many  towns  in  Samnium  were  betrayed  to  the  Romans.  But 
when  Fulvius,  the  proconsul  who  commanded  in  Apulia,  ap- 
peared before  Herdoneu,  which  he  hoped  to  gain  possession  of 
by  treachery,  Hannibal  marched  from  Bruttium.  attacked  the 
Roman  army,  and  gained  a  brilliant  victory.  In  the  following 
year1  the  Romans  recovered  several  places  in  Lucania  and  Brut- 
tium, and  Fabius  Haximus  crowned  his  long  military  career 
with  the  recapture  of  TaiMitum  (B.C.  209).  The  inhabitants 
were  sold  as  slaves  ;  the  town  was  plundered  and  the  works  of 
art  were  sent  to  Rome.  The  next  year  Marcellus,  for  the  fifth 
time  elected  to  the  consulship,  was  surprised  near  Venusia  and 
killed.  Hannibal  paid  suitable  honors  to  the  remains  of  his 
great  opponent.  This  defeat  taught  the  Romans  to  adhere  to 
their  old  plan  of  avoiding  pitched  battles,  and  to  limit  their 
operations  to  the  capture  of  the  places  that  had  been  lost.  In 
this  way  Hannibal,  although  nnconquered,  was  pushed  back 
into  narrower  and  narrower  limits. 

10.  Movements  of  Hasdrabal.— The  war  had  lasted  ten 
years,  yet  its  favorable  conclusion  seemed  far  off.  There  were 
increasing  symptoms  of  discontent  among  the  allies,  while  the 
news  from  Spain  left  little  doubt  that  the  long  prepared  expe- 
dition of  llasdrubal  over  the  Alps  to  join  his  brother  in 
Italy  was  at  last  to  be  realized.  Rome  strained  every  nerve  to 
meet  the  impending  danger.  The  number  of  legions  was  in- 
creased from  twenty-one  to  twenty-three.  The  preparations 
were  incomplete,  when  the  news  came  that  Hasdrubal  was 
crossing  the  Alps  by  the  same  route  which  his  brother  had 
taken  eleven  years  before.  The  consuls  for  the  new  year  were 
M.  Livius  Salinator  and  O.  Claudius  Xcro.  Hannibal,  at  the 
beginning  of  spring,  after  organizing  his  force  in  Bruttium, 
advanced  northward,  encountered  the  consul  Nero  at  Grumen- 

1  In  thi?  year  an  event  happened  that  showed  in  how  exhausted  a  condition  the  peo- 
ple were,  and  how  near  Hannibal  was  to  the  attainment  of  his  expectation— the  disaffec- 
tion of  the  Latin  towns.  When  the  cmi-nls  in  B.  c.  308  called  upon  the  Lalins  to  furnish 
more  men  and  money,  twelve  of  the  thirty  Latin  colonies  declared  that  their  resource* 
were  exhansted.  Tlins  far  Rome  had  been  saved  by  the  firm  adhe>ion  <)J  the  Larin 
''lit  now  the  fabric  seemed  on  the  point  of  crumbling  to  pieces.  All  depended  on 
the  action  of  the  other  eighteen  colonie-.  Fortunately  their  decision  wa-  favorable ; 
they  declared  that  they  were  willing  to  furnish  not  only  their  contingent  of  troops,  but 


even  n.circ 


B.  C.  2(rf.\  THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR.  151 

turn,  whence,  after  a  bloody  but  indecisive  battle,  he  continued 
his  march  to  Canushmi.  Here  he  waited  for  news  from  his 
brother.  The  expected  despatch  was  intercepted  by  Nero,  who 
formed  the  bold  resolution  of  joining  his  colleague  in  the  north, 
and  with  their  united  armies  crushing  Hasdrubal  while  Hanni- 
bal was  waiting  for  the  expected  despatch. 

Hasdrubal  had  appointed  a  rendezvous  with  his  brother  in 
Umbria,  whence  with  their  united  armies  they  were  both  to 
advance  on  Karma  and  Rome. 

11.  The  Battle  of  Metaurus  (B.C.  207).— Nero,  selecting 
from  his  army  seven  thousand  of  the  best  soldiers  and  one 
thousand  cavalry,  left  his  camp  so  quietly  that  Hannibal  knew 
nothing  of  his  departure.    Near  Sena  he  found  his  colleague 
Livius,  and  in  the  night  entered  his  camp  that  his  arrival 
might  not  be  known  to  the  Carthaginians.     Hasdrubal,  when 
he  heard  the  trumpet  sound  twice  from  the  Eoman  camp  and 
saAV  the  increased  numbers,  was  no  longer  ignorant  that  both 
consuls  were  in  front  of  him.    Thinking  that  his  brother  had 
been  defeated,  he  resolved  to  retire  across  the  Metaurus  and 
wait  for  accurate  information.    Missing  his  way,  wandering  up 
and  down  the  river  to  find  a  ford,  pursued  and  attacked  by  the 
Romans,  he  was  compelled  to  accept  battle.     Although  in  an 
unfavorable  position,  a  deep  river  in  his  rear,  his  troops  ex- 
hausted by  marching  all  night,  still  the  victory  long  hung  in 
suspense.     Hasdrubal  displayed  all   the  qualities  of  a  great 
general,  and  when  he  saw  that  all  was  lost,  he  plunged  into  the 
thickest  of  the  battle  and  was  slain.1     The  consul  returned  to 
Apulia  with  the  same  rapidity  with  which  he  had  come.     He 
announced  to  Hannibal  the  defeat  and  death  of  his  brother  by 
casting  Uasdrubal's  head  within  the  outposts  and  by  sending 
two  Carthaginian  captives  to  give  him  an  account  of  the  dis- 
astrous battle.    "  I  foresee  the  doom  of  Carthage,"  2  said  Han- 
nibal sadly,  when  he  recognized  the  bloody  head  of  his  brother. 

12.  Hannibal  Retreats  to  Bruttium. — This  battle  de- 

1  According  to  Livy  (xxvii.  491  the  Carthaginians  lost  56,000  killed  and  5,400  prisoners, 
and  the  Romans  only  8,000  ;  the  estimate  of  Polybins  (xi.  3)  seems  more  reasonable,  i.e. 
that  the  Carthaginians  lost  10,000,  and  the  Romans  2,000. 

"  Livy,  xxvii.  51. 


152  THE  SECOND   PUNIC   WAR.  [B.  C.  206. 

cided  the  war  in  Italy.  Hannibal  withdrew  his  garrisons  from 
the  towns  in  southern  Italy,  retired  to  the  peninsula  of  Brut- 
tium,  where  for  four  long  years,  in  that  wild  and  mountainous 
country,  with  unabated  courage  and  astounding  tenacity,  the 
dying  lion  clung  to  the  land  that  had  been  so  long  the  theatre 
of  his  glory. 


XXIV. 

SECOND  PUNIO  WAR— THE  TIIIKD  PERIOD  (B.  C.  206-201). 

1.  Scipio's  Expedition  to  Africa.— A  favorable  termi- 
nation of  the  war  seemed  near  at  hand.     The  time  had  come 
to  carry  into  execution  that  expedition  to  Africa  which  Sem- 
pronius  had  attempted  in  the  beginning  of  the  war.     Publius 
tSeipio,  on  his  return  from  Spain,  offered  himself  for  the  con- 
sulship and  was  unanimously  elected.     His  design  was  to  carry 
the  war  into  Africa  and  in  this  way  compel  Carthage  to  recall 
Hannibal.     The  senate,  headed  by  the  aged  Fabius  Maximus, 
was  not  favorable  to  his  plan.      The  people,  however,  were 
unanimous  that  the  conduct  of  the  war  must  be  entrusted  to 
Scipio,  and  that  it  must  be  finished  in  Africa.     The  senate 
finally  consented  that  he  should  cross  from  his   province  of 
Sicily  to  Africa,  but  they  voted  no  adequate  means  for  such  an 
expedition.     Scipio  called  for  volunteers.     The  whole  of  the 
year  B.C.  205  passed  away  before  he  completed  his  preparations. 

2.  Efforts  to  Help  Hannibal. — Meanwhile  the  Cartha- 
ginians made  one  last  effort  to  help  Hannibal.     Mago,  Hanni- 
bal's youngest  brother,  was  sent  to  Liguria  with  fourteen  thou- 
sand men  to  rouse  the  Ligurians  and  (lauls  to  renew  the  war 
on  Rome  ;   but  having  met  a  Roman  army  under  Quintilius 
Varus,  and  being  wounded  in  the  engagement  which  followed, 
his  movements  were  so  crippled  that  nothing  of  importance 
was  accomplished. 


B.C.  202.]  THE  SECOND   PUX1C    WAR.  153 

3.  War  in  Africa. — In  the  spring  of  B.  c.  204  Scipio  had 
completed  his  preparations.     He  embarked  his  army1  from 
Lilybaeum,  and  after  three  days  landed  at  the  Fair  Promontory* 
near  Utica.     After  laying  siege  to  Utica  all  summer,  he  was 
compelled  to  fall  back  and  entrench  himself  on  the  promontory. 
Masinissa  had  joined  him  immediately  on  his  arrival.     By  his 
advice  Scipio  planned  a  night  attack  on  Hasdrubal,  the  son  of 
Gisgo,  and  Syphax,  who  were   encamped  near  Utica.     This 
enterprise  was  completely  successful.     A  short  time  afterwards 
Hasdrubal  and  Syphax  were  again  defeated.     Syphax  fled  to 
Numidia,  where  he  was  followed  by  Lselius  and  Masinissa  and 
compelled  to  surrender.3 

4.  Efforts   for   Peace.  —  These  successes  convinced  the 
Carthaginians  that  with  the  existing  forces  the  Roman  invasion 
could  not  long  be  resisted.     Therefore  they  opened  negotiations 
for  peace  with  Scipio,  in  order  probably  to  gain  time  to  recall 
their  generals  from  Italy.     The  desire  of  Scipio  to  bring  the 
war  to  a  conclusion  induced  him  to  agree  upon  preliminaries  of 
peace,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Eoman  senate  and  people. 
Carthage  was  to  give  up  all  prisoners  and  deserters,  resign  all 
claim  to  Spain  and  the  islands  between  Africa  and  Italy,  recall 
Hannibal  and  Mago  from  Italy,  acknowledge  Masinissa  as  king 
of  Kumidia,  deliver  up  her  ships-of-war  except  twenty,  and 
pay  five  thousand  talents  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war. 
According  to  the  conditions  of  the  armistice,  Hannibal  and 
Mago  were  recalled  from  Italy,  and  the  Roman  prisoners  were 
released  in  expectation  that  the  conditions  of  peace  would  be 
accepted.    When  the  Carthaginian  ambassadors  appeared  before 
the  senate  they  were  dismissed  almost  without  an  answer,  be- 
cause the  capture  of  Syphax  had  convinced  this  body  that  Car- 
thage, deprived  of  her  most  powerful  ally,  would  not  be  able  to 
continue  the  war.      Meanwhile    the    arrival    of  Hannibal   at 
Hadrumetum  had  so  encouraged  the  Carthaginians  that  the 
armistice  had  been  broken  before  the  return  of  the  ambassadors 


1  The  strength  of  the  army  is  variously  estimated  from  13,500  to  35,000.    The  Cartha- 
ginian force  is  estimated  at  33.000  :  the  Xu  ni'.lian  at  (10,010  ;  see  map,  p.  217. 
"  This  was  a  great  gain, as  now  Nuiniciia  united  with  Rome  against  Carihage. 
*  See  map.  p.  217. 


1">4  THE   SECOXD    ITNK     \\AK.  [B.  C.  '.'I)  1 . 

from  Rome.1  All  hopes  of  peace  by  negotiation  vanished,  and 
Scipio  prepared  to  ivn-w  the  wai*,  which,  since  the  arrival  of 
Hannibal,  bad  assumed  a  more  serious  character. 

5.  The  Battle  of  Zama.— The  details  of  the  operations 
which  ended  in  the  battle  of  Zanui  an-  but  imperfectly  known. 
The  decisive  battle  Avas  fought  on  the  river  Bagradas,  near 
Zama,2  on  the  19th  of  October,  B.C.  202.    Hannibal  managed 
the  battle  with  his  usual  skill.    His  veterans  fought  likt  the 
men  who  had  so  often  conquered  in  Italy,  but  his  army  was  an- 
nihilated.    The  elephants  were  rendered  unavailing  by  Scipio's 
skillful  management.     Instead  of  the  three  lines  of  battle,  with 
the  usual  intervals,3  Scipio  arranged   his  companies  behind 
each  other  like  the  rounds  of  a  ladder.4    Through  these  open- 
ings the  elephants  could  pass  without  breaking  the  line.     This 
battle  terminated  the  long  struggle.     Carthage  had  for  along 
time  been  exhausted  and  overcome,  but  with  the  madn 
despair  had  fought  on.     The  superior  perseverance  and  stub- 
bornness of  the  Roman  people  had  won  the  victory  before  the 
battle  of  Zama,     Hannibal  himself  advised  peace.     The  terms 
were  not  so  favorable  as  before.     Besides  the  conditions  already 
prescribed,  and  the  increase  of  the  war-contribution  to  an  an- 
nual payment  of  two  hundred  talents  for  fifty  years.  Carthage 
was  bound  not  to  wage  war  either  in  Africa  or  elsewhere  with- 
out the  consent  of  Rome. 

6.  Triumph  of  Scipio. — Scipio  returned  to  Rome,  where  a 
splendid  triumph  awaited  him.     All  that  witnessed   the  tri- 
umphal procession  winding  along  the  ri<i  nin-rc,  up  the  citrus 
capitolinus  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,,  joined  the 
youthful  hero,  henceforth  called  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  Afri- 
cnnus.  in  returning  thanks  to  the  gods  that  the  Hannibal Uu: 
war 5  was  ended. 

1  According  to  Ihne  (vol.  ii.,  p.  445)  the  action  of  the  senate  in  regard  to  the  treaty 
reached  Carthage  before  the  return  of  the  emba— y.  and  thu-  re-t'ncd  the  ascendancy 
of  the  war  party  in  Carthage,  and  dispelled  all  hopes  of  : 

•  According  to  Apptan  i.viii.  41 1  Hannibal  had  50,000  men  mid  80  elephant*  ;  Scipio. 
:Vt.."i ,i!)  in  additiou  to  the  KnmkUans  :  Polybiii-  <xv.  14.  §6>  siy-  both  annic-  were  equal 
i-i  infantry.  The  place  and  time  of  the  battle  are  both  uncertain.  The  date  is  usually 
tixed  by  means  of  the  solar  eclipse,  mentioned  by  Zonoras  (ix.  14)  as  taking  place  on  the 
day  of  the  battle  ;  according  to  Mommpeo  (vol.'ii.,  p.  196,  note)  the  battle  took  place  in 
the  spring. 

Hire  OSf)  f.  '  Ihne,  vol.  ii..  p.  451.  *  Polybius,  ix.  22. 


B.  C.  214.1  THE   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR.  155 

7.  The  Results  of  the  War. — The  results  of  the  war  were 
that  Carthage  became  a  dependent  state  ;  the  native  tribes  of 
Africa  were  admitted  to  an  alliance  with  Rome.     The  Roman 
dominion  was  increased  by  the  accession  of  Spain,  which  was 
formed  into  two  provinces,  and  by  the  territory  of  Syracuse, 
which  was  added  to  the  province  of  Sicily.    The  supremacy  of 
the  sea  was  transferred  to  Rome,  and  the  way  opened  by  the 
hostilities  with  Macedonia  for  the  great  conflict  with  the  East. 

8.  The  Romanizing  of  Italy. — In  the  meantime  Rome, 
true  to  her  policy  of  first  securing  what  had  been  gained, 
turned  her  attention  to  the  subjugation  of  the  revolted  tribes 
in  Italy.    The  Cisalpine  Gauls  were  subdued  and  the  fetters 
were  riveted  more  firmly  over  the  states  in  southern  Italy 
that  had  joined  Hannibal.    Large  tracts  of  land  were  confis- 
cated, the  old  colonies  strengthened  and  new  ones  founded,1 
and  an  effort  was  made  to  extend  the  dominion  and  influence  of 
Rome,  the  Latin  language  and  Latin  customs,  throughout  all 
Italy,  and  to  weld  the  different  peoples  into  one  nationality. 
The  great  Fiaminian  way2  was  extended  to  Placentia,  and  the 
Cassian  from  Rome  to  Arretiura  was  reconstructed  and  ex- 
tended3 to  Bonouia.  The  whole  country  was  in  process  of  being 
Romanized.     The  colony  of  Aquileja  was  founded  to  protect 
the  eastern  border  (B.C.  183),  the  Istrians  were  subdued  (B.C. 
177),  and  the  wandering  Gauls  who  had  crossed  the  Alps  were 
driven  back  and  compelled  henceforth  to  keep  within  proper 
bounds.  The  contest  with  the  Ligurians  was  severer,  and  it  was 
not  until  B.  c.  143  that  the  Romans  gained  a  firm  hold  of  the 
country.     The  work  of  subjugation  was  carried  on  by  extend- 
ing (B.  c.  109)  the  great  highway  along  the  coast  from  Luna 
to  Vada  Sabbata  (Vado)  and  thence  over  the  Apennines  to  Der- 
tona  (Toii(i)ia).     Gallia  Cisalpina,  however,  was  probably  not 
formed  into  a  province  until  the  time  of  Sulla. 

1  Venusia  (B.  c.  300)  and  Narnia  (B.  c.  199)  strengthened  ;  Sipontum,  Croton,  Saler- 
num,  Thnrii,  henceforth  caller1.  Copia,  Puteoli  (B.  c.  194)  and  Aquileja  (B.C.  183)  founded 
to  secure  the  command  of  the  Gnlf. 

"  Uudur  the  name  of  ^EmUiau  way.  B.  c.  187.  *  B.C.  171. 


THE  CONQUEST   OF  THE   EAST.  [B.  C.  219. 


XXV. 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE  EAST  (B.  C.  214r-146). 

3.  Condition  of  the  East.—  The  diffusion  of  Hellenic 
civilization  and  culture  in  the  East  which  Alexander,  the 
king  of  Macedonia,  had  begun,  was  carried  out  by  means  of 
colonies  and  trading-posts  which  were  scattered  over  the  vast 
empire  which  he  had  conquered.  After  his  death  this  empire 
was  rent  to  pieces  by  his  generals,  and  finally,  after  a  long 
struggle  and  various  vicissitudes,  resolved  itself  into  the  fol- 
lowing kingdoms  : 

1.  Macedonia,  governed  by  Philip  V.,  whose  dominion  ex- 
tended over  a  great  part  of  Greece. 

2.  fiyria,  ruled  by  Antiochus  III.,  extended  from  the  coast 
of  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Indus,  although  many  provinces 
within  this  limit  were  in  a  state  of  practical  independence. 
In  Asia  Minor,  Galatia  and  Pontus1  were  governed  by  native 
princes,  while  the  kings  of  Pergamus  ruled  over  most  of  the 
western  part. 

3.  Eyypt,  embracing  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  the  provinces 
of  Palestine,  Phoenicia  and  Coele-Syria,  together  with  the  Greek 
city  of  Cyrene,  the  island  of  Cyprus,  and  many  islands  in  the 
.^Egean  sea  and  towns  on  the  coast  of  Thrace,  was  governed  by 
the  Ptolemies,  and  formed  a  compact  and  united  state.     The 
kings,  instead  of  trying  to  extend  their  territory,  had  sought  to 
attract  the  traffic  between  India  and  the  Mediterranean  to  the 
port  of  Alexandria.     By  this  means  they  hoped  to  make  Egypt 
a  leading  commercial  state,  and  the  mistress  of  the  eastern 
Mediterranean.    They  had.  as  early  as  B.C.  273,  entered  into 
friendly  relations  with  Rome.     In  B.  c.  205  the  throne  descended 
to  Ptolemy  V.,  Epiphancs,  then  a  child  only  four  years  old. 
His  minister,  dreading  the  designs  of  the  Macedonian  and  Sy- 
rian kings,  had  sought  the  protection  of  the  Roman  senate. 

•  See  map,  p.  248-9. 


^i  <*v!>  s . — — t  f      '>  =  ,o 

I  *  y  r.  uJ:    4ii/  « 


158  THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE  EAST.       [fi.  C.  214. 

2.  The  Free  Greek  Cities. — The  most  important  posi- 
tion among  the  minor  states  was  held  by  the  free  Greek  cities 
on  the  shore  of  the  Propontis,  along  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 
and  on  the  islands  of  the  ^Egean  sea.    Among  these  may  be 
"mentioned  : 

1.  Byzantium,  the  mistress  of  the  Bosporus,  which  had  grown 
rich  from  her  favorable  position  and  trade  with  the  towns  on 
the  Black  Sea. 

2.  Cyzicus,  on  the  Propontis,  was  one  of  the  marts  for  the 
vast  trade  of  the  interior,  and  soon  attained  an  independent 
and  important  position. 

3.  Rhodes.    This  republic  was  the  chief  maritime  power  in 
the  ^Egean  Sea.     From  its  favorable  position  it  had  secured 
much  of  the  carrying-trade  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean.    Its 
vessels  entered,  without  port-dues,  the  Bosporus  and  the  Black 
Sea.    Rhodes  took  an  active  part  in  defending  the  Greek  cities, 
and  as  a  protection  against  Macedonia  had  formed  a  commer- 
cial treaty  with  Rome. 

3.  The  Achaean  and  JEtolian  Leagues.  —  In  Greece 
proper  two  new  powers  had  arisen  since  the  death  of  Alexander, 
which  served  as  a  counterpoise  to  Macedonia,  and  might  have 
been  of  great  service  to  the  Greek  nation  had  they  not,  by  in- 
ternal dissensions,  inflicted  more  injury  than  good.     The  more 
important  was  the  Achaean  League  which  embraced  Corinth, 
Arcadia,  and  a  greater  part  of  the  Peloponnesus,  and  which 
sought  to  unite  the  best  elements  of  the  Greek  nation  in  a 
league  for  self-defence.    The  ^Etolian  League  included  a  great 
part  of  Central  Greece.    The  Romans,  during  the  second  Punic 
war,  had  availed  themselves  of  the  hostility  of  the  ^Etolian 
League  to  Macedonia,  and  entered  into  an  alliance  with  it 
(B.C.  212),  and  by  this  means  occupied  Philip  at  home  while  they 
crushed  Carthage.     Athens  and  Sparta  still  retained  their  inde- 
pendence, but  only  a  shadow  of  their  former  power. 

4.  First  Macedonian  War  (B.C.  214-205).— It  will  be 
recollected  that  Demetrius  of  Pharos l  took  refuge  with  Philip 

1  See  page  138. 


B.C.  200.]  THE  COHQUEST  OF  THE  EAST.  159 

and  urged  him  to  make  war  on  Rome.  After  the  battle  of 
Oannse  the  king  sent  an  embassy  to  Hannibal,  offering  assist- 
ance, but  the  ambassadors  being  captured  by  the  Romans  the 
alliance  was  not  concluded  until  B.  c.  215.  Philip's  fleet  ap- 
peared in  the  Adriatic,  captured  Oricum1  and  laid  siege  to  Apol- 
ioma,  which,  since  the  Illyrian  war,  had  been  in  possession  of 
the  Romans.  The  Romans  sent  M.  Valerius  Laevinus  with  a 
small  force  to  the  Adriatic  ;  he  recaptured  Oricum,  raised  the 
siege  of  Apollonia,  stormed  the  Macedonian  camp  at  night,  and 
compelled  Philip  to  burn  his  ships  to  prevent  them  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  This  overthrew  his  scheme  of 
invasion  and  so  frightened  him  that  for  three  years  he  sus- 
pended active  operations.  In  B.  c.  21 1  LaBvinus  appeared  at 
the  assembly  of  the  .^Etolians  and  promised  them  aid  in  a  war 
against  Philip.  This  gave  the  war  a  new  aspect,  and  so  occu- 
pied Philip  that  he  was  compelled  to  seek  assistance  from  Car- 
thage instead  of  co-operating  with  Hannibal.  The  attention 
of  the  Romans,  however,  was  so  occupied  with  affairs  in  Spain 
that  the  ^JEtolians  were  left  almost  alone  to  cope  with  Philip, 
and,  being  hard-pressed,  they  made  a  separate,  treaty  (B.  c.  206). 
The  Romans,  Avho  wished  to  have  their  hands  free  for  the  inva- 
sion of  Africa,  soon  after  also  consented  to  peace  (B.  c.  205). 

5.  Second  Macedonian  War  (B.C.  200-196).— Philip 
now  had  an  opportunity  to  consolidate  his  power  in  Greece,  to 
restore  the  prosperity  of  his  kingdom  and  to  prepare  for  the 
struggle  with  Rome,  which  both  sides  regarded  as  inevitable. 
Instead  of  doing  this,  he  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Antio- 
chus,  king  of  Syria,2  for  the  dismemberment  of  the  territories 
of  the  king  of  Egypt,  who  at  once  applied  to  Rome  for  assist- 
ance. Soon  after  he  plunged  into  a  war  with  Attalus,  king 
of  Pergamus,  and  with  the  Rhodians.8  He  even  sent  a  force  of 
four  thousand  soldiers  to  Africa  who  fought  at  the  battle  of 
Zama  under  the  command  of  Hannibal.  Philip  was  still  pur- 
suing his  policy  in  the  east  when  the  peace  with  Carthage  left 
Home  at  liberty  to  succor  her  eastern  allies.  An  embassy  was 

1  See  map.  p.  130.  '  B.  c.  205.  »  B.  c.  203. 


160  THE  CONQUEST  OP  THE  EAST.  [B.C.  197. 

sent  to  mediate  between  Antiochus  and  Ptolemy,  and  Philip 
was  warned  to  give  up  the  Egyptian  dependencies  that  had 
fallen  into  his  hands,  and  not  to  attack  tiu-  Greek  cities.  He 
was  still  engaged  in  these  ambitious  scheme.-,1  when  an  event 
growing  out  of  the  hostility  of  Macedonia  to  Athens  furnished 
the  Romans  the  pretext  for  a  declaration  of  war. 

6.  The  Cause  of  the  War.— It  happened  that  two  Acar- 
nanian  youths  had  been  put  to  death  in  Attica  for  intruding  upon 
the  Eleusinian  mysteries.     The  Acamanians,  exasperated  by 
this  outrage,  laid  their  complaints  before  the  king  of  Mace- 
donia, their  ally  and  protector.     He  encouraged  them  to  make 
war  upon  Attica  and  lay  waste   the  country  with  fire  and 
sword.   The  Athenians  immediately  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  2 
asking  assistance  against  the  Acamanians  and   the  king  of 
Macedonia,    The  senate  sent  an  embassy  3  to  Philip  to  declare 
war  unless  he  desisted  from  hostilities  against  the  Greek  cities 
and  gave  up  the  possessions  of  Ptolemy  which  he  had  seized. 
AVhen  Philip  replied  that  the  Romans  should  observe  the  terms 
of  the  treaty,  but  if  they  were  bent  on  war,  they  should  have  it, 
the  declaration  w^s  determined  upon.4 

7.  The  Battle  of  Cynoscephalae  (B.C.  197).— After  two 
unsuccessful  and  indecisive  campaigns,  T.  Quiuctius  Flamini- 
nus  was  sent  to  Greece.     He  was  an  able  general  and  a  skillful 
diplomatist, and,  by  proclaiming  himself  the  champion  of  Greek 
freedom,   succeeded  in  uniting   almost   the   whole  of  Greece 
against  Macedonia.     He  carried  on  the  war  with  energy  and 
vigor  and  in  B.  c.  197  met  Philip  at  Cynoscephalae  and  com- 
pletely defeated  him.     Philip  was  now  glad  to  make  peace  on 
any  terms.     lie  was  compelled,  in  addition  to  the  demands 
Already  ma  do,3  to  surrender  all  his  navy  except  five  ships,  re- 
luce  his  army  to  five  thousand  men,  and  pay  a  war  indemnity 
ct  one  thousand  talents.8    After  the  conclusion  of  peace  the 

1  Again"*  Egypt,  Rhodes,  and  Attain". 

•  Tfie  Athenian*  had  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  Rome  as  early  as  B.C.  238, 
and  in  the  |>eace  of  B.  c.  $).">  were  mentioned  as  Roman  allie-. 

•  The  embassy  visited  Athens  and  Egypt,  and  remonstrated  with  Philio,  who  was  stii; 
awpd  in  the  siege  of  Abydos. 

Livy  xxxi.  18.  '  See  Sfi. 

About  244,000  pounds  sterling 


B.  C.  192.]  THE   CONQUEST  OF  THE  EAST-  161 

Roman  garrisons  were  withdrawn  from  the  Greek  towns,  and  at 
the  ensuing  Isthmian  games  Flamininus  ordered  the  herald  to 
proclaim  the  independence  of  all  Greece.1 

8.  The  Syro-JEtolian  War  (B.  c.  192-189).— While  the 
Romans  were  engaged  in  Greece,  Antiochus,  instead  of  co-op- 
erating with  Philip,  thought  it  best  to  take  this  opportunity 
co  extend    his  own  territories.      He  conquered    Ccele-Syria, 
Phomicia,  and  Palestine,  advanced  even  into  Asia  Minor,  took 
Ephesus,  and  proceeded  to  conquer  Thrace,     Here  a  Roman 
embassy  met  him,  and  declared  that  he  must  surrender  all  his 
conquests  in  Asia  Minor,  recognize  the  independence  of  the 
Greek  cities,  and  not  send  any  more  troops  into  Europe.     An- 
tiochus  asserted  his  claim  to  Thrace,2  and  denied  the  right  of 
Rome  to  interfere  in  his  affairs.     The  negotiations  were  broken 
off  by  the  return  of  the  king  to  Syria  on  account  of  a  rumor  of 
the  death  of  Ptolemy,  the  young  king  of  Egypt  (B.  c.  196). 

9.  The  Plans  of  Hannibal. — The  next  year  Hannibal 
found  refuge  at  the  court  of  the  Syrian  king  at  Ephesus.    From 
that  time  forth  Antiochus  made  active  preparations  for  war. 
After  the  defeat  at  Zama,  Hannibal  counseled  peace  and  de- 
voted all  his  energies  to  promoting  the  welfare  of  his  country. 
He  introduced  changes  into   the   constitution,  depriving   the 
oligarchy  of  their  power,  and  reformed  the  financial  adminis- 
tration.    The  Romans  sent  an  embassy  to  Carthage  to  inquire 
into  these  changes  and  assist  the  aristocratic  party  in  their 
opposition  to   these  reforms.     Hannibal,   seeing  that  it  was 
useless  to  resist  the  threatening  storm,  escaped  from  his  native 
town  and  visited  Antiochus  at  Ephesus.     Here  he  was  received 
with  great  honors  (B.C.  195),  and  urged  the  king  to  a  war 
against  Rome,  and  to  raise  an  army  for  the  invasion  of  Italy. 

10.  The  Intrigues  of  the  .ffitolians. — Meanwhile  the  in- 
ternal dissensions  in  Greece  increased.     The  ^Etolians,  dissat- 
isfied with  the  terms  of  the  last  peace,  and  believing  that  the 

1  That  *he  Roman  senate,  and  Titus  Qninctins  Flamininu*,  the  general  and  pro-consul. 
bavins  vanquished  kins;  Philip  and  the  Macedonians,  restore  liberty,  their  own  lives  aad 
privilege?,  without  foreign  garrisons  or  tribute,  to  the  Coniithians,Locrians,  Phocians, 
Eubceins.  Achieaus,  Phthfotians,  Magnetrians,  Thcssalians,  and  Perrhaebean=.—  P!ut, 
Fl.Tmin.  10. 

•  Thrace  had  belonged  to  Seleucus,  his  pnoestor. 


162  THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE    EAST.  [l5.  C.  190. 

success  of  the  Romans  was  chiefly  due  to  their  own  clTort- 
gan  now  to  intrigue  against  them,  and  to  encourage  Xabis  the 
tyrant  of  Sparta  to  make  war  on  the  Achaeans,  and  finally  invited 
Antiochus  over  from  Asia,  representing  to  him  that  all  Greece 
was  reaily  to  join  his  standard.  Wiien  the  news  readied  Rome 
chat  Antiochus  had  lauded  in  Greece,  war  was  immediately 
leclared  (B.C.  192),  and  the  following  year  an  army  crossed  tc 
G  reive  under  command  of  Marcus  Acilius  Glabrio.  The  king 
had  entrenched  himself  at  Thermopylae,  but  when  a  detach- 
ment under  Marcus  Porcius  Cato  surprised  the  JEtolians  and 
put  them  to  flight,  the  king  fled  in  all  haste  to  Chalcis  and  then 
to  Ephesus.  The  JEtolians  were  now  left  to  bear  the  brunt  of 
the  war.  They  attempted  further  resistance  at  Xaupactus,  but 
by  the  influence  of  Flamininns  they  were  admitted  to  capitula- 
tion. 

11.  The  Battle  of  Magnesia  (B.C.  190). — The  next  year 
the  Roman  army  under  Seipio,  after  the  fleet  had  gained  the 
mastery  of  the  sea,1  proceeded  to  follow  Ant iochns  across  the 
Hellespont.   The  two  armies  met  at  Magnesia,  and  the  Romans 
gained  an  easy  victory,  which  ended  the  war.     The  king  had 
to  cede  all  of  Asia  west  of  the  Taurus  range,  to  give  up  his 
elephants,  to  reduce  his  fleet  to  ten  ships,  and  to  promise  not 
to  sail  west  of  the  mouth  of  the  river  Calycadnus  in  Cilicia. 
lie  had  also  to  pay  the  sum  of  fifteen  thousand  talents,2  and 
to  surrender  Hannibal.     Most  of  this  vast  territory  was  added 
to  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus.     Seipio  returned  to  Rome,  where 
a  splendid  triumph  awaited  him,  and  in  imitation  of  his  brother 
he  assumed  the  surname  of  Atui/tcus. 

12.  Death  of  Hannibal.  —  Hannibal,   after   the   conclu- 
sion of  peace,   lied   to   Crete,  and  thence  to  Prusias,  king  of 
Bithynia.     When  this  king  could  no  longer  protect  him,  he 
drank  poison  to  escape  falling  into  the  hands  of  the   Romans 
(B.C.  183). 

13.  The  .SJtolian  War  (B.  c.  189). — The   Romans  now 
had  leisure    to   punish   the  ^Etolians.      The   consul    Marcus 

1  At  Corycu*.  *  About  $30.000,000. 


B.  C.  179.]  THE   THIRD    MACEDONIAN    WAR.  163 


Fulvius  Nobilior  landed  at  Apollonia  (B.  c.  189)  and  began  the 
third  war  against  them.  ^Etolia  was  ravaged  on  every  side ; 
but  when  Ambracia  the  chief  town  was  taken,  and  the  works  of 
art  transported  to  Rome,  the  ^tolian  confederacy  gave  up  the 
contest  and  sued  for  peace.  Henceforth  ^Etolia,  like  Mace- 
donia, became  tributary  to  Rome,  renounced  all  conquests  re- 
cently made,  and  gave  up  the  right  to  make  war  or  peace  with- 
out the  consent  of  Rome. 

14.  The  Achaean  League. — The  degradation  of  ^Etolia  was 
favorable  to  the  growth  of  the  Achaean  league.  Under  the  able 
management  of  Philopoemen,  the  Greek  states  so  far  forgot  their 
petty  jealousies  that  all  Peloponnesus  united  with  this  league. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE  THIRD  MACEDONIAN  WAR— THE  ACH^AN  EXILES — CAP- 
TURE OF  CORINTH — MACEDONIA  REDUCED  TO  A  PROVINCE. 

1.  Ungenerous  Policy  towards  Macedonia.  —  Philip 

had  been  induced  to  co-operate  in  the  war  against  Antiochua 
with  the  prospect  of  being  able  to  extend  his  dominions.  When 
his  assistance  was  no  longer  needed  and  he  proceeded  to  take 
possession  of  the  ^Etolian  towns,  complaints,  directly  encouraged 
by  Rome  herself,  were  sent  in  on  all  sides,  and  he  was  com- 
pelled to  give  up  all  his  conquests  and  confine  himself  to  the 
limits  of  ancient  Macedonia.  In  the  negotiations  which  fol- 
lowed, Philip  was  treated  with  great  harshness  and  contempt. 
Still  there  was  no  course  open  to  him  but  war  or  submission. 
He  chose  the  latter,  but  with  the  firm  determination  to  pre- 
pare for  the  day  of  revenge. 

2.  The  Battle  of  Pydna  (B.C.  168).— In  B.C.  179  Philip 
died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Perseus,  who  prosecuted 
with  great  energy  and  skill  the  aim  which  his  father  so  long 
had  kept  in  view.     From  new  sources  of  revenue  open  to  him 


164  THE   CONQUEST   OF  THE    EAST.  [B.  C.  1C8. 

in  mines,  customs,  and  tenths,  and  from  the  flourishing  con- 
dition of  agriculture  and  commerce,  Perseus  was  enabled  to 
raise  and  discipline  his  army.  A  change  had  taken  place  even 
among  the  Greeks,  who  no  longer  regarded  the  Uomans  as  the 
liberators  of  their  country,  but  as  its  enemies.  Perseus  was  be- 
coming daily  more  popular.  The  economic  degradation  of 
Greece  was  frightful,  and  the  class  which  lived  by  spoil  and 
plunder  was  growing  daily  larger.  The  result  was  that  Perseus 
was  soon  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  but  now  his  good 
genius  seemed  to  forsake  him,  and  by  his  parsimony  and  ill- 
timed  measures  he  disgusted  his  allies,  and  instead  of  prompt 
and  vigorous  action  pursued  a  policy  of  procrastination.  The 
time  had  come,  however,  for  Home  to  put  an  end  to  the  partial 
state  of  independence  in  which  the  Greek  nation  still  exi.-ud.1 
A  Roman  army  landed  in  Epirus  in  «.<•.  Ill  and  first  succeeded 
in  detaching  the  allies  of  Perseus.  A  battle  followed,  in  which 
Perseus  was  victorious,  but  still  with  unaccountable  inactivity, 
he  made  no  use  of  his  victory.  In  B.  c.  168  L.  ^Emilius 
Paullus  defeated  Perseus  at  Pydna,2  and  soon  afterwards  took 
him  prisoner.  This  was  the  end  of  the  war. 

3.  Macedonia  in  Nominal  Independence. — Macedonia 
was  not  at  once  reduced  to  a  province  like  .Sicily,  but  was  di- 
vided into  four  parts,  each  of  which  governed  itself  and  was 
independent  from  the  other  three.3  An  annual  tribute*  was 

1  Eumenes,  the  king  of  Pergamns,  preferred  the  formal  charges  against  Por-cn-- 
which  led  to  the  declaration  of  war.  On  his  return  from  Koine,  Euniune-  \va-  attacked 
by  four  a-^assins  hired  by  Per-eu<.  and  badly  wounded. 

-  Polybiu-  (xxxii.  11.  ti)  dutos  from  this  battle  the  establishment  of  the  universal  em- 
pire of  Home.    It  wa-  in  fact  the  la-t  battle  in  which  a  civili/ed  state  confronted  Rome 
in  the  field  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  her  a*  a  areat  power  :  all  -ub-eqiH'iit   -t 

were  rebellions  or  wars  with  peoples  beyond  the  pale  of  the  Romano-Greek  civilization 
— the  barbarians,  as  they  wer^  called.  The  whole  civili/ed  world  thenceforth  reownized 
in  the  Konian  senate  the  Mipreme  tribunal.  who<e  coniini— iom-rs  decided  in  the  last 
resort  between  kings  and  nation-  ;  and.  to  acquire  it<  lantniasre  and  manners,  foreitri: 
princes  and  noble  youths  resided  in  Rome.  A  palpable  and  earne-t  attempt  to  tret  rid  of 
her  dominion  was  "in  reality  made  only  once— by  the  srreat  Mithridato-  of  Pontu-.  The 
battle  of  Pydna,  moreover,  mak  n  on  which  the  senate  still  adhered  lo 

the  state  maxim,  that  they  should,  if  po«-ible.  held  no  ]<>  '1  maintain  no  car- 

rison-  beyond  llie  Italian Vcas,  but  -honld  keep  the  nuincrou-  -:ate-  dependent  on  them 
by  a  mere  political  supremacy.  Indication-,  of  a  change  of  -y-tcin.  and  of  an  increa-ing 
disinclination  on  the  part  of  Rome  to  toleiate  by  it-  -ide  intermediate  >taies.  even  in 
such  independence  a-  wa-  po— ihle  for  them,  were  clearly  given  in  the  destruction  of  the 
Macedonian  monarchy  after  the  battle  of  Pydna.— Mon\iH*m.  vol.  ii..  p.  330. 

J  The  form  of  government  was  settled  by  tlie  proconsul  ^Emiliu-  Paullus  and  a  com- 
mis-ion  ol  ten.  The  four  divisions  were  deprived  of  the  Jit*  cfiiin>il,ii  intl  ./'•'..  commereU 
among  one  another.  Amphipoli-,  The»alonica,  Pella,  and  Pelagonia  were  made  the 
capitals  of  the  four  division-. 

•  One-lialf  of  the  amount  which  the  kjjigs  had  exacted. 


B.C.  151.J  THE  OTHER   GREEK   STATES.  165 

laid  upon  the  Macedonians,  in  return  for  which  Rome  under- 
took to  defend  the  country  and  to  relieve  the  people  from 
military  service.1  In  order  to  secure  the  permanency  of  this 
form  of  government,  all  the  most  prominent  men  of  the  coun- 
try, all  who  had  served  the  king  in  any  capacity,  were  trans- 
purU'd  with  their  grown  up  sons  to  Italy.  Paullus  on  his  return 
celebrated  the  most  magnificent  triumph  2  Rome  had  ever  seen. 
4.  Treatment  of  the  Other  States. — The  other  states 
of  Greece  were  treated  in  the  same  manner,3  being  obliged  to 
pay  as  tribute  one-half  the  sum  hitherto  paid  in  taxes,  and  the 
most  noted  men  were  sent  to  Italy.  Rome  now  had  time  to 
look  to  the  states  of  the  East.  Rhodes,  which  had  offered  its 
mediation  during  the  war,  was  stripped  of  its  most  valuable 
dependencies,  and  compelled  to  seek  an  alliance  with  Rome ; 
Eumenes  of  Pergamus  was  humbled,  and  Antiochus  of  Syria, 
who  had  commenced  war  with  Egypt  for  the  possession  of  Ccele- 
Syria,  was  commanded  to  leave  Egypt  and  to  make  peace.4 


1  Illyria  was  treated  like  Macedonia,  the  country  was  divided  into  three  parts,  each 
of  which  retained  an  independent  government ;  see  p.  130. 

-  We  niu-t  pause  for  one  moment  to  contemplate  che  spectacle  of  the  triumph  which 
ended  this  memorable  war.  Rome  had  long  been  accustomed  to  magnificent  sights  of 
tliis  kind.  The  conquerors  of  Tarentum  and  Carthage,  of  Philip  and  Antiochus,  had  ex- 
hibited before  the  Human  people  the  greatness  of  their  exploits  in  brilliant  shows.  But 
the  pa-t  was  entirely  eclipsed  by  the  magnificence  of  the  procession  which  brought  home 
to  the  Romans  the  fact  that  the  empire  of  Alexander  the  Great  was  completely  over- 
tin  MWII.  The  festival  lasted  three  days.  On  the  first  day  two  hundred  and  fifty  wagons, 
containing  the  painting-  and  statues  "taken  in  the  war,  were  driven  through  the  streets 
and  exhibited  to  the  people.  On  the  second  day  were  seen  wagons  with  trophies  con- 
sisting of  pile*  of  the  finest  and  most  precious  arms.  Then  followed  the  procession  of 
three  ihou-and  men  carrying  the  captured  silver  ;  after  these  the  vesse's  of  silver,  drink- 
ing horns,  bowls,  and  goblets.  The  third  day  was  the  most  magnificent  of  the  whole 
festival.  A  string  of  anima'.s  decorated  for  sacrifice  was  followed  by  the  bearers  of  the 
captured  gold  ana  golden  ves>els,  the  heirlooms  of  the  dynasty  of  Macedonia.  Then 
came  the  royal  chariot  of  Perseus  with  his  arms  Mid  his  diadems  ;  behind  it  walked  his 
children,  led  by  their  attendants  and  tutors.  Next  came  Perseus  himself  in  unkingly 
garb,  bowed  down  and  completely  broken  in  spirits.  His  friends  and  higher  servants, 
who  had  been  taken  prisoners  in  war,  and  now  walked  behind  their  master,  had  tears 
and  prayers  only  for  him,  and  almost  forgot  their  own  fate  in  contemplation  of  his  over- 
whelming mi.-fortune.  Four  hundred  golden  crowns,  the  offerings  of  Greek  communi- 
ties \vi>rr  cirried  behind  the  prisoners  :  then  came  the  general  himself  on  his  chariot, 
dre^-ed  in  the  garb  and  decked  with  the  insignia  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus.  with  a  laurel 
branch  in  his  hand.  The  whole  army  was  also  adorned  with  laurels,  and  marched  in 
warlike  order  behind  their  chief,  singing  songs  of  victory,  mingled  with  occasional  sal- 
lies of  satire  directed  against  him.  A  solemn  sacrifice  in  the  Capitol  concluded  the  fes-. 
tival.— Vine,  vol.  iii..  p."  187  f. 

3  In  ^Etolia  the  league  w»s  di—ohed  ;  Acarnania  was  allowed  to  continue  an  inde- 
pendent form  of  government ;  Epirus  \va-  punished  and  ravaged  for  deserting  the  Roman 
side  ;  Bceotia  wa>  divided  into  four  districts. 

4  Popillu<  Laenas  was  the  ambassador  who  carried  the  message  of  the  senate.    He  met 
the  king  near  Alexandria  and  handed  him  the  letter  ordering  him  to  leave  Egypt.    The 
kins:  replying  that  1'e  would  consider  the  matter,  Popillus  drew  with  his  staff  a  circle  on 
the  ground  around  the  king,  saying  :  "Before  you  step  out  of  this  circle  tell  me  what 


1G6  THE    J)K>T!;l  '<  TION    or    CORINTH.  [B.C.  1-46. 

5.  The    Achaean    League.  —  The  puni.-hment  of    the 
Achaeans,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  war,  was  peculiarly 
severe.    In  pursuance  of  the  policy  hitherto  adopted  in  the  other 
states,  of  removing  all  suspicious  persons  to  Italy,  the  decree  was 
issued  that  all  accused  Acha-ans  should  be  sent  to  Italy  and  an- 
swer the  charges  against  them  there.     More  than  one  thousand 
of  the  noblest  Achaeans  were  transported  to  Italy,  and  Mere 
kept  in  prison  in  the  towns  in  Etruria  for  seventeen  years  with- 
out a  trial.   Among  the  exiles  was  Polybius,  the  great  historian 
whose  long  residence  at  Rome  and  intimate  friendship  with 
Scipio  Africanus  and  other  leading  statesmen  gave  him  that 
accurate  information  and  extended  knowledge  of  Roman  policy 
which  admirably  fitted  him  for  the  task  he  undertook,  viz.:  to 
write  the  history  of  the  union  of  the  Mediterranean  states 
under  the  hegemony  of  Rome.1    The  control  of  the  Acha-an 
league  fell  into  the  hands  of  Callicrates,  a  strong  partisan  of 
Rome  who  had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in  procuring  the  pun- 
ishment of  the  Achaeans.  After  languishing  in  prison  for  seven- 
teen years,  the  exiles,  by  the  influence  of  Africanus  and  Cato, 
were  allowed  to  return  to  their  native  land  (B.C.  151).     The 
number  was  reduced  to  three  hundred,  and  returning  to  their 
country  bitterly  exasperated  at  their  long  confinement,  they 
were  ready  to  engage  in  any  enterprise  against  Rome. 

6.  The  Destruction  of  Corinth  (B.C.  14G).— The  oppor- 
tunity was  offered  by  Andriscus,  a  pretended  son  of  Perseus, 
who  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion.     Andriscus  met  at  first 
with  some  success,  but  was  soon  conquered  and  taken  prisoner. 
The  Achaeans  were  defeated  in  two  engagements  by  Metellus.2 

vi-wer  I  shall  bear  to  the  senate  "  (Liv.  xlv.  12).  The  king  saw  that  resistance  was  nse- 
il  yielded  ID  the  demand-  of  Home. 

1  The  hi-tory  of  Polybiu-  con-i-ted  of  forty  hooks  (the  first  five  of  which  only  are  ex 
;ant),  and  embraced  the  period  from  the  accession  of  Philip  to  the  extinction  of  Grecian 
delict-  i  is.  (.  -,>2  »-l  KM.  A- lie  lived  from  about  B.  c.  308  to  B.  c.  127,  and  his  inti- 
macy with  the  leading  state-men  irave  him  an  opportunity  of  learning  the  earlier  events, 
the  work  is  almost  a  contemporaneous  hi-tory. 

1  The  rlittriix  nfthf  irar.— Athens,  which  hi  id  suffered  greatly  during  the  war,  in  order 
to  indemnify  her-elf.  sent  a  plundering  expedition  nir-iinst  OropOS.  The  Oropians  ap- 
pealed to  Rome,  which  referred  the  question  to  the  Siey.mians.  and  Athens  was  con- 
demned to  pay  500  talents.  An  emba--y.  at  the  head  of  which  stood  the  academician  Car- 
iiividi-s.  the  stoic  Diogenes,  and  I  he  peripatetic  Critokui-,  wa*  sent  to  Rome  to  deprecate 
the  -everity  of  i  lie  -entence.  The  appearance  of  these  three  eminent  men  in  the  senate 
produced  >iich  an  effect  among  the  admirers  of  the  Greek  language  and  literature  (the 
speeches  were  translated  by  Gajus  Acilius  for  those  who  did  not  understand  Greek)  that 


B.  C.  146.]  THE  THIKD   PUNIC   WAR.  167 

His  successor  Mumraius  soon  brought  the  struggle  to  a  close. 
Corinth,  where  the  remnant  of  the  Achsean  army  had  taken 
refuge,  was  stormed  and  burnt  to  the  ground  (B.  c.  146).  The 
inhabitants  were  either  slain  or  reduced  to  slavery,  the  works 
of  art  were  sent  to  Rome,  and  the  richest  city  of  Greece,  which 
Cicero  called  the  "  eye  of  Hellas," l  was  blotted  from  the  face  of 
the  earth.2 

7.  Macedonia  a  Roman  Province  (B.C.  146). — Mace- 
donia, enlarged  so  as  to  include  Apollonia  and  Dyrrhachium  on 
the  Adriatic,  became  a  Roman  province.  The  old  divisions  were 
abolished,  each  community  was  allowed  local  self-government, 
and  the  general  administration  was,  like  that  of  Sicily,  under  the 
control  of  a  governor  sent  annually  from  Rome.  The  super- 
vision of  the  different  communities  in  Greece  was  entrusted  to 
the  governor  of  Macedonia,  but  it  was  not  until  the  time  of 
Augustus  that  Greece,  under  the  name  of  Achaja,  was  regu- 
larly organized  as  a  Roman  province. 


CHAPTER,    XXVII. 

THE  THIIID  PUNIC  WAR  (B.  C.  14-9-146). 

1.  Roman  Policy. — During  this  period  of  conquest  in  the 
East,  Rome  kept  up  a  system  of  surveillance  by  sending  to 

the  flue  was  reduced  to  100  talents.  This  sum  the  Athenians  were  unable  to  pay,  and  a 
c  unpromise  wa-  etl'ected  with  the  Oropians,  and  a  garrison  was  placed  in  their  town. 
When  they  wished  t>  get  rid  of  this  garrison,  they  applied  to  the  Achaean  league,  and 
bribed  the  Spartan.  Menalcidas  who  was  chief  of  the  league,  to  help  them.  He  promised 
half  of  the  bribe  to  Callicrates  f  <rhi>  influence,  a  promise  which  he  failed  to  keep,  andCal- 
licrates  brought  an  action  for  the  money.  Menalcidas  applied  to  Diaeusand  bribed  him, 
and  from  tai  -  dispute  about  money,  the  quarrel  between  Sparta  and  the  Achaean  league 
arose  which  c.m-ed  Rome  to  interfere.  The  league  under  Critoliin  :  was  defeated  first  by 
Mi't.'llns  at  Scarphea,  and  then  under  the  lead  of  Diaeus  by  Mummius  at  Leucopetra,  on 
tin-  t  ;ult'  ot  Corinth,  which  is  not  mentioned  on  any  other  occasion. 

1  Lumen  toii'/s  Grcecice. 

*  [The  destruction  of  Corinth]  by  no  means  proceeded  from  the  brutality  of  any  single 
individual,  least  of  all  of  Mummius,  but  was  a  measure  delibera  ed  and  resolved  on  by 
the  Roman  senate.  We  >hall  not  err  if  we  recognize  it  as  the  work  of  the  mercantile 
party,  which  even  thus  early  began  to  interfere  in  politics  by  the  side  of  the  aristocracy 
proper,  and  which,  in  destroying  Corinth,  got  rid  of  a  commercial  rival.  If  the  great 
merchants  of  Rome  had  anything  to  >-ay  in  the  regulation  of  Greece,  we  can  understand 
why  Corint'i  wa<  singled  out  for  punishment,  and  why  the  Romans  not  only  destroyed  the 
city  as  it  stood,  but  al>o  prohibited  any  future  settlements  on  a  gite  so  pre-eminently 
favorable  f.>r  commerce.  The  Peloponnesian  Argos  henceforth  became  the  rendezvous 
for  the  R>>man  merchants,  who  were  very  numerous  even  in  Greece.  For  the  Roman 
whole>ale  traffic,  however,  Delos  was  of  greater  importance,—  Mommsen,  vol.  iii.,  p.  54, 


168  THE   THIRD   PUNIC   WAR.  [B.  C.  157. 

the  different  states  ambassadors1  who  interfered  with  the  gov- 
ernment, acted  as  arbiters  in  disputes  between  states,  ami 
fermented  quarrels  on  all  sides.  The  object  was  to  scatter 
seeds  of  discord  and  encourage  internal  disputes.  These  con- 
troversies were  received  with  open  ears  at  Rome,  arid  prolonged 
by  negotiation,  until  Home  found  a  pretext  for  interference, 
and  in  the  end  humbled  allies  and  enemies  alike.  In  Greece, 
particularly,  Koine's  perfidious  policy2  tormented  the  different 
states,  until  decay  and  ruin  and  desolation  spread  over  the  land 
which  had  once  raised  itself  to  the  pinnacle  of  prosperity  and 
happiness  by  its  wonderful  achievements  in  art  and  literature. 
It  is  true  that  the  battle  of  Pydna  had  put  an  end  to  the 
detestable  policy  which  left  the  conquered  countries  to  rule 
themselves,  weakened  them  by  separation,  and  still  sought  to 
entangle  them  in  disputes  until  a  pretext  was  finally  found  to 
crush  them.  It  was  this  intriguing,  insidious  policy  which 
Rome  pursued  with  Rhodes,  with  Pergamus,  and  particularly 
with  Carthage;  this  constant  encouragement  of  disputes  that 
finally  drove  the  people  to  despair  and  made  them  prefer  any 
form  of  slavery  rather  than  be  longer  exposed  to  this  cruel 
system.3 

2.  The  Condition  of  Carthage. — After  the  conclusion 
of  peace  in  B.C.  201  Carthage  began,  by  a  strict  neutrality 
during  th?  wars  in  Macedonia,  Asia  and  Spain,  to  recover  the 
earn  ing-trade  of  the  Mediterranean,  which  soon  restored  the 
old  prosperity  of  the  city.  This  could  not  fail  to  awaken  the 
jealousy  of  Rome.  Masinissa*  was  encouraged  in  his  attack  on 
Carthaginian  territory,  and  being  prevented  by  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  from  waging  war  with  any  ally  of  Rome,  Carthage  was 
compelled  to  refer  the  dispute  to  Rome.  Embassies  commenced 
their  work;  the  land  in  dispute  was  assigned  to  Masinissa.  In 
this  way  Carthage  was  amn>\v:l.  harassed,  and  stripped  of  her 
territory,  her  towns  and  her  castles,  while  by  the  terms  of  the 


1  Legati.  -  For  MommsenV  view,  see  1.  c.  vol.  ii..  p.  368. 

3  "It  would  ho  better.1'  said  the  Carthaginians,  "  to  live  as  slaves  of  the  Romans  than 
to  posse-s  a  lilierry  i  xpo-cd  10  the  indolence  of  Masiiii~>a."  Nay,  utter  ruin  was  prefer- 
able to  a  condition  in  whicii  they  were  dependent  upon  the  grace  of  so  cruel  a  tormentor, 
ii.  23;  see  Ihne,  vol.  iii.,  page  319  note,  and  p.  325.  *  See  p.  158. 


B.  C.  150.]  THE  THIRD   PUNIC   WAR.  169 

peace  she  was  prevented  from  defending  her  just  claims  by  war. 
In  B.  c.  157  an  embassy  was  sent,  of  which  Marcus  Porcius 
Cato  was  chief,  to  arbitrate  on  some  new  claim  of  Masinissa. 
The  Carthaginians  appealed  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  while 
Masinissa  professed  his  willingness  to  abide  by  the  decision  of 
Rome,  whatever  it  might  be.  The  deputies  were  astonished 
Avh-'ii  they  beheld  the  increasing  prosperity  of  the  city,  the 
harbor  thronged  with  ships,  the  country  highly  cultivated,  and 
on  every  side  signs  of  prosperity  and  wealth.  From  this  time 
the  decision  was  fixed  to  destroy  Carthage  and  remove  the  only 
commercial  rival  that  Rome  had  in  the  western  world.  So 
firmly  fixed  was  this  determination,  that  Cato  is  said  to  have 
ended  each  of  his  many  speeches  with  the  words,  "  Carthage 
must  be  destroyed."1 

3.  War  with  Masinissa. — The  opportunity  that  Rome 
was  seeking  for  soon  occurred.     The  popular  party2  having 
obtained  the  power  in  Carthage,  about  forty  partisans  of  Ma- 
sinissa were  banished.     When  the  people  refused  to  receive  the 
exiles,  at  the  request  of  Masinissa,  he  marched  upon  the  city, 
and  the  Carthaginians,  instead  of  appealing  to  Rome,  took  up 
arms.     A  battle  followed  in  which  the  Carthaginians  were  de- 
feated, and  their  army,  after  passing  under  the  yoke,  was 
treacherously  cut  to  pieces  (B.C.  150).     These  events  took  place 
while  P.  Scipio  vEmilianus  happened  to  be  at  the  camp  of 
Masinissa  to  ask  for  elephants  for  the  Spanish  war. 

4.  Roman  Interference. — Carthage  had  now  offered  the 
wishod-for  pretext,  by  taking  up  arms  against  an  ally  of  Rome. 
An  embassy  was  sent  to  Rome  to  appease  the  anger  of  the 
senate,  but  it  was  coldly  received.      The  Carthaginians  were 
ordered  to  send  three  hundred  hostages  within  thirty  days  and 
to  obey  the  further  commands  of  the  consuls.     The  hostages 
were  sent,  but  still  fearful  forebodings  filled  the  minds  of  the 
Carthaginians  when  the  Roman  fleet  landed  at  Utica.     Here 
the  Carthaginians  were  informed  that  all  their  munitions  of 

1  /)'  fenda  eat  Carthago. 

*  There  were  throe  parties  in  Carthage  :  the  aristocratic  party  which  favored  Rome  ; 
the  democratic  or  popular  party  ;  and  a  Nmnidian  party  which  sought  to  free  themselves 
from  their  dependency  on  Rome  by  an  alliance  with  Numidia. 


170  THE   THIRD   PUNIC   WAR.  [B.  C.  147. 

war  must  be  surrendered,  as  they  could  no  longer  have  any 
occasion  for  arms,  since  they  would  hemvforth  be  under  the 
protection  of  Rome.  When  this  demand  was  complied  with, 
the  consuls,  thinking  that  the  state  was  now  delVncdcss,  threw 
off  the  mask  and  announced  the  final  irrevocable  decree  of 
the  senate  :  "  That  Carthage  must  be  destroyed  and  the  inhabi- 
tants must  settle  ten  miles  from  the  sea."  Then  the  Cartha 
ginians  realized  to  its  full  extent  the  revolting  perfidy,  the 
perfidious  policy  of  the  Roman  state. 

5.  Siege  of  Carthage. — When  this  news  reached    Car- 
thage the  spirit  of  resistance  burst  all  bounds.     One  thought, 
one  feeling  animated  the  people,  to  fight  to  the  death.     Their 
temples  were  turned  into  workshops,  supplies  were  collected, 
and  arms  were  manufactured  day  and  night ;  the  women  sacri- 
ficed their  long  hair  to  make   strings  for  the  catapults,  the 
whole  town  resounded  with  preparations  for  Avar,     llasdrubal, 
who  had  been  expelled  to  please  the  Romans,  was  recalled  and 
entrusted  with  the  chief  command  ;   without  allies,  without 
ships,  almost  without  arms,  the  Garth aginiaus  maintained  the 
unequal  struggle  for  nearly  four  years.    When  the  consuls,  after 
a  short  respite,  advanced  from  Utica  to  Carthage,  they  found 
that  matters  were  changed,  and  that,  after  an  unsuccessful  at- 
tack, the  town  could  only  be  taken  by  the  slow  process  of  a  siege. 
For  this  they  were  utterly  incompetent,  and  the  army  is  said  to 
have  been  saved  from  destruction  on  one  occasion  by  Scipio 
^Emilianus,1  who  was  serving  as  military  tribune. 

6.  Capture  and  Destruction  of  Carthage. — As  no  per- 
manent success  was  gained,  the  people  determined  to  confer 
the  consulship  on  Scipio,  and  give  him  the  command  in  Africa,8 
although  he  was  only  thirty-seven  years  of  age  and  therefore 
legally  disqualified  for  the  office.3    In  B.  c.  147  he  landed  in 
Africa,  forced  his  way  into  Carthage,  took  it  almost  house  by 
house,  firing  it  as  he  advanced,  until  finally  only  the  citadel 


1  It  was  In  an  expedition  into  the  interior  that,  according  to  Appian  (who  borrowed 
from  Polybius),  Scipio  saved  the  Roman  army.    It  i>  not  surprising  that  Polybius 
every  opportunity  to  praise  his  friend  and  jui).-il. 

•"Without  the  senate's  resorting  to  the  u-ual  decision  by  casting  lots. 

'  Bj  the  lex  annalis  of  B.  c.  180 ;  see  p.  185.  n.  4. 


B.  <  .  UG.]  THE  THIKD   PUNIC    WAR.  171 

remained.  When  this  surrendered,  fifty  thousand  men,  women, 
and  children  were  carried  away  as  captives,  and  the  town,  after 
being  plundered,  was  consigned  to  the  flames,  which  raged  for 
seventeen  days.  As  Scipio  beheld  the  desolation  of  the  once 
flourishing  city,  he  is  said  to  have  shed  tears,  and  to  have 
given  vent  to  his  sad  presentiment  in  the  words  of  Homer  : 

"  The  day  shall  surely  come  when  sacred  Troy  will  fall, 
Aud  Priam,  and  the  peopls  of  the  ash-speared  Priam,  all  I  "  ' 

When  Polybius,  who  had  accompanied  him  to  Africa,  asked 
what  he  meant  by  these  words,  Scipio  replied  that  he  was 
thinking  of  Rome  and  foresaw  the  ruin  of  his  own  country. 

A  splendid  triumph  awaited  Scipio  on  his  return  to  Rome, 
and  the  surname  Africanus,  already  his  by  adoption,  he  had 
DOW  acquired  by  his  own  exploits.2 

7.  Africa  a  Roman  Province. — The  territory  of  Car- 
thage was  joined  to  Utica,  which  became  the  capital  of  the  new 
province  of  Africa.3  The  towns  which  had  sided  with  Rome 
became  free  cities,  while  those  that  had  adhered  to  Carthage 
were  punished  with  loss  of  land,  which  was  partly  added  to  the 
public  domain,4  and  leased  to  occupants,5  and  partly  restored  to 
the  former  communities  on  condition  that  they  should  pay  a 
fixed  tribute6  to  Rome.  The  Roman  merchants  flocked  to 
Utica,  and  henceforth  conducted  the  inland  and  foreign  trade 
that  had  formerly  belonged  to  Carthage  from  that  port.  In 
this  way  Roman  customs  and  manners,  the  Latin  language  and 
literature,  were  carried  to  Africa.  The  rich  Libyan 7  plains  even 
surpassed  Sicily  in  their  production  of  corn.  The  site  of  Car- 
thage was  plowed,  and  a  curse  pronounced  against  any  one  who 
should  undertake  to  rebuild  the  city. 


1  Homer'?  fliad,  vi.  448-9. 

2  He  was  the  son  of  ^Emilius  Paullus,  the  hero  of  Pydna,  and  had  been  adopted  by 
Pnhliu*  Cornelius  Scipio,  the  elder  son  of  the  elder  Africanus  ;  according  to  custom  he 
retained  the  name  of  his  own  pen*,  and  assumed  that  of  his  new  father  ;  his  full  name 
\va<  Publins  Cornelius  Scipio  JEim!ianu<  Africanus,  to  which  that  of  Numantinus  was 
afterwards  added. 

3  The  province  of  Africa  included  only  the  territory  that  Carthage  possessed  last,  I.  (., 
the  territory  along  the  coasts  of  Zeogitana  and  Byzacium.    See  map,  p.  217. 

*  Sfipen  <l<"in. 


.  i.  . 

•  The  name  of  Africa,  which  the  Romans  gave  to  the  province,  wa."  unknown  *i>  the 
Greeks  ;  they  applied  the  name  of  Libya  to  the  \\  hole  continent. 


I't'-i  THE    CAUSES    OF    KOMI:'-    i.KI.ATN! 

8.  The  Formation  of  the  Roman  Empire. — Rome  had 
now  extended   her   dominion   over   the    chief   countries    that 
skirted  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.     Before  turning  to 
study  the  manner  in  which  the  .senate  managed  these  depend- 
encies, let  us  attempt  to  determine,  if  possible,  hew  a  great  city 
could  have  grown  up  on  such  a  site  as  that  of  Rome,  and  at- 
tained such  superiority  over  the  other  towns  in  Latium  and  in 
Italy,  and  then  over  the  countries  around  the  Mediterranean. 
In  fertility  of  soil  and  healthfulness  of  climate  the  situation  of 
Rome  was  far  inferior  to  that  of  most  of  the  old  Latin  towns. 
Neither  is  Rome's  supremacy  sufficiently  explained  by  saying 
that  the  people  were  warlike   aii'l  fond  of  conquest,  for  BO 
was  nearly  every  nation  in  antiquity  ;  and  besides,  the  Romans 
and  Sabines,  that  united  to  form  the  predominant  element  of 
the  Roman  people,  were  offshoots  of  the  Sabellian  stock  to 
which  nearly  all  the  races  in  Italy  belonged.     We  have  already 
learned  that  the  career  of  conquest  on  which  the  Romans  en- 
tered with  so  much  energy  and  perseverance  was  far  from 
being  a  contrived  plan  carried  out  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion by  men  of  genius.     Rome  was  singularly  barren  of  great 
men,  and  during  this  whole  period  of  conquest  the  Roman 
aristocracy  confined  its  ideas  to  Italy,  and  desired  nothing  but 
its  sovereignty.     What  then  were   the  causes  that  rai-ed   this 
city  on  the  Tiber  first  to  the  position  as  ruler  over  the  sur- 
rounding country,  then  over  Italy,  and  finally  over  the  Medi- 
terranean sta: 

9.  The  Causes  of  Rome's   Superiority.  —  The  chief 
causes  that  contributed  to  this  end  were  first  the  site  of  the 
city  itself.     The  other  Latin  towns  were  built  on  isolated  hills, 
but  Rome  v/as  situated  on  a  group  of  hills  which  wore  easily 
defensible,  and  at  the  same  time  so  near  to  each  other  that  the 
political  isolation  of  each  was  impossible,  and  that  some  kind 
of  federation  *  was  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  internal 
peace.    The  people  were  compelled  therefore  to  agree  upon 
some  terms  of  amicable  life  or  to  submit  to  the  miseries  of 

1  Synolkixmus. 


THE  CAUSES  oi.'  HOME'S  GREATNESS.  1?3 

internecine  warfare.  Community  of  interest  then  compelled 
the  various  settlements  on  the  different  hills  to  unite  for  mu- 
tual protection,  and  the  ties  that  bound  these  political  commu- 
nities together  were  riveted  by  those  of  the  gentes,  curies,  and 
tribes.  The  site,  too,  was  admirably  adapted  to  make  Eome 
the  emporium  of  Latium  ;  and  the  ready  accea-  to  it  up  the 
river,  while  it  was  at  the  same  time  remote  enough  to  be  pro- 
tected from  the  pirates  that  infested  the  Tyrrhenian  sea,  invited 
adventurers  wandering  over  the  Mediterranean  to  make  it  their 
home.  This  accounts  in  a  measure  for  the  rapid  growth  of  the 
population.  Even  the  sterility  of  the  soil  may  have  encouraged 
the  warlike  spirit  of  the  early  Eomans,  and  have  induced  them 
to  undertake  their  frequent  wars  for  the  sake  of  booty ;  while 
the  malaria  that  infested  the  lower  parts  of  the  city,  particu- 
larly when  the  valleys  between  the  hills  were  swamps,  may 
have  served  as  a  barrier  to  ward  off  attacks  when  other  re- 
sources failed.  The  principle  of  association  then  based  on  cal- 
culations of  interest  lay  at  the  root  of  the  early  vigor  of  Eome, 
and  gave  the  people  the  first  predominance  over  the  isolated 
cities  of  Latium.1 

10.  Secondary  Causes. — This  principle,  however,  did 
not  stop  here,  but  city  after  city  and  tribe  after  tribe  were  in- 
vited or  compelled  to  join  the  leading  power,  until  all  of  Italy 
formed  one  vast  confederacy,  around  which  Eome  wove  a  net- 
work of  colonies  and  military  roads.  After  the  conquest  of 
Italy,  the  geographical  position  of  Eome,  in  the  centre  of  the 
Italian  peninsula,  by  which  she  was  enabled  to  divide  like  a 
wedge  the  northern  from  the  southern  half  and  thus  subdue 
her  enemies  separately,  greatly  facilitated  the  career  of  foreign 
conquest.  This  position  prevented  her  enemies  from  combin- 
ing2 and  attacking  the  city  simultaneously  on  all  sides. 
Thirdly,  the  similarity  of  race  which  bound  the  Eomans 
by  ties  of  blood  and  customs  to  the  Latins,  Samnites,  and 

1  Ihne,  Early  Borne,  p.  7. 

1  The  ancient  world  knew  nothing  of  a  balance  of  power  among  nations,  and  therefore 
every  nation  which  had  attained  internal  unity  strove  to  subdue  its  neighbors.—  Mcrmm- 
sen,  iii.,  p.  333. 


174  SPANISH  WARS.  |li.  c.  200. 

the  other  indigenous  races  in  Italy,  enabled  them  to  appear 
as  the  protectors  and  champions  of  Italy,  and  to  unite  all 
the  other  races  under  their  lead  in  repelling  the  invasion  of 
foreign  enemies.1  Finally  the  admirable  political  system  and 
military  organization,  based  upon  the  character  of  a  people  like 
the  Romans,  with  so  much  inherent  energy  and  ]>er-c\erance, 
were  important  elements  that  contributed  largely  to  their  suc- 
cess. When  they  had  once  entered  upon  a  Avar,  no  obstacle 
discouraged  them,  no  power  could  arrest  their  progress.  Their 
defeats  were  but  incentives  for  greater  efforts,  and,  urged  on  by 
an  uncontrollable  instinct,  they  gained  the  sovereignty  of  three 
continents. 


CHAPTER     XXVIII. 

SPANISH  AVARS  (B.C.  200-133) — K\ TI:N-IOX  OF  THE  PRO- 
VINCIAL SYSTEM — THE  CONDITION  OF  THE  SLAVES. 

1.  The  Oppression  in  Spain. — In  the  year  B.  c.  205 
Spain  had  been  formed  into  two  provinces,2  although  the 
Roman  dominion  was  established  in  only  a  small  part  of  the 
country.  The  country  was  easy  of  defence  and  the  people 
brave  and  fond  of  war.  Although  efforts  uad  been  made  to 
colonize  it,3  and  in  this  way  bring  it  under  the  influence  of 
Rome,  yet  little  had  been  accomplished,  and  the  native  tribes 
were  in  a  continual  state  of  revolt.  Marcus  Porcius  Cato  was 
sent  to  the  country  in  B.  c.  195  ;  he  arrayed  the  different  tribes 
against  each  other,  gained  several  decisive  victories,  and  on  his 
return  to  Rome,  boasted  that  he  had  destroyed  more  towns 

1  Ihne,  Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  iii.,  p.  427. 

-  The  two  provinces  were  called  Hispania  Citerior  and  Hispania  Ulterior,  and  were 
divided  by  the  Iboni<. 

•'  Scipfo  had  settled  his  'soldiers  in  Spain  and  founded  Italica  (B  "..  205). 


B.  c.  154.] 


SPANISH  WAKS. 


175 


than  he  had  spent  days  in  Spain  (B.  c.  194).  The  senate  under- 
took to  control  the  rapacity  of  the  Spanish  governors,  and  the 
first  of  those  judicial  commissions,1  which  afterwards  became 
so  numerous,  and  which  were  designed  to  protect  the  provin- 
cials, was  appointed.  Spain  enjoyed  comparative  quiet  for  a 
few  years,  and  treaties2  were  formed  with  a  number  of  towns, 
stipulating  that  in  return  for  war  contributions  or  auxiliaries, 
Kome  guaranteed  them  protection.  Still  there  was  but  little 


real  gain  ;  the  Roman  dominion  was  recognized  only  on  the 
eastern  border,  the  tribes  in  the  interior  and  to  the  north  were 
but  little  known,  and  had  never  come  under  the  Roman  yoke. 
The  military  service  in  Spain,  which  offered  but  little  plunder 
and  no  easy,  bloodless  victories,  was  becoming  daily  more  dis- 
tasteful to  the  Roman  soldier. 

2.  War  with  the   Celtiberians. — In  the  year  B.C.  154 


•  Quoestiones  repelundarum. 


By  T.  Sempronius  Gracchus. 


1?6  SPANISH   WARS.  [B.  C.   l-'H). 

it  happened  that  the  people  of  Segeda  were  occupied  in  en- 
larging their  town,  when  the  order  came  from  Rome  bidding 
them  to  desist,  and  to  furnish  tribute  and  auxiliaries.  The 
order  they  refused  to  obey,  because  according  to  the  treaty 
they  were  only  forbidden  to  build  a  new  town,  and  not  to  en- 
large one  already  existing,  and  because  they  had  hitherto  neither 
paid  tribute  nor  supplied  soldiers.  War  broke  out,  and  the  con- 
sul, Fulvius  Nobilior,  was  defeated  with  great  loss.  The  peo- 
ple of  Segeda  took  refuge  in  Numantia  and  defeated  the 
Romans  again  under  the  walls  of  that  city.  In  the  same  year 
(B.  c.  153),  the  Lusitaniaus  revolted  and  defeated  a  Roman  army. 
The  next  year  the  consul  M,  Claudius  Marcellus  concluded 
a  treaty  with  the  Arevacians  and  other  tribes,  on  condition 
that  they  should  pay  tribute  and  give  hostages.  When  Lucullus, 
the  next  consul,  arrived  in  Spain  the  following  year,  finding 
the  war  had  been  ended  and  his  hopes  of  bringing  home  honor 
and  especially  plunder  frustrated,  he  turned  his  arms  against 
the  tribes !  at  peace  with  Rome. 

3.  War  in  Lusitania. — Meanwhile  Sulpicius  Galba  was 
vying  in    Lusitania  with  Lucullus  in  treachery  and   deceit. 
When  the  Lusitanians  sent  ambassadors  to  him  to  ask  for 
peace,  he  received  them  kindly,  lamented  the  condition  of  their 
country,  and  promised  to  settle  their  people  on  fertile  lands. 
After  having  collected  them  to  the  number  of  many  thousands 
and  disarmed  them,  they  were  surrounded  by  his  own  troops 
and  murdered  (B.  C.  150).    This  outrage  was  too  much  even  for 
the  Roman  people,  accustomed  as  they  were  to  so  many  acts  of 
cruelty  and  treachery.     Cato  preferred  charges  against  Galba, 
but  his  wealth  and  great  gifts  as  an  orator  (he  was  one  of  the 
most  famous  orators  of  his  time)  procured  his  acquittal  in  the 
assembly  of  tribes. 

4.  Viriathus. — Among  the  few  who  escaped  the  massacre 
was  Viriathus.  who,  as  the  avenger  of  his  people,  carried  on 
the  fiery  war 2  in  Spain  against  the  vast  power  of  Rome  for 


1  He  attacked  the  Vaccseans  gained  possession  of  Cauca  by  treachery,  slew  the  inhab- 
itants, and  plundered  the  town. 
1  Polybius,  xxxv.  1. 


B.C.  143.]  SPANISH  WARS.  177 

more  than  ten  years.  Army  after  army  was  defeated,  year  after 
year  the  incompetent  Roman  commanders  fell  into  the  same 
traps.  Even  Q.  Fabius  Maximus 1  was  unable  to  break  the  power 
of  the  Lusitanians  and  defeat  the  wily  Viriathus.  In  the  year 
B.  c.  141  Viriathus  formed  a  treaty  with  Rome  which  recog- 
nized him  as  the  friend  of  the  Roman  nation,  but  the  consul 
for  the  next  year,  in  open  violation  of  the  treaty,  renewed  the 
war.  Viriathus  was  defeated  and  compelled  to  sue  for  peace. 
\\  hen  the  Lusitanians  were  ordered  to  give  up  their  arms,  Viri- 
athus, convinced  that  the  treachery  of  Galba  was  to  be  re- 
peated, was  meditating  a  last  desperate  resistance,  when  he  was 
murdered  by  his  own  envoys  (B.  c.  130),  who  had  been  bribed 
by  the  Roman  consul  Servilius  Caepio  to  do  the  deed.  So  low 
had  Roman  honor  and  valor  descended  that  the  proconsul  did 
not  hesitate  to  employ  the  hand  of  the  assassin  to  rid  himself 
of  an  enemy  whom  he  could  not  defeat  in  the  field. 

5.  The  Numantine  war  (B.C.  143-133). — In  the  mean- 
while the  Celtiberians  had  revolted  and  renewed  the  war,  which 
centred  round  Numantid,  and  which  defied  the  Roman  arms 
for  ten  years.  During  the  first  two  years  the  war  was  con- 
ducted by  Metellus  Macedonicus2  with  considerable  degree 
of  success,  but  his  successors  experienced  repeated  defeats 
and  disasters.  Finally  Gajus  Hostilius  Mancinus  was  brought 
to  such  straits  by  his  own  incapacity  and  the  cowardice  of 
his  soldiers,  that  he  was  compelled  to  sign  a  treaty  in  which 
ho  acknowledged  the  independence  of  the  enemy.  The  senate 
repudiated  the  treaty,  and  the  commander  was  surrendered  by 
the  Roman  fctialis.  Naked  and  with  chained  hands  he  stood 
bound  before  the  town,  but  the  Xumantines,  like  Pontius, 
refused  to  accept  the  sacrifice,  and  Mancinus  returned  to  the 
camp  and  then  to  Rome.  The  war  continued  in  the  same 
disastrous  manner  until  B.C.  134,  when  Scipio  Africanus3  took 
the  command.  Three  men,  Gajus  Marius,  who  was  afterwards 

1  This  \va-  the  eldest  son  of  ^Emilias  Paulas,  who  had  been  adopted  into  the  Fabian 
gens;  his  full  name  was  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  JZmtlianus. 

*  See  pasrc  124 

3  Scipio  \va-  re-elected  consul,  notwithstanding  t.ie  law  passed  in  B.  c.  151  prohibiting 
the  re-election  of  a  consul ;  see  Mommsen,  Rdm  Staatr.  i.,  p.  425. 


B.C.   133.]  THE    CONDITION    OF   THE   SLAVES.  179 

seven  times  consul,  Jugurtha,  the  grandson  of  Masinissa,  and 
Tiberius  Gracchus,  who  was  destined  to  play  an  important  part 
in  Roman  history,  served  under  Scipio.  Scipio's  first  efforts 
were  devoted  to  the  restoration  of  the  discipline  of  the  army. 
He  drove  the  vast  rabble  of  camp-followers,  traders  and  traf- 
fickers who  supplied  the  soldiers  with  articles  of  luxury,  from 
the  camp.  He  reduced  the  amount  of  baggage  to  what  was 
actually  necessary  for  the  wants  of  each  soldier,  and  by  con- 
stunt  drill  and  exercise  succeeded  in  bringing  his  soldiers  back 
to  a  suitable  condition  for  war. 

6.  Siege    of  Numantia.  — Scipio   now  advanced  to   the 
siege  o"  Numantia.     The  inhabitants  defended  themselves  with 
wonderful  heroism  and  courage,  and  it  was  not  until  they  had 
suffered  the  most  dreadful  extremities  of  famine,  eating  even 
the  bodies  of  the  dead,  that  they  surrendered.     Fifty  of  the 
principal  citizens  were  selected  to  adorn  Scipio's  triumph,  the 
rest  were  sold  as  slaves  and  the  town  was  razed  to  the  ground. 
Scipio  now  assumed  the  surname  of  Numantinus  in  addition  to 
his  title  of  Africanus.    All  serious  resistance  in  Spain  was  at  an 
end ;  and  the  country,  by  the  great  influx  of  Roman  traders, 
speculators,  merchants,  and  settlers,  became  rapidly  Romanized. 
Great  towns  sprang  up  as  centres  for  the  vast  inland  commerce 
in  corn,  wool,  wine,  and  mineral  products,  and  Latin  soon 
became  the  official  language  of  both  the  Spanish  provinces. 

7.  The  Province  of  Asia  (B.C.  129)— The  same  year  in 
which  Spain  was  subdued  the  first  province  beyond  the  Helles- 
pont was  acquired.   Attains  III.,  the  sixth  kin g  of  Pergamus,  died 
in  B.C.  133,  leaving  no  children.     He  bequeathed  his  kingdom 
and  treasures  to  the  Roman  people.    Aristonicus,  a  natural  son 
of  Eumenes  the  father  of  Attains,  laid  claim  to  the  throne,  but 
he  was  soon  defeated  and  taken  prisoner.     The  country  was 
formed  into  a  Roman  province  under  the  name  of  Asia. 

8.  The   Increase   in   Slavery.— The   slave  population, 
during  the  wars  in  the  East,  had  increased  enormously.    On  the 
large  estates  the  labor  was  almost  entirely  performed  by  gangs 
of  slaves  ;  the  immense  herds  of  cattle  on  the  pasture-lands 
\veir  tended  by  slaves  who  were  made  responsible  for  their  flocks 


180  THE   SERVILE   WAR.  [B.  C.  134. 

and  were  left  to  find  subsistence  as  they  could.  Almost  all  had 
once  been  freemen,  and  no  marked  difference  of  color  or  race 
or  civilization  placed  the  master  above  the  slave.  The  Roman 
nobles,  as  occupiers  of  the  public  lauds,  found  it  profitable  to 
cultivate  them  by  slave-labor.  The  free  population  in  Italy, 
particularly  the  possessors  of  small  farms,  had  so  decreased  that 
large  tracts  were  parcelled  into  sheep-walks. 

9.  The  Servile  War  (B.C.  134-132).— The  condition  in 
Sicily  was  even  worse.1  There  a  wealthy  land-owner,  named 
Damophilus,  maltreated  his  slaves  to  such  a  degree  that  tin  \ 
resolved  to  have  revenge.  They  found  a  leader  in  Eunus.  a 
pretended  Syrian  prophet.  They  attacked  Knna  and  plundered 
the  town.  The  insurrection  spread  far  and  wide  ;  four  Ro- 
man armies  were  defeated,  and  the  rebels  so  increased  that 
they  numbered  two  hundred  thousand.  For  three  successive 
years  (B.C.  134-132)  Roman  consuls  were  sent  to  the  island,  but 
nothing  was  accomplished  towards  subduing  the  insurgents 
until  B.  c.  132,  when  Publius  Rupilius  brought  the  war  to  a 
close  by  the  capture  of  their  strongholds,  Tauromenium  (Tanr- 
*nin(i)  and  Enna,  and  as  pro-consul,  with  the  aid  of  ten  com- 


1  When  the  slave-;  landed  in  Sicily  they  were  kept  by  the  dealer*  in  slave-i>ens  waiting 
for  purchasers.  The  wealthy  capitalists  would  buy  whole  ban-he-  at  once,  brand  or 
mark  the  slave*  like  cu'tle.  and  -e:id  them  oil  to  [lie  country  to  work.  The  young  and 
robust  were  employed  -i-  -hej'hcrd-.  the  other*  in  agricultural  and  other  labor, 
worked  in  IVrci  -.  to  prevent  them  from  running  away.  All  of  them  had  hard  service, 
and  their  masters  supplied  them  scantily  with  food  and  clothing.  They  cared  little  about 
their  slave*.  They  worked  them  while  they  were  able  to  work,  and  the  losses  by  death 
were  replaced  by  fresh  ptircha-es.  This  want  of  humanity  and  prudence  in  the  masters 
soon  produced  intolerable  mischief.  The  slaves  who  were  employed  in  looking  after 
sheep  and  cattle  of  necessity  had  more  freedom  than  tbo-e  who  were  cultivating  the 
ground.  Their  ma*ter*  saw  little  of  them,  and  left  them  unprovided  with  food.  suppos- 
ing th:it  they  would  be  able  to  look  after  themselves  and  cost  nothing.  They  -oon  found 
way-  of  helping  themselves.  They  beurun  by  robbing  and  murdering,  even  in  frequented 
places,  travellers  who  were  alone  or  only  in  small  companies.  It  became  unsafe  for 
traveller-  to  move  about  by  night,  nor  could  jx-ople  any  longer  safely  live  on  their  lands 
in  the  country.  The  shepherd*  got  po*-e-sion  of  hut*  which  the  occupant-  abandoned, 
and  of  arms  of  variou*  kind*  aim,  and  tint*  they  became  holder  and  more  confident. 
They  went  about  with  club*  and  spear*  and  the  *tave-  which  were  u-ed  by  herd-men, 
die-'-ed  in  wolf-kins  or  hog*kin-.  and  already  began  to  make  a  fonnidable'appearance. 
They  had  a  great  number  of  fierce  dogs  with  them,  and  an  abundance  of  food  from  the 
milk  and  flesh  of  their  bea*t*.  The  Hand  wa*  filled  with  roaming  band-  of  plunderers. 
slave-  were  b  night  cheap,  and  could  be  made  profitable  by  working  them  hard  :  and  thus 
the  greediness  of  gain,  the  total  want  of  any  human  feeling  in  the  ma*ters.  the  neglect 
of  proper  discipline  among  the  slave  .  ..-of  security  produced  by 

many  year-  of  prosperity,  brought  thing-  gradually  to  such  a  -tate  that  repression  of  the 
disorder  wa-  beyond  the  power  of  the  ma-ter-  or  governor*  ;  for  the  ma-ters  could  net 
reduce  -uch  sturdy  fellows  to  obedience  on  e-tatcs  far  removed  from  towns,  and  a  Ro- 
man governor  of  Sicily  had  uo  army  at  hi*  command.  —Lotty'n  Decline  of  tlie  Rom. 
vol.  i.,  p.  114  f. 


B.  C.  241.]       THE  INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT.  181 

missioners,  settled  the  affairs  of  the  island.1     On  his  return  to 
Rome  he  celebrated  a  sort  of  lesser  triumph,  called  ovation.8 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE  INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT. — FARMING  THE  REVENUE. — 
THE  ITALIAN  ALLIES. — THE  NEW  NOBILITY. — THE  CON- 
DITION OF  THE  PEOPLE. — HELLENIC  INFLUENCES. — ORIEN- 
TAL SUPERSTITIONS. — SLAVERY. 

1.  The  Provincial  System. — During  the  preceding  cen- 
tury the  chief  countries  that  skirted  the  borders  of  the  Medi- 
terranean had  become  provinces  of  Rome  :  (1)  Sicily8  was 
acquired  in  B.C.  "Ml ;  (2)  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  B. c.  238  ;  (3) 
Hispania  Citerior  and  (4)  Ulterior,4  B.  c.  206 ; 5  (5)  Macedonia,6 

1  By  the  lex  Rupilia  ;  see  map  No.  1. 

-  In  order  to  enjoy  a  triumph  the  Imperium  must  have  been  conferred  upon  the  com- 
mander in  the  regular  way  (hence  Ptiblius  Scipio,  after  the  conquest  of  New  Carthage  in 
Spain,  was  not  allowed  to  triumph  because  he  had  commanded  fine  utto  maaistratu. — Liv. 
xxviii.  38) ;  the  war  ended,  the  dominion  of  the  state  extended  (Liv.  xxxix.  29),  at  least 
5,(X)0  <>f  the  enemy  slain  in  battle,  the  war  must  have  been  a  legitimateone,  waged  under 
the  au-pices  in  the  province,  and  with  the  troops  of  the  commander  seeking  the  triumph  ; 
for  a  maid-Irate  as  a  pro-consul  to  triumph  after  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office,  a 
jid  f,i>:c;t HI/I  was  necessary  to  allow  him  to  enter  the  city,  while  for  the  consul  whose  im- 


ved  by 

rious  troops  with  trains  of  wagons  loaded  with  sp'oils  from  the  captured  cities,  entered 
the  /inr'n.  iiii/ii'i>h<ili.-<  and  advanced  along  the  ri<i  Mitcra  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capito- 
litui-.  The  triumpher  sat  upon  a  golden  chariot  drawn  by  four  white  horses,  clad  in  the 
•\-  triumphal  robe  embroidered  with  gold  (torja  jnctn)  and  the  flowered  tunic 
l>'il mufti  i  crowned  with  a  wreath  of  myrtle,  and  holding  a  sceptre  (xcijrio  eburneus) 
in  his  ijcrht  hand.  He  was  accompanied  in  his  chariot  by  bis  children,  while  his  clients 
and  relatives,  clothed  in  white  toira-,  surrounded  it ;  behind  him  stood  a  slave  holding 
over  his  head  a  golden  crown,  and  whispering  in  his  ear,  rexjnce  post  te,  hominem 
•nil-nil  nlti  ti>.  The  soldiers  wen;  in  the  rear,  their  spears  adorned  with  laurel;  some  sang 
hymns  to  the  gods,  some  shouted  lo  triumphs,  while  others  sang  songs  in  praise  of  their 
wader,  or  indulged  in  sullies  of  satire,  or  coarse  ribaldry,  for  the  soldiers  were  released 
from  military  discipline  and  full  license  of  speech  was  granted  on  this  day. 

In  the  ovation  the  imperator  entered  the  city  on  foot,  or  in  later  times  on  horseback, 
clad  iu  the  purple-bordered  lobe  (tor/a  purintrea),  his  head  being  crowned  with  laurel. 
Instead  of  a  bull  he  sacrificed  a  sheep  (ovix).  hence  the  name  mutio  (Serv.  ad  Verg.  A. 
4,550). 

3  That  is,  the  western  part  of  the  island  ;  the  whole  island  was  acquired  after  the  cap- 
ture of  Syracuse  in  B.  c.  210. 

'  The  first  enlarged  by  Celtiberia  ;  the  second  by  Lusitania,  in  B.  c.  1T9  ;  according  to 
Marquardt  (Staalsver,  p.  99)  Spain  was  organized  in  B.  c.  197. 

*  According  to  Appian,  Hinp.  38. 

•  Achaja  became  practically  a  province  at  the  same  time,  although  not  formally  or- 
ganized, until  the  time  of  Augustus. 


182  THE   INTERNAL   tt<  >\  H!  \  M  KNT.  [B.C.   149. 


B.  C.  146  ;  Illyricum,1  about  B.  c.  167  ;  Africa,  B.  c.  146  ;  Asia, 
B.  c.  133.  Each  province  was  governed  generally  by  a  praetor,3 
the  number  of  whom  was  increased  in  B.  c.  227  to  four  and  in 
B.C.  197  to  six.  These  provincial  governors  received  no  salarv, 
but  they  were  entitled  to  exact  certain  contributions  from  the 
provincials  for  the  support  of  themselves  and  suite.3  They  pos- 
sessed the  supreme  military  and  civil  authority,  and  no  matter 
how  serious  the  complaints  were  against  their  management, 
they  were  irremovable  during  their  term  of  office.  At  its  expi- 
ration, it  is  true,  they  could  be  brought  to  trial  either  before 
the  people  or  before  the  senatorial  judges,4  but  there  was  little 
prospect  of  conviction  in  a  suit  brought  by  a  poor  man  or  by  a 
foreigner  against  a  powerful  member  of  the  ruling  aristocracy, 
especially  since  it  was  tried  before  jurymen  far  removed  from 
the  scene,  and  if  not  involved  in  like  guilt,  at  least  belonging 
to  the  same  order  as  the  accused.5 

2.  Roman  Governors. — After  B.  c.  149  it  became  the 
general  practice  for  the  praetors  6  to  spend  their  first  year  of  office 
in  Rome,  and  the  second  year  as  pro-pra.'tors  to  undertake  the 
management  of  a  province.7  For  many  years  these  governors 
ruled  the  provincials  with  honesty  and  protected  them  from  the 
oppression  of  the  revenue-farmers.8  But  gradually  they  relaxed 

1  Livy  (xlv.  2*5,  11)  designate-  Illyricum  a--  a  province  :  see  338,  n.  1. 
'  A  consul  \va-  sent  only  in  ca-e  of  a  dsngWOUt  war. 

1  Cohors;  consisting  of  (juaMors,  secretaries,  notaries,  lictors,  augurs,  and  public 
criers. 

•  A  criminal  prosecution  was  made  before  the  people,  a  civil  suit  before  a  jury  selected 
from  the  senators. 

•  The  provinces  found  some  protection  from  tlic  rapacity  of  Roman  officials  by  be- 
coming clients  of  distinguished  men  who  brought  the  plundering  officials  to  trial  on 
their  return  to  Rome. 

€  According  to  Mominsen  this  arrangement,  by  which  the  governor  spent  the  first  year 
at  Rome  and  the  -econd  in  ihe  province,  became  the  established  practice  from  the  time 
of  Sulla  ;  -(•<•  p.  ~o7. 

1  The  population  in  the  province-  con-i-ti-d  <>f  two  ela—e-;  :  tlio-e  to  which  a  certain 
degree  of  Independence  was  granted,  and  those  completely  subject  to  the  civil  and  judi- 
cial administration  of  the  governor.  In  the  Ont  CUM  were  the  (1 1  free  cities  (ciritate* 
libera\ :  t2i  the  citie-  that  were  free  and  exempt  from  taxes  ,,•/'/;/'/'•>  /;/,,/  i  ,/  Immvnet)', 
and  (3>  the  allied  ci:  I  utiti ;  the  second  class  paid  not  only  tribute,  but 

a  land  tax. 

•  Piibticini :  the-e  were  the  j>ersons  who  farmed  the  public  revenues  (pvblica  rectiga- 
!ia),  i.e  direr  ;    tr»>'i'nn>.  .«•••;•/>'"/•./.  tnt-.f  //'-'.  *</'/,,,M  and  indirect  (portona), 
taxes  ;  uDout  the  time  of  the  -econd  Punic  war  the  /<»/>//>•///;  >  principally  from  the  e<|iies- 
trian  order)  formed  them-elvc-  into  corporations  which  enabled  them  to  carry  on  the 
business  on  a  large  -calo.    The  land  in  the  provinces  was  partly  given  to  Roman  settlers 
(a<jri  prirnii  •.  or  to  the  free  commm  -  fa  </<  /"f<f  and  ciritate*  W>er<z  et  im- 
Ht'tii'*:).  or.  a-  wa<  generally  the  ca-e.  became  public  domain  (ayf-i-  jmMicu#\.  and  was  (1) 
partly  sold  by  the  qiuBstor(aa  '                                   ilifave\  liut  still  remaining  so  far  the 
property  of  the  state  that  ir  payed  a  nominal  tax '(/-x-t/'jiili,  or.  as  was  the  ca-e  with  most 


I 
THE  INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT.  183 

in  their  honesty,  and  it  became  a  rare  case  for  a  governor  to 
return  from  his  province  with  clean  hands.  The  governor  had 
the  right  to  free  quarters  and  free  conveyance  when  travelling 
on  the  business  of  the  state,  and  to  obtain,  at  a  fair  price,  sup- 
plies for  himself  and  retinue,  and  in  case  of  war  for  the  army. 
As  the  senate  exercised  no  strict  control  over  the  provincial 
magistrates,  these  privileges  opened  the  way  to  so  many  abuses 
that  in  time  the  condition  of  the  provincials,  under  such  gov- 
ernors as  Verres,  became  intolerable.1  The  man  who  had  ruled 
a  province  in  a  manner  substantially  independent  of  the  senate, 
found  it  hard  on  his  return  home  to  descend  to  the  common  level. 
In  this  way  the  equality  within  the  aristocracy  was  broken  down, 
the  oversight  by  the  senate  of  the  provincial  magistrates,  always 
lax,  began  to  give  way,  and  hence  the  aversion  of  the  govern- 
ment to  the  acquisition  of  new  provinces,  as  in  the  case  of 
Macedonia  after  the  battle  of  Pydna.  Further,  the  immense 
wealth  of  the  governing  families  was  used  to  influence  the  votes 
of  the  proletarians  in  the  capital,  either  directly  or  by  expending 
vast  sums  on  the  public  games  or  gladiatorial  shows.  This  ren- 
derecl  it  more  and  more  difficult  for  a  man  who  was  not  wealthy 
to  rise  to  office. 

3.  Titles  and  Insignia. — We  have  already  noticed  that 
the  desire  for  titles  and  insignia  was  so  great,  and  that  every 
insignificant  combat  was  so  magnified  by  false  bulletins,  that 
the  senate  had  to  enact  a  law  that  a  triumph  could  be  granted 
only  when  a  pitched  battle  had  taken  place  in  which  five 
thousand  of  the  enemy  fell.  At  first  the  thanks  of  the  senate 
satisfied  the  successful  commander,  but  soon  he  demanded  some 
permanent  distinction.  Statues  and  monuments  had  become  so 

nf  the  land,  (2i  was  restored  to  the-  old  owners,  subject  to  taxation,  or  (3)  was  retained 
oy  the  state  and  was  leased  by  the  censors  (af/er  Rotnan>tx  fjopuli,  quid  censorious  locari 
The  provinces  paid  either  tenth-  i«A  mnm  \.  ;i-  in  Sicily,  or  a  fixed  sum  (ftfipendiitm} 
as  in  the  other  province-.  The  collection  of  the  tenths  wn  farmed  out,  or  leased,  to  the 
li'ih'i  //I/',  who  paid  a  fixed  stun  into  the  public  treasury  and  collected  what  they  conld  ; 
they  ahu-ed  their  power  and  oppres-ed  the  defenceless  provincials  to  such  a  decree  that 
even  Livy  (xlv.  18)  says  i/tti  piiblicantts  e»t,  ibi  out  jtu  puARctm  rmmi/i.  nut  U6enattOcUt 
nulla— wherever  a  tax-co/lector  wax  employed,  either  the  right*  of  the  people  icere  disre- 
garded or  the  freedom  of  the  allies  dextroyKl. 

1  When  complaints  of  such  extortion  (in  year  B.  c.  173)  began  to  be  made,  they  came 
before  the  senate;  in  B.C.  149  the  ley  Culpurnia  </e  rtjtftnndis  was  enacted  by  which  a 
pr;vi  or  wa-  appointed  to  try  such  complaints  ;  the  penalty  was  pecuniary,  but  it  was  con,- 
tinually  inaile  heavier  by  the  various  laws  passed  after  the  lex  Calpurn&Q, 


184  THE   INTERNAL   GOVKRNMENT. 

common  that  they  were  no  longer  considered  an  honor,  and  the 
custom  mainly  established  by  Scipio,  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal, 
of  acquiring  a  permanent  surname  for  himself  and  his  descend- 
ants from  the  victories  he  had  won.  came  into  general  practice. 

4.  The  Italian  Allies. — In  consequence  of  the  long  wars, 
the  position  of  the  Latins,  and  particularly  of  the  pllies  in  Italy, 
had   undergone  a  change  greatly  to  their  disadvantage.     The 
burdens  imposed  upon  them  had  been  unjustly  increased,  and 
the  military  service — particularly  garrison  duty  and  the  odious 
service  in  Spain — was  transferred  moretaid  more  to  the  Italian 
allies.    After  the  subjugation  of  Italy,  the  admission  of  indi- 
viduals as  well  as  communities  to  the  Roman  franchise  was 
almost  completely  stopped,  and  the  Italian  allies,  although  by 
their  blood  and  toil  the  Roman  dominion  had  been  extended 
over  the  states  of  the  Mediterranean,  remained  substantially 
in  the  same  condition  as  the  provincials.    Just  as  the  ruling 
class  at  Rome  separated  itself  from  the  people,  so  the  Roman 
citizens  in  their  turn  asserted  their  superiority  over  the  Latins, 
and  excluded  them  more  and  more  from   their  rights — such 
as  an  equal  assignment  of  land,  the  right  of  free  migration, 
and  of  free  settlement  in  Rome,  unless  the  emigrants  left  chil- 
dren behind  them  in  their  native  city — while  transferring  to 
them  an  increased  share  in  the  common  burdens. 

5.  Roman   Citizenship. — This  injustice  was  the  more 
keenly  felt  by  them,  from  the  fact  that  the  rights  of  a  Ro- 
man citizen  had  been  enlarged,  and  more  clearly  defined  by 
laws  that  threatened  the  severest  punishment  to  a  magistrate 
who  put  to  death  or  scourged  a  Roman  citizen.1    To  this  was 
added  the  right  to  one  on  trial  for  life  before  the  comitia  cenfu- 
ri/ita  of  going  into  voluntary  exile,  before  the  decision  of  the 
assembly  was  announced.    The  great  increase  of  the  revenue  '* 

1  These  were  the  three  celebrated  Porcian  laws  (Cic.  de  Rep.  ii.  31.  54i  carried  proba- 
bly by  (1)  M.  Porciu  -or  B.C.  i!Wi,  which  threatened  '  nii^tio 
to  a  masji-trato  who  oulere  1  a  Itmnan  citi/cn  to  be  -fmivd  ami  put  to  death  within  the 
pomfriii/ti.  <•><  M.  I'ovc'u-  I.n>ca  i tribune  B.  r.  lt)5i  extended  thi-  privilege  to  Roman 
citizens  living  in  any  part  of  Italy  or  the  provinces  ;  and  i3>  L.  Porciu-  Licinii-  (consul 
B.  c.  1«5~>,  to  the  Roman  citizens  nerving  in  the  army,  so  far  a-  was  consistent  with  mili- 
tary discipline.— Lanqe,  Rom.  AUtilh.  vol.  ii..  pp.  179.  218.  479. 

3  Of  the  vast  revenue  of  the  Roman  state,  (the  spoils  in  the  war  with  Per-eu-  amounting 
to  £2.100.000).  J  in  time  of  peace.  rV,  in  time  of  war  wa>  expended  in  roads,  hridios  aque- 
duct-, and  public  building.-.  Tl,'  .1  of  sewers  waj  con.-tructed  about  B.  c.  180; 


THE  INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT.  185 

from  the  transmarine  provinces  had  rendered  it  unnecessary  to 
impose  the  tribute  on  Roman  citizens  since  the  battle  of 
Pydna.  These  privileges  rendered  citizenship  from  year  to  year 
more  desirable,  and  made  the  allies  feel  that  they  were  subjects 
of  Rome.  When  they  saw  the  chasm  growing  greater,  and  that 
it  was  spanned  by  no  bridge,  a  profound  dissatisfaction  prevailed 
throughout  the  whole  Italian  confederacy. 

6.  Formation  of  New  Parties. — In  Rome  itself  the 
condition  of  things  was  not  much  better.  The  old  opposition  be- 
tween the  plebeians  and  the  patricians  had  been  removed  by  the 
Hortensian  and  Maenian  laws,1  only  to  be  renewed  under  another 
form.  The  common  people  rose  in  revolt  against  the  new 
nobility,  composed  of  the  members  of  those  families  that  had 
held  a  curule  magistracy,2  and  were  members  of  the  senate,  and 
thus  virtually  renewed  the  old  contest.  The  increasing  power 
of  wealth  to  influence  elections,  the  initiative  of  the  senate  in 
legislation,  the  exclusion  of  all  "new  men"3  from  the  higher 
magistracies,  threw  the  government 4  more  and  more  into  the 

In  B.C.  171  the  streets  of  Rome  were  paved  ;  in  B.C.  160  the  Pomptine  marshes  were  drained, 
and  the  magnificent  aqueduct*,  which  even  in  their  rains  are  the  admiration  of  modern 
time-,  were  beu'iin  by  the  priefor  O.  Marcius  (B.C.  144).  In  B.C.  159  the  first  clepsydra 
up  by  Scipio  ^Sasica.  The  Romans  for  nearly  500  years  possessed .no  clocks.  At 
first  they  guessed  at  the  time  from  the  position  of  the  sun,  not  even  dividing  the  day  into 
hours.  Afterwards  twenty-four  hours  were  reckoned  from  midnight  to  midnight,  but 
the  day,  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  sun.  was  divided  into  twelve  hours.  After  sun- 
dials (solarium)  (about  B.  c.  294)  were  introduced,  the  day  was  divided  into  twelve  equal 
parts,  and  the  night  into  twelve  hours.  Hence  the  hours  of  night  and  day  were  of  variable 
length,  and  only  equal  at  the  equinoxes.  In  order  to  compare  the  Roman  hours  with  ours 
we  must  alwnvs  know  the  natural  length  of  the  day  at  Rome.  For  a  full  comparison  see 
l^lirlnn-'i  <l  I'ltronoloyie.  It  is  well  to  remember  that  on  the  sundials  (solarium) 
the  hours  were  divided  by  means  of  eleven  lines.  If  ihe  shadow  of  the  finger  (gnomon) 
fell  upon  the  first  line,  the  first  hour  was  already  passed.  Hence  prima  hora  denotes  the 
beginning  of  the  second  hour.  On  dull  days  there  was  no  means  of  determining  the  time 
until  the  cli'psydi;e  were  known.  They  were  similar  to  our  sand-glasses,  the  water  being 
allowed  to  escape  gradually  like  the  sand.  In  order  to  know  the  time  without  any  trouble, 
^javes  were  kept  at  the  solarium  and  clepsydra  to  report  when  each  hour  expired. 
1  See  pp.  84  and  85,  note  3. 

*  The  curule  magistrates  had  the  right  of  sitting  on  the  fella  cwrulis,  or  chair  of  state. 
This  right  belonged,  in  the  time  of  the  republic,  to  the  consuls,  praetors,  curale  sediles, 
censors,  rtamen  Dialis,  dictator,  and  his  master  of  horse  (maf/ister  eqruitum). 

*  It  will  be  recollected  that  the  nobility  had  no  legal  privileges  as  a  class  (see  p.  85), 
but  the  nobles  were  bound  together  by  common  interest,  particularly  in  confining  the 
election  to  all  the  higher  magistracies  to  the  members  of  their  own  order.    The  especial 
distinction  of  the  nobles  was  the  ,///x  nunr/iuiim  (the  right  of  showing  the  images  of  their 
anco-torsi.     When  a  plebeian  attained  to  a  curule  office,  and  was  thus  the  founder  of  his 
family's  nobility,  he  could  have  no  imagine*  of  his  ancestors  nor  of  his  own.  for  the  im- 

•  >f  a  man  were  not  made  until  hie  was  dead.  Such  a  person,  then,  was  not  nobilis 
in  the  full  sense  of  the  word  nor  yet  was  he  ignobilis.  He  was  called  novus  homo,  or  a 
"new  man." 

*  A  law  was  carried  in  B.  c.  342  (see  p.  82)  to  prevent  re-election  to  the  same  office  until 
after  ten  years,  and  in  B.  c.  180  (by  the  le.r  annaH?)  the  order  in  which  the  magistracies  must 
be  sought  was  defined,  and  the  age  before  which  they  could  not  be  held  was  Used :  the 


186  THE  INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT.      [B.  C.  194. 


hands  of  u  few  great  houses.1  In  this  way  the  old  republican 
aristocracy  was  transformed  into  a  family  oligarchy. 

7.  Separation  of  the  Orders. — Upon  those  whose  ances- 
tors had  attained  to  any  of  the  curule  magistracies  there  were 
bestowed  certain  privileges — the  most  ancient  of  which  was  the 
permission  to  place  the  wax  images  of  such  ancestors2  in  the 
family  hall — and  external  .nsignia,  of  which  the  stripe  of  pur- 
ple 3  on  the  tunic,  the  golden  finger  ring,4  the  silver  mounted 
housings 5  of  the  youths,  and  the  golden  amulet  caso  6  of  the 
boys  were  the  most  important.     These  served  to  distinguish 
the  noble  families,  and  combined  with  the  innovation  introduced 
by  Scipio  (B.  c.  194),  of  assigning  the  front  seats  of  the  theatre 7 
to  the  senatorial  order,  and  the  fact  that  the  senators  who  had 
been  consuls,  praetors,  or  curule  aediles  were  honored  with  cer- 
tain special  privileges,8  drew  a  sharp  line  between  the  ruling 
class  and  the  people. 

8.  The  Aim  of  the  Nobility. — During  this  period  the 
nobility  sought  to  gain  sole  and  exclusive  control  of  the  gov- 
ernment by  means  of  the  senate  and  equites.9     Formerly  the 
censor  had  placed  the  names  of  worthy  men  on  the  list  of 
senators  who  had  not  held  a  curule  office,  and  sometimes  ex- 
pelled unworthy  members  from  that  body  although  they  did 
belong  to  the  nobility.     Now  the  aim  of  the  governing  aristoc- 
racy was  to  grant  to  the  senate  the  power  of  filling  up  its  own 
ranks  by  legally  entitling  every  one  who  had  held  a  curule 
magistracy  to  a  seat  in  that  body,  and  by  making  it  the  duty 
of  the  censor,10  on  erasing  from  its  list  any  name,  to  give  tin- 
reasons  in  writing.     As  the  nobility  succeeded  in  confining  -;he 
higher  offices  to  their  own  clique,  the  senate  gained  control  over 
both  modes  of  admission  to  its  ranks— election  to  a  curule 
office  and  nomination  by  the  censor.    The  government  man- 

earliest  age  for  the  (iiuestorship  was  27  :  for  the  iedi!cship.  37  ;  for  the  praetorship,  40  ;  for 
the  connuohip,  43. 

1  According  to  Mominsen  (Rom.  Forsch.  p.  71.  ff.)  some  fifteen  or  sixteen  houses  con 
trolled  the  government  to  the  end  of  the  republic.  :  •/>/*•  imai-iin'mi. 

1  Latut  davut.  •  Ann>i/n#  ut/re>i*.  '  Phalera.  '  Bulla  aurra. 

'  In  the  orchestra.  '  See  p.  88.  n.  2.  •  See  p.  23  and  p.  210,  note  6. 

'"  One  censor  had  the  right  to  veto  his  colleague '<  decision,  and  his  successor  conic! 
entirely  cancel  it.  Further,  the  list  was  not  liable  to  revision  at  any  time,  as  formerly, 
but  only  once  in  five  years. 


THE   INTERNAL   GOVERNMENT. 


aged  m  the  same  way  with  the  equites.  Senators,1  although 
past  the  age  when  they  could  serve  in  the  cavalry,  and  young 
men  of  the  nobility  were  allowed  to  vote  in  the  equestrian  cen- 
turies, and  thus  to  exert  undue  influence  in  the  comitia.  And 
further,  in  order  to  bring  the  public  assemblies  more  and  more 
under  the  control  of  the  ruling  aristocracy,  large  numbers  of 
freedmen,  the  political  retainers2  of  the  noble  houses,  were 
admitted  to  the  franchise  either  by  legal  enactment8  or  by  the 
carelessness  and  collusion  of  the  censor.  The  lower  classes  of 
voters,  the  city  rabble,  were  also  systematically  corrupted  by 
largesses  of  corn  and  by  the  public  games  which  the  rich  cele- 
brated with  great  expense  and  splendor  in  order  to  curry  favor 
with  the  voters.  These  assemblies  were  also  brought  more  and 
more  under  the  influence  of  the  governing  aristocracy  as  the 
body  of  citizens  increased,  because  the  elements  which  composed 
them  grew  more  numerous  and  varied  and  widely  separated,  and 
therefore  more  easily  managed  by  the  presiding  officer.  The 
magistrate  alone  had  the  right  of  addressing  the  assemblies;  and 
the  people  stood  and  assented  to  his  proposals.  The  voters  were 
too  widely  scattered  to  be  instructed  beforehand  and  to  agree 
upon  any  unity  of  action.  Therefore  it  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at  that  it  had  long  been  the  custom  for  the  more  important 
affairs  of  state,  the  entire  foreign  policy,  to  be  settled  in  the 
senate. 

9.  The  Condition  of  the  People.  —  Originally  the  Bo- 
mans  had  been  a  hardy  and  industrious  race  and  had  lived  on 
their  small  farms  and  cultivated  them  with  their  own  hands. 
During  the  war  with  Hannibal  the  devastation  of  Italy  had 
been  so  great  that  the  small  farms  had  almost  entirely  disap- 
peared. The  armies  destined  for  foreign  service  were  com- 
posed chiefly  of  veterans,  many  of  whom  served  for  fourteen 
years.  They  became  estranged  from  civil  life,  adopted  the 
habits  of  soldiers,  and  relied  chiefly  on  plunder.  The  condi- 
tion of  Italy,  particularly  after  the  Hannibalic  war,  was  favor- 
able for  indulging  such  propensities.  A  great  number  of  the 

V  p  23  and  p.  210,  n.  6.  '  Ulientes.  •  As  to  *  r.  240. 


i&8  T11K    INTKUXAI.    (ioVKKNMKNT.  [fi.  C.  23$. 

Italians  had  joined  Hannibal,  their  towns  were  given  up  to 
plunder,  and  large  tracts  of  land  weiv  COM  fixated.  The  sol- 
diers could  seldom  make  use  of  the  spoils  that  fell  into  their 
hands,  and  therefore  had  recourse  to  the  retinue  of  traders 
that  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  armies,  converted  their 
plunder  into  ready  money,  which  was  soon  .squandered,  and 
returned  home  to  swell  the  impoverished  crowd  that  was  daily 
increasing  in  the  capital.  The  result  was  that  during  the  long 
wars  the  rich  grew  richer,  and  the  poor  poorer  ;  productive 
lahor  declined  when  a  vast  amount  of  wealth  poured  into  Rome 
from  the  conquered  states.  The  proletarians  increased  to  an 
alarming  extent,  and  by  the  largesses  of  corn  and  the  enormous 
sums  spent  in  public  festivals  l  fell  more  and  more  under  the 
power  of  the  few  reigning  families. 

10.  The  Agrarian  Law  of  Flaininius. — All  over  Italy 
large  tracts  of  land  were  deserted,  thousands  of  people  were 
impoverished,  and  what  was  worse,  disinclined  to  earn  an  honest 
living  by  toil  in  the  field  or  in  the  workshop.  There  were  some 
who  saw  the  evils  that  threatened  the  state  and  sought  to  avert 
them  by  wise  measures  of  reform,  but  they  were  thwarted  by 
the  calculating  avarice  and  selfishness  of  the  nobility,  and  the 
state  continued  on  the  downward  road  and  approached  nearer 
and  nearer  the  fatal  catastrophe.  G.  Flaminito  saw  clearly  the 
danger  that  threatened  the  state,  and  strove  against  the  entire 
opposition  of  the  Roman  aristocracy  to  remove  it.  The  people 
however  sided  with  him.  and  he  was  able  to  carry  his  measures 
for  reform  in  the  plebeian  assembly  of  tribes  in  direct  opposition 
to  the  senate.2  The  law  passed  during  his  tribunate  (H.  c.  232), 
assigning  the  territory  of  the  Senonian  Gauls  to  Roman  set- 
tlers, has  been  mentioned.3  He  was  elected  consul  in  B.  c.  222, 
and  conducted  the  war  against  the  Insubrians.  When  the  trib- 
une G.  Claudius  proposed  the  law  to  prevent  the  nobility  from 


1  TL3  pnblic  festival*  were  religion*  ceremonies  instituted  to  pacify  the  gods.  To  the 
great  Roman  games  instituted  in  the  retral  i'on<id  were  added  the  plebeian  games  in  B.  c. 
509.  the  Apollmarian  in  B.  c.  512,  and  tlit-  Megali-ian  in  B.  c.  2M. 

1  So  important  wa»  thi*  that  Polybius  (if.  31  >.  a  stanch  defender  of  the  aristocracy 
(Lues  the  decline  of  the  Roman  state" from  this  time. 

'  See  page  129. 


B.  C.  234]  1HE   INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT. 


189 


speculating  in  government  contracts  by  forbidding  senators  and 
their  sons  to  engage  in  foreign  trade  or  to  own  any  vessel  be- 
yond a  certain  size,  Flaminius  was  the  only  man  in  the  senate 
who  was  outspoken  in  favor  of  the  measure.1  The  disastrous 
defeat  which  Varro,  the  popular  leader,  suffered  in  the  Hanni- 
balic  war,  threw  the  entire  control  of  the  government  again 
into  the  hands  of  the  senate. 

11.  Cato's  Efforts  for  Reform. — There  were  also  other 
men  who  saw  with  regret  the  decline  of  the  old  national  vigor 
and  the  spread  of  corruption,  and  strove  to  resist  it.  Such  was 
Marcus  Porcius  Cato,2  who  was  born  at  Tusculum  in  B.  c.  234. 
lie  was  brought  up  on  his  father's  Sabine  farm,  where  his  at- 
tachment to  the  hardy  habits  of  his  ancestors  was  encouraged 
by  his  neighbor  Curius  Dentatus,  the  conqueror  of  Pyrrhus. 


1  The  reform  in  the  order  of  voting,  effected  soon  after  the  first  Punic  war,  was  due  to 
the  opposition,  and  was  a  change  in  favor  of  the  people.  Hitherto  the  equites  and  the  first 
class  had  constituted  a  majority  of  the  193  centuries  ;  as  it  was  now  arranged  each  of  the 
thirty-five  tribes  was  divided  into  five  classes,  each  class  was  subdivided  into  two  cen- 
turies, thus  giving  3150  centuries,  which  with  the  eighteen  centuries  of  equites  and  the 
five  centuries  of  Hiiiths,  carpenters,  &c.,  made  the  sum  of  373.  The  right  of  priority  in 
voting  was  withdrawn  from  the  eqnites,  and  transferred  to  a  division  chosen  from  the 
first  class  by  lot.  About  this  time  began  the  agitation  in  regard  to  the  manner  of  voting 
fur  ek-c:ions  of  inngistrates  and  in  public  trials.  Hitherto  each  citizen  declared  the  can- 
didate for  whom  he  voted  :  now  the  opposition  demanded  the  ballot  (tabella),  hence  the 
laws  were  called  leges  tjibdlarix  ;  the  first  law  (Ifx  Gatrinia)  for  the  election  of  magistrates 


In  an  election,  the  name  of  the  candidate  ;  for  the  enactment  of  a  law,  U.  JS.  (uti  roges) 
for  the  affirmative,  and  A.  (antique)  for  the  negative. 

*  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

1.  M.  PORCIUS  CATO  CENSORIUS,  cos.  B.  c.  195,  cens.  B.C.  184. 
m.  1.  LICINIA,  2.  SALONIA. 


2.  M.  PORCIUS  CATO  LICIXIANUS,        3.  M.  PORCIUS  CATO  SALONIAHUB, 
pr.  design.  B.  c.  152,  m.  EMILIA.  praetor. 


4.  M.  PORCIUS  CATO,    5.  G.  PORCIUS  CATO,    6.  M.  PORCIUS  CATO,    7.  L.  PORCITTS  CATO 
cos.  B.  c.  118.  cos.  B.  c.  114.  Tr.  pi.  m.  LIVTA.  cos.  B.  c.  89. 


8.  M.  PORCIUS  CATO, 
praetor. 


M.  PORCIUS  CATO  UTICENCIS, 

pr.  B.  c.  54. 
m.  1.  ATILIA,  3.  MARCLA. 


PORCIA.  m. 

L.  DOMITIUS 

AHENOBARBUS 


1!'0  Till;    INTKKNAL   GOVERN  Ml  .\l.  [fi.   C.   195. 

Cato  entered  public  life  under  t  IK-  patronage  of  Valerius  Flaccus,a 
lover  of  the  olden  times  in  which  the  fanner  was  called  from  his 
plow  to  lead  the  armies  of  the  commonwealth.  He  was  seven- 
teen when  he  served  his  first  campaign.  He  fought  with  honor 
through  the  whole  Hunnihalic  war.  He  rose  from  one  office  to 
another  until  in  B.C.  195  he  became  consul,  crossed  the  line, 
and  entered  that  well-fenced  circle  from  which  the  efforts  of 
the  aristocracy  were  to  exclude  all  "  new  men."  He  distin- 
guished himself  by  opposing  all  corruption.  He  resisted  the 
repeal  of  the  Oppian  law,  Avhich  forbade  a  woman  to  possess 
more  than  one  ounce  of  gold,  or  to  wear  a  garment  of  diverse 
colors,  or  to  ride  in  the  city  in  a  carriage.  Cato  was  the  same  in 
the  forum  as  on  the  battle-field.  He  battled  manfully  against 
the  prevailing  corruption.  His  prompt  and  ready  wit,  his 
knowledge  of  Roman  law  and  Eoman  a  Hairs,  made  him  a 
dreaded  opponent,  as  he  laid  before  his  colleagues  the  list  of 
their  shortcomings. 

12.  Prosecution  of  the  two  Scipios. — After  the  battle 
of  Zama,  Cato  took  an  active  part  in  the  measures  which  led  to 
the  accusation  of  Scipio.  When  the  tribune,  at  his  instigation, 
preferred  a  charge  against  Lucius  Scipio  of  being  bribed 
by  Antiochus,  and  Lucius  was  about  to  produce  his  accounts, 
his  brother  Africanus  snatched  them  from  his.  hand  and  tore 
them  up,  saying  that  it  was  unworthy  for  a  man  to  be  called 
to  account  for  a  few  thousands,  who  had  paid  millions  into 
the  treasury.  This  haughty  conduct  contributed  to  the  con- 
viction  of  Lucius,  and  lie  was  sentenced  to  pay  a  heavy  fine. 
As  he  was  being  led  away  to  prison,  Africanus  attempted  to 
liberate  him,  and  a  violent  conflict  was  averted  only  by  the 
interference  of  the  tril.uue  Tiberius  (Jracchus.  In  u.  c.  185  the 
tribune  brought  charges  against  Africanus  himself;  but  the 
trial  happened  to  come  on  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of 
Zama.  and  Scipio  invited  the  people  to  follow  him  to  the  capi- 
tol  and  to  give  thanks  for  the  victory.  After  this  he  retired 
from  Rome  to  his  country-seat  at  Liternum,  where,  after  two 
years,  he  died  and  had  this  inscription  placed  on  his  tomb: 
"  Ungrateful  country  !  you  do  not  even  possess  rav  bones." 


B.C.  184.]  THE   INTERNAL   GOVERNMENT.  191 

13.  Censorship  of  Cato. — Cato  himself  did  not  escape ; 
he  was  accused  forty-four  times,  but  the  people  always  stood  by 
him.    In  B.C.  184  he  was  elected  censor  with  Lucius  Flaccus, 
ftnd    devoted  himself  with    honesty  and    impartiality  to  the 
duties  of  his  office.     He  restrained  the  farmers  of  the  revenue, 
levied  a  heavy  tax  on  articles  of  luxury,1  forbade  the  celebration 
Df  the  festival  to  Bacchus,  and  was  chiefly  influential  in  expel- 
ling the  three  Greek  philosophers  from  Rome  who  had  come  to 
procure  an  abatement  in  the  sum  which  the  Athenians  had  been 
ordered  to  pay  the  Oropians.3    In  his  old  age  Cato  began  to 
waver  in  his  opposition  to  every  thing  foreign.   He  even  applied 
himself  to  the  study  of  Greek  literature,  and  the  love  of  gain 
caused  him  to  invest  his  money  in  commercial  speculations.3 
Cato  was  honest  but  thoroughly  narrow-minded ;  he  restricted 
his  ideas  to  Italy  and  was  averse  to  the  career  of  conquest  which 
brought  the  states  of  the  Mediterranean  under  the  dominion 
of  Rome.     His  measures,  however,  produced  but  little  lasting 
effect,  and  the  increase  of  wealth  and  the  decay  of  the  old  re- 
publican virtues  continued.4 

14.  The  Character  of  the  Roman  Government. — Not- 
withstanding the  evidences  of  disorder  and  decline  that  were 
visible  in  the  government  at  home,  in  the  administration  of 
the  provinces,  and  in  the  army,  we  must  remember  that  the 
downward  step  was  gradual ;  that  it  took  many  ages  of  corrup- 

1  The  opposition  carried  the  lex  Orchid  (B.  r.  182),  which  limited  the  number  of  guests 
at  banquets,  the  lex  Faunia  (B.  c.  162),  the  expense,  and  the  lex  Didia  (B.C.  144>,  which 
made  thc-e  restrictions  applicable  to  the  allies.  Cato  himself  never  allowed  more  than 
thirty  ataet  <50c.)  for  any  meal  ;  no  dress  cost  him  more  than  100  dtnarii  ($21.50) ;  no 
slave  more  than  1500  denarii  ($325) ;  he  had  no  carpets  in  his  house,  often  no  wine  on  his 
table,  and  he  partook  ordinarily  of  the  same  fare  with  his  servants.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  t he  booi hs  ( tnbermn  <tr<-i< .-•  et  novie)  and  markets  were  removed  from  the  forum,  and 
tin-  Huxilica  Portia  erected  near  the  Curia  Hostilia. 

'  See  p.  16(1.  n.  2. 

3  Cato  never  speculated  in  state  leases  nor  practised  usury. 

1  To  the  later  generations  who  survived  the  storms  of  the  revolution,  the  period  after 
the  Hamiibalic  war  appeared  the  golden  age  of  Home,  and  Cato  seemed  the  model  of  the 
Roman  statesman.  It  was  in  reality  the  calm  before  the  storm  and  an  epoch  of  political 
mediocrities,  an  age  like  that  of  the  government  of  Wa'.pole  in  England  ;  and  no  Chat- 
ham was  found  in  Rome  to  infuse  fresh  enenry  into  the  stagnant  life  of  the  nation. 
Wherever  we  cast  our  eyes,  chinks  and  rents  are  yawning  in  the  old  building ;  we  see 
woi-ii'in'ii  busy  sometimes  in  filling  them  up,  sometimes  in  enlarging  them,  but  we  no- 
where perceive  any  trace  of  preparations  for  thoroughly  rebuilding  or  renewing  it,  and 
lestion  is  no  longer  whether,  but  simply  when,  the  structure  will  fall.  During  no 
epoch  did  the  Roman  constitution  remain  formally  u  stable  as  in  the  period  from  the 
Sicilian  to  the  third  Macedonian  war.  and  for  a  generation  beyond  it ;  but  the  stability 
of  the  constitution  was  here,  as  everywhere,  not  a  sign  of  the  health  of  the  state,  but  r 
token  of  incipient  sickness  and  the  harbinger  of  revolution.— Mommzen,  vol.  ii.,  p.  384. 


192  THH  INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT. 

tion  and  mismanagement  to  break  down  the  system  of  govern- 
ment based  upon  the  character  of  a  people  with  so  much 
inherent  energy  as  the  Roman  nation  possessed.  It  was  the 
hardy  habits,  the  civic  virtues,  the  willing  submission  to  the 
power  of  the  government,  the  sacrifice  of  the  individual  will  to 
the  national,  that  made  the  Romans  a  nation  of  warriors  and 
then  the  rulers  of  the  world.  These  qualities  laid  the  elements 
of  their  political  constitution,  which  at  home  remained  for 
ages  unchanged,  and  when  carried  to  the  provincials  was  felt 
by  the  subjects  to  be  a  blessing  ;  for  it  introduced  a  "govern- 
ment of  laws,  and  not  of  men,"1  and  the  subjects  clung  to 
that  constitution  until  abuses  began  to  undermine  its  very 
foundations  and  converted  it  into  an  intolerable  tyranny.2 

15.  Hellenic  Influences. — If  we  turn  to  study  the  inner 
life  of  the  nation,  we  shall  find  the  old  Roman  frugality  and 
integrity  disappearing,  and  signs  of  Hellenic  and  Oriental 
influences  visible  on  every  hand.  We  have  already  learned  that 
Rome,  even  in  the  regal  period,  was  subject  to  the  influence  of 
Greece,  and  that  the  Greek  language  and  literature  and  par- 
ticularly the  laws  of  the  Greek  states  had  been  studied  by  the 
leading  statesmen  at  Rome.  We  have  already  seen  to  what 
moral  and  social  degradation  Greece  had  been  reduced  when  the 
people  came  most  intimately  in  contact  with  Rome.  The  luxury 
and  levity  of  manners,  the  vice  and  infidelity  that  came  from 
Greece,  did  much  to  subvert  the  old  Roman  frugality  and  piety. 
Cato  opposed  with  energy  and  honesty  the  inroads  that 
Greek  indolence  and  Greek  immorality  were  making  on  the 
Roman  character,  but  in  vain.  Greek  literature  and  Greek  ideas 
grew  more  and  more  attractive,  and  it  became  the  fashion 
to  laugh  at  Cato  for  his  old-fashioned  notions.  There  was, 
however,  much  truth  in  his  denunciations.  The  literature  of 
Greece  had  in  some  measure  kept  pace  with  the  degeneracy  of 
the  country.  Plato  and  Aristotle  had  been  succeeded  by  Chry- 
sippus  and  Carncades  :  Euripides  and  Menander  had  taken  the 
place  of  ^Eschylus  and  Aristophanes.3 

1  Livy  li.  1, 1 :  irnperia  Ugum  potentiora  r/i/am  bominnm. 

1  See  Ihne,  vol.  iii.,  p.  423.       3  Max  Muller,  Led.  on  Science  of  Lang.,  vol.  i.,  p.  113 


THE   INTERNAL   GOVEROTfEOT.  193 

16.  Philosophy  and   Religion. — It  was  particularly  in 
the  religious  life  that  the  influences  from  Greece  were  mo?t 
deleterious.     It  was  openly  avowed  by  the  enlightened  classes 
that  philosophy  must  take  the  place  of  religion,  and  that  a 
belief  in  miracles  and  oracles  was  necessary  to  keep  the  masses 
in  order.    There  were  three  schools  of  philosophy  :  the  Stoic, 
the  Epicurean,  and  the  New  Academy.     The  last  two  were 
always  considered  dangerous,  but  with  the  Stoic  philosophy 
and  the  native  religion  a  kind  of  compromise  was  effected. 
The  Stoics  professed  to  believe  the  popular  faith,  but  with 
them  Jupiter  was  the  soul  of  the  universe,  and  the  statues  of 
the  gods  were  mere  works  of  art,  not  representations  of  divin- 
ity.1   Many  Greek  philosophers 2  lived  in  the  house  of  the  Scipios, 
which  was  the  rendezvous  of  the  select  literary  circle  in  Rome. 
Here  the  problems  of  Greek  philosophy  were  discussed,  and  the 
standard  of  good  taste  for  classical  Latin  was  established.    The 
influences  that  emanated  from  this  "  Scipionic  circle"  reacted 
powerfully  and  beneficially  on  the  national  literature. 

17.  Oriental  Superstitions. — The  conquest  of  the  East 
brought  the  Romans  in  contact  with  various  forms  of  super- 
stition, some  of  which  were  introduced  into  Italy.    The  wor- 
ship of  Cybele,  the  Phrygian  mother  of  the  gods,  was  very  popu- 
lar.   A  crowd  of  Chaldean  horoscope-casters  and  Marsian  bird- 
seers  found  their  way  to  Italy  and  made  a  great  impression  on 
all  classes,  and  even  the  leading  men  of  the  state  had  recourse 
to  their  omens.     Measures  of  repression  were  adopted,  but  they 
were  temporary  in  their  effect,  and  wholly  inadequate  to  root 
out  the  evil.     Gradually  these  forms  of  superstition  spread  into 
every  grade  of  society  and  into  every  corner  of  Italy,  and  men 
began  to  be  perplexed  in  their  old  faith. 

18.  Slave  Labor. — We  have  already  alluded  to  the  injuri- 
ous results  of  slavery,  how  the  chief  part  of  the  labor  on  the 
large  estates  and  the  vast  tracts  of  pasture-land  was  performed  by 
slaves.     This  system  gave  the  rich  a  great  advantage,  from  the 
fact  that  they  could,  with  their  retinue  of  slaves,  produce  at  a 

1  Max  M  filler,  I.  c  p.  115  ;  Mommsen  ii.,  p.  415  ff. 

2  The  philosopher  Panaeiius,  the  historian  Polybius,  and  the  poet.*  LucUiu?  and  Ter- 
ence were  welcome  nue.-t*. 


194  THE  INTERNAL  GOVERNMENT.       [B.  C.  218. 

cheaper  rate  than  the  small  farmer,  who,  unable  to  compete 
with  the  system  of  farming  on  a  large  scale,  gave  up  the  con- 
test, sold  his  lot  of  land,  and  swelled  the  impoverished  crowd 
that  was  swarming  over  Italy.  His  land  was  absorbed  in  the 
large  estate  of  the  rich  landlord,  and  this  evil,  instead  of  being 
restrained,  was  ever  on  the  increase.  This  inequality  was  indi- 
rectly encouraged  by  the  government.  Corn1  was  admitted 
from  the  provinces  to  the  Roman  market  free  of  duty,  and  the 
Roman  farmers  were  compelled  to  give  up  the  raising  of  grain 
and  confine  their  attention  to  the  production  of  oil,  wine,  and 
wrool. 

19.  Unfavorable  Legislation. — The  Claudian  law  (about 
B.C.  218),  by  excluding  senators  from  commercial  speculations, 
indirectly  compelled  them  to  invest  their  enormous  capital  ir 
land.  This  helped  to  swallow  up  the  little  plot  of  the  farmers, 
and  add  it  to  the  great  estates  of  the  rich.  Already  the  Roman 
bankers2  and  money-lenders,8  the  crowd  of  brokers  and  specu- 
lators, had  got  control  of  the  varied  mercantile  and  moneyed 
transactions  at  home  and  in  the  provinces,  and  managed  all  of 
their  different  branches  of  business  by  means  of  slaves  and  freed- 
men.  The  corporations  that  leased  the  custom  dues,  farmed 
the  public  revenues,  contracted  for  furnishing  supplies,  or 
erecting  public  buildings,  had  these  duties  performed  chiefly 
by  slaves  and  freed  men.  The  various  means  of  investing  capital, 
combined  with  the  unfavorable  legislation,  created  a  moneyed 
aristocracy,  discouraged  the  growth  of  a  prosperous  middle 
class,  caused  the  small  farmers  to  disappear  and  tin-  absorption 
of  their  farms  in  the  large  estates,  where  the  labor  was  per- 
formed by  slaves  under  the  supervision  of  a  steward. 

1  In  the  second  Punic  war,  a  medlmmiK  (I.1,  bu*hel*)  of  wheat  had  cost  fifteen  drachmas 
l$2.5!i),  while  gtain  afterward*  so  flowed  into  Italy  from  Africa.  Sicily.  Sardinia,  that  a 
//<•  •ilinniiiit  of  wheat  cost  four  iMi  mhoiit  12  cents),  and  of  barley  two  OO0H.  In  i>,  c.  l!ll 
more  than  240,000  bu-lici-  of  Sicilian  grain  were  distributed,  al  ;•-'  asses  CM  cent*>  per 
bushel.  In  C'Mfo'- time  Sicilian  and  Saidinian  corn  wa*  sometime*  sold  in  the  Italian 
ports  for  the  freight.  The  Average  price  in  ill'- ii"-t  .»nd  M-cond  centuries  before  Christ 
was  oil'  va  modiug,  or  about  -evcnty  CI-M-  perhu-hel  '  the  average  price  now 

i-  about  eighty-live  cent-  (in  the  province*  of  Brandenburg  and  Pomerania  from  1816-41), 
this  difference  is  probably  owini:  to  the  fall  in  the  value  of  silven.  In  the  time  of  Poly- 
bins  victuals  and  lodiriii^r-  at  an  inn  in  northern  Italy  cost  on  an  average  half  an  as 
<t\vo  thirds  of  a  cent  >  per  day:  a  bushel  of  wheat  wa*  there  worth  one-third  of  a  t/fnariut. 
or  about  six  cent*.  The  result  was  that  wheat-producing  land  was  almost  valiuJe--. 

>//YV. 


SUMMARY. 
FIRST  PUNIC  WAR— B.  c.  264-241. 


Carthage. 


Form   of 
Government. 


The  Relations 
of  Koine  and 
Carthage. 


Cause  of  the 
War. 


Battle  near 
Syracuse, 

B.C.  263. 


Capture  of  \ 
rigeiitmii, 

B.C.  262. 


Rome     Creates 
a  Navy. 


BattleoflTHIyltv, 

B.C.   260. 


Carthage  was  the  most  flourishing  commercial  city  on 
the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Its  form  of  government  Was  very 
similar  to  that  of  Rome  ;  there  were  two  chief  magis- 
trates, a  senate,  and  a  council  of  104.  The  army  was 
commanded  by  a  dictator.  At  the  time  Carthage  came 
in  collision  with  Rome  she  was  the  first  maritime  power 
in  the  world.  The  Carthaginians  and  Romans  for  many 
years  had  maintained  friendly  relations,  and  had,  as  early 
as  B.  c.  348,  formed  a  treaty  with  each  other,  which  had 
been  renewed  in  B.  c.  279.  This  alliance,  however,  had 
never  possessed  any  real  significance,  and  after  the  con- 
quest of  Italy  by  the  Romans  the  two  nations  began  to 
regard  each  other  with  jealous}'.  The  Carthaginians 
were  aiming  to  secure  possession  of  Sicily,  and  the  Ro- 
mans wished,  if  they  could  not  obtain  the  island  for 
themselves,  to  have  at  least  friendly  and  not  too  power- 
ful neighbors  there.  When  it  happened,  therefore,  that 
the  Mamertines,  who  had  seized  Messana  and  were 
plundering  the  surrounding  country,  were  on  the  point  of 
being  subdued  by  Hiero,  King  of  Syracuse,  and  applied 
to  Rome  for  assistance,  she  thought  that  this  was  a  good 
opportunity  to  get  a  footing  in  Sicily,  and  without  much 
hesitation  dispatched  an  army  to  relieve  the  Mamer- 
tines. Before  this  army  could  arrive  in  Sicily,  the  Car- 
thaginians had  effected  a  reconciliation  between  the 
Mamertines  and  Hiero.  This  made  no  difference  to  the 
Roman  commander;  he  crossed  to  Messana,  persuaded 
the  Mamertines  to  expel  the  Carthaginians  from  the 
town,  and  finally  attacked  and  defeated  Hiero  and  the 
Carthaginians  near  Syracuse.  This  energy  on  the  part 
of  the  Romans  alarmed  Hiero,  and  he  made  a  treaty 
with  Rome,  and  ever  afterwards  remained  a  faithful  ally. 
The  next  year  the  Romans  captured  Agrigentum.  Nearly 
all  of  Sicily  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Romans. 

The  necessity  for  a  navy  began  now  to  be  felt  by  the 
Romans.  It  was  difficult  to  transport  troops  to  Sicily, 
and  the  shores  of  Italy  even  were  ravaged  by  the  Car- 
thaginian fleet.  The  senate  set  about  the  work  with 
|  such  energy  that  in  60  days  120  ships1  were  launched, 
and  soon  after  Gajus  Duillius  gained  a  great  victory 
over  the  Carthaginians  off  Mylse.* 


1  Rome  had  not  been  hitherto  a  mere  agricultural  state,  as  is  proved  by  many  cir- 
cumstance-: the  port-due^  mi  exports  and  imports  at  Ostia.  the  commercial  treaties 
with  Carthage,  and  the  antiquity  of  the  galley  on  the  city  arms.  The  Roman  fleet,  how- 
ever, was  insignificant,  in  comparison  with  that  of  Carthage.  The  Romans  had  only 
triremes,  and  these  wen-  not  fitted  to  contend  with  the  larger  and  better  manned  quip- 
queremes  of  the  Carthaginians. 

3  See  account  of  the  ooarding-bridge.?,  p.  121  and  note  4. 


196 


SUMMARY. 


The  Romans  were  now  prepared  either  to  invade 
Africa  or  to  subdue  the  islands  in  the  .\k<liic  •  ranean 
Sea.  They  adopted  the  latter  course.  Corsica  and  Sar- 
dinia were  attacked,  and  the  Carthaginian  army  was 
driven  to  the  western  end  of  Sicily.  A  victory  at  Tyn- 
daris  encouraged  the  Romans  to  invade  Africa.  Regu- 
lus  set  sail  with  a  fleet  of  33°  vessels  and  a  large  army, 
and  after  defeating  the  Carthaginians  at  Ecnomus  landed 
at  Clypea,  but  was  defeated,  and  the  Heel  that  was  sent 
to  bring  back  the  remnant  of  his  army  was  destroyed 
by  a  storm.  The  Romans,  however,  rebuilt  their  fleet 
and  captured  Panormus. 

A  few  years  after  Metellus  gained  a  great  victory  at 
Panormus  (B.C.  250).  This  was  the  turning  point  in  the 
war ;  henceforth  it  centres  round  Lilybaeum  and  Dre- 
pana,  which  the  Romans  found  impossible  to  take  on 
account  of  the  brilliant  strategy  of  Hamilcar,  the  father 
of  Hannibal.  At  last,  however,  the  great  sea  fight  at 
the  ^Egatian  Islands,  where  the  Roman  fleet  was  com- 
manded by  Lutatius  Catulus,  decided  the  contest.  The 
Carthaginians  were  exhausted ;  their  treasury '  was 
empty,  and  they  were  glad  to  conclude  a  peace. 

All  of  Sicily  except  the  territory  of  Hiero,  who  had 
been  the  firm  ally  of  the  Romans,  passed  into  the  hands 
of  Rome  ;  it  was  organized  as  a  province,2  and  governed 
by  a  pnetor.  The  Carthaginians  paid  the  cost  of  the 
war.  The  Romans  had  created  a  navy  and  wrested 
from  the  Carthaginians  the  sovereignty  of  the  sea. 


Battle  or 
Tyudarig, 

B.C.  257. 

Invasion  of 
Africa, 

B.C.  256. 

Battle  of 

Paiiormus, 
B.C.  250. 


The    Battle    at 
the    .Ksf 
Island's, 

B.C.  241. 


Peace, 

B.C.  241. 


Carthage 
\Veakeiiecl     1»y 
the    \V;ii    with 
the  mercena- 
ries, 
B.C.  241-236. 

War  with  the 
Gnuls  in  V 
Italy, 

B.C.  231-222. 

Battle  of 

Trliiinoii. 
B.C.  222. 

Illyrlan  Wars, 

B.C.  229-219. 


INTERVAL  BETWEEN  THE  FIKST   AND   SECOND 
Puxio  WARS— B.C.  241-218. 

During  the  interval  between  the  First  and  Second 
Punic  Wars  both  Rome  and  Carthage  exerted  them- 
selves to  the  utmost  to  consolidate  and  extend  their 
power.  Carthage  was  weakened  by  the  revolt  of  her 
mercenaries,  whom  she  was  unable  to  pay.  Rome  took 
this  opportunity  to  wrest  from  Carthage  Corsica  and 
Sardinia.  In  addition  to  this  the  Romans  subdued  the 
Gauls  in  Northern  Italy,  defeating  them  at  Telamon.  and 
founded  colonies  to  secure  the  possession  of  the  country. 
On  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic  the  Romans  sup- 
pressed the  Illyrian  piracy.  In  the  meanwhile  Carthage 
had  found  a  compensation  in  Spain  for  the  loss  of  Sicily. 
Hamilcar  had  really  established  a  new  empire  in  the 
west,  and  had  made  good  the  loss  of  Sicily,  so  that  Car- 
thage was  able  to  renew  the  war. 

SECOND  PUNK:  WAR— B.  c.  218-202. 

When  his  preparations  were  completed,  Hannibal, 
who  had  just  come  to  the  command  of  the  Carthaginian 


They  tried  in  vain  to  raise  a  loan  in  E^ypt.         '  Sec  p.  l?s  and  n.  3.  nl><>  \>.  181. 


SUMMARY. 


197 


Siege  of 
Sag  mi  tu  m, 

B.C.  219. 

Battle   at  the 
Ticinns. 

B.C.  2l8. 

Battle   at  the 
Trebia, 

B.C.  2l8. 

Battle  of  Lake 

TIM  «iiin-iiii-.. 
B.C.  2lf. 

Fabian  Policy. 


Battle   of 

<':i  1111:1- . 
B.C.   2l6. 


Battle  of  Ibera, 

B.C.  215. 


Captnre  of  New 
O'nrthage, 

B.C.  207. 

Buttle   at 
H:<  culii. 
B.C.   2O7. 
Coii<|itcst    of 
Spain, 
B.C.  206. 


army,  laid  siege  to  Saguntum,  a  town  in  alliance  with 
Rome.  This  led,  as  Hannibal  expected,  to  a  declara- 
tion of  war.  The  next  spring  Hannibal  set  out  with  a 
well  equipped  army  for  the  invasion  of  Italy.  Crossing 
the  Alps,  he  descended  into  the  plains  of  the  Po  ;  here 
he  defeated  the  Romans  under  Scipio,  first  near  the  river 
Ticinus,  and  then  at  the  Trebia.;  The  next  spring  Hanni- 
bal crossed  the  Apennines,  reached  the  upper  Arno,  and 
advanced  past  Arretium  towards  Perusia.  In  a  narrow 
defile  near  Lake  Trasimenus  he  defeated  the  consul 
Flaminius  with  terrible  slaughter.  After  this  battle 
Hannibal  proceeded  through  Umbria  and  Picenum  to 
the  Adriatic,  and  sent  news  to  Carthage  of  his  great 
victories.  The  Romans  appointed  Fabius  to  the  com- 
mand of  their  army,  and  he  sought  to  avoid  an  engage- 
ment ;  but  the  dissatisfaction  became  so  great  that  the 
command  was  transferred  to  Paulus  and  Varro.  A 
murderous  battle  was  fought  at  Cannae,  in  which  the 
Roman  army  was  almost  annihilated.  Man}'  of  the  na- 
tions in  Southern  Italy  joined  Hannibal,  and  particularly 
the  Capuans.  with  whom  Hannibal  took  up  his  winter 
quarters.  The  Romans,  however,  made  greater  efforts, 
and  placed  21  legions  in  the  field,  but  the  next  year 
passed  without  any  decisive  battle. 

WAR  ix  SPAIX— B.C.  218-206. 

The  two  Scipios  had  been  sent  to  Spain  to  prevent  if 
possible  Hasdrubal,  whom  Hannibal  had  left  there  in 
command,  from  sending  reinforcements  to  Italy.  They 
carried  on  the  war  at  first  with  vigor,  and  defeated  Has- 
drubal at  Ibera.  Many  of  the  Spanish  tribes  joined  the 
Romans.  This  enabled  the  Romans  to  cross  the  Ebro, 
take  Saguntum,  and  to  prepare  even  for  the  invasion 
of  Africa.  Hasdrubal,  however,  received  large  rein- 
forcements, and  soon  after  defeated  the  Romans.  Nearly 
all  Spain  was  now  lost  to  the  Romans,  and  Hasdruba? 
was  prepared  to  send  reinforcements  to  his  brother  in 
Italy.  The  Romans,  however,  displayed  that  energy  that 
had  so  often  saved  them  in  the  crises  of  their  fortune.  A 
new  army  was  raised  and  the  command  was  entrusted 
to  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio.  Landing  at  Emporiae,  he 
passed  the  winter  in  preparing  for  the  campaign.  He 
surprised  and  captured  New  Carthage,  and  soon  after 
engaged  Hasdrubal  at  Baecula ;  the  results  were  so  far 
favorable  to  Hasdrubal  that  he  was  able  to  carry  out  his 
plan  to  reinforce  his  brother  in  Italy.  The  departure  of 
Hasdrubal  left  Spain  an  easy  conquest  for  Scipio. 

WAR  ix  SICILY— B.C.  214-210. 

While  the  war  was  going  on  in  Italy  Hannibal  sent 
envoys  to  Sicily,  and  after  the  death  of  Hiero,  the  faith- 
ful friend  of  the  Romans,  the  Carthaginian  party  gained 
possession  of  Syracuse.  Marcellus,  the  Roman  praetor, 


198 


SIMM.VRY. 


Siege   of  Syra- 
cuse, 

B.C.  214-212. 


Capture  of  Ta- 
re lit  mil, 

B.C.   212. 

ttecapture  of 
Capua, 

B.C.  211. 


The    Battle     of 

the    Mi-(;i  urn-  . 
B.C.  207. 


Invasion  of 
Africa. 

Hannibal     Re- 
called from 
Italy, 

B.C.  203. 

Buttle  of  Zama, 
B.C.  2O2. 

Term*  of  Peace. 


Results  of  the 
War. 


Condition    of 
Italy. 


soon  appeared  before  the  city,  which  after  a  stubborr 
siege  fell  into  his  hands.  The  other  towns  soon  sub- 
mitted, and  Roman  rule  was  restored  in  Sicily. 

WAR  IN  ITALY— B.C.  214-203. 

While  these  events  were  going  on  in  Spain  and  Sicily, 
Hannibal  made  but  little  progress  in  Italy.  The  war 
centred  round  Capua,  which  the  Romans  tried  to  re- 
cover, and  round  Tarentum,  which  Hannibal  finally 
captured.  The  next  year  the  Romans  recovered  Capua, 
and  two  years  later  Fabius  Maximus  recaptured  Taren- 
tum. Hannibal's  only  hope  of  successfully  continuing 
the  war  rested  in  procuring  aid  from  his  brother  Has- 
drubal.  In  the  year  B.  c.  207  Hasdrubal  crossed  the 
Alps  and  reached  Northern  Italy,  where  he  waited  for 
news  from  his  brother.  The  consul  Nero,  who  was 
watching  Hannibal,  managed  to  intercept  Hasdrubal's 
despatch,  and,  without  the  knowledge  of  Hannibal,  to 
leave  his  camp,  join  his  colleague  Livius  Silinator  near 
Sena,  an  1  with  their  united  forces  completely  defeat 
Hasdrubal.  This  ended  the  war  in  Italy.  Hannibal 
withdrew  to  Southern  Italy.  The  time  had  now  come  tor 
the  invasion  of  Africa.  Scipio  was  elected  consul  (for 
B.c.  205),  and  in  B.C.  204  completed  his  preparations  and 
landed  near  Utica.  Hannibal  was  recalled  from  Italy, 
and  the  decisive  battle  was  fought  near  Zama.  The  Car- 
thaginian army  was  annihilated  and  Carthage  was  com- 
pelled to  make  peace.  The  terms  of  the  peace  were  :  (i) 
Carthage  gave  up  all  of  her  territory  beyond  Africa; 
(2)  she  could  engage  in  no  war,  either  in  Africa  or  out 
of  Africa,  without  the  consent  of  Rome  ;  (3)  she  must 
give  up  all  prisoners  and  deserters;  (4)  the  payment  of 
an  annual  war-contribution  of  200  talents  for  50  years ; 
(5)  the  surrender  of  all  her  fleet  except  20  vessels  ;  (6) 
the  recognition  of  Massinissa  as  King  of  Numidia. 

The  results  of  the  war  were  great  for  Rome,  (i.) 
Carthage  was  removed  from  the  position  of  a  rival  to 
that  of  a  small  dependent  state.  (2.)  The  Roman  do- 
minion was  increased  by  the  acquisition  of  Spain,  which 
was  divided  into  two  provinces,  and  by  the  territory  of 
Syracuse,  which  was  added  to  the  province  of  Sicily. 
(3.)  The  Roman  protectorate  was  extended  to  the  native 
tribes  in  Africa.  (4.)  The  complete  supremacy  of  the 
sea  was  transferred  to  Rome,  and  the  way  was  opened 
for  the  great  conflict  with  the  East.  (5.)  The  war  tended 
further  to  consolidate  the  Roman  power  in  Italy.  The 
nations  in  Italy — as  the  Bruttii,  Apulians,  Samnites,  and 
the  Greek  cities — that  had  joined  Hannibal  were  deprived 
of  a  part  of  their  land,  and  colonies  were  established 
there.  The  fetters  were  riveted  more  firmly  on  the  Urn- 
brians  and  Etruscans,  and  everywhere  except  in  Latium 
the  Roman  dominion  pressed  more  heavily.  It  is  reck- 
oned that  during  the  war  400  flourishing  towns  were 


SUMMARY. 


198a 


destroyed  in  Italy ;  slaves  and  robber-bands  haunted 
every  corner  of  Italy.  As  many  as  7,000  men  were  con- 
demned for  robbery  in  Apulia  alone  in  one  year  (B.C.  185). 

WAKS  WITH  THE  EAST — B.  c.  214-146. 

The  nations  around  the  western  part  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Rome.  The 
treaty  which  Philip  had  made  with  Hannibal  after  the 
battle  of  Cannae  had  opened  the  way  for  Rome  to  inter- 
fere in  the  affairs  of  the  East.  In  B.  c.  273  Rome  had 
entered  into  friendly  relations  with  Egypt,  and  her  wars 
with  the  Illyrian  pirates l  had  brought  her  in  contact 
with  the  ^Etolians.  Finally,  the  alliance  of  Philip  with 
Hannibal  had  compelled  her  to  send  a  fleet  to  the  Adri- 
atic.- Rome  had  then  been  drawn  on  without  any  design 
on  her  part  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  the  East. 

The  First  Macedonian  War  was  barren  of  results. 
After  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Carthage  the  Ro- 
mans prepared  to  renew  the  war  with  Macedonia,  for 
which  Philip  had  given  sufficient  cause.  He  had  sent 
troops  to  fight  at  the  battle  of  Zama  ;  he  had  commenced 
war  against  Egypt,  the  ally  of  Rome,  and  also  against 
Attalus  and  the  Rhodians,  both  friendly  to  Rome,  and 
one  was  protected  by  a  treaty.  War  was  declared  and 
a  Roman  army  sent  to  Macedonia.  After  two  unsuc- 
cessful campaigns,  Flamininus  was  appointed  to  the 
command.  He  defeated  Philip  at  Cynoscephalae.  This 
battle  was  decisive.  Philip  was  compelled  to  withdraw 
his  garrisons  from  the  Greek  cities,  to  surrender  his 
fleet,  and  to  pay  1000  talents. 

The  yEtolians  had  formed  a  treaty  with  Rome,  but 
feeling  that  they  had  been  unjustly  treated,  and  that  the 
success  of  the  Romans  was  mainly  due  to  their  efforts, 
they  began  to  intrigue  against  Rome,  and  invited  An- 
tiochus  of  Syria  to  their  assistance.  The  king  crossed 
to  Greece,  but  the  Romans  defeated  him  at  Thermopylae. 
Antiochus  returned  to  Asia,  but  the  Romans  followed 
and  defeated  him  again  at  Magnesia.  This  battle  ended 
the  war.  Antiochus  had  to  give  up  all  of  his  possessions 
west  of  the  Taurus  range,  to  surrender  his  fleet,  and  to 
pay  15000  talents  (=$20,000,000).  The  Romans  now  had 
time  to  punish  the  ^Etolians.  They  were  defeated  and 
Ambracia,  their  chief  town,  was  taken.  The  ^Etolians 
now  sued  for  peace.  Thsir  confederacy  was  dissolved, 
and  ^Etolia,  like  Macedonia,  became  tributary  to  Rome. 

In  B.  c.  179  Philip  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Perseus.  Perseus  was  popular,  and  the  Greeks  them- 
selves be^an  to  see  through  the  designs  of  Rome,  that 
independence  was  impossible,  and  that  the  choice  really 
lay  between  subjection  to  Rome  or  to  Macedonia.  Rome 
\\atchr.!  tlir  preparations  made  by  Perseus,  and  when 


Causes  of 

Home's 
Interference. 


First    Macedo- 
nian  \Vai-. 
B.C.  214-205. 


Second    Mace- 
donian   War, 
B.C.  200-196. 

Baltic  of 
Cyiioscephalie, 

B.C.  197. 

Syro-   I'.tolian 

War, 
B.C.  192-189. 

Battle   of 
Tlicrmopy  I;*1. 

B.C.  igl. 
Battle  of 
Magnesia, 

K.C.    IgO. 

War  with  the 

.Ktolia  n-i. 

B.C.   189. 

lYrms  of  Peace. 


The  Third 

Macedonian 

War, 

B.C.  171-168. 


1  See  p.  132, 


'  gee  p.  159, 


198J 


SUMMARY. 


Battle  of 
Pydua, 

B.C.  168. 


Universal 
Dominion    of 

Koine. 


Rome's  Policy 

in    l)i-:iliii-^ 

with  the   I).  - 

pendent  States. 


Achrean    War, 
B.C.  147-146. 


Destruction  of 

<  01  in  Hi. 
B.C.   146. 

Tliir'l    Punic 
War, 

B.C.  149-146. 

Destruction  of 
Carthage, 

B.C.  146. 


Celtibertan 
War, 

B.C.  154. 


Capture  of 

N  lliii.i  in  i:i. 

B.C.   133. 


she  felt  that  longer  delay  would  be  fatal  to  her  interests 
war  was  declared.  ,  A  Roman  army  landed  in  Epirus, 
and  defeated  Perseus  at  Pydna.  Macedonia  was  broken 
up  into  four  .separate  states,  which  paid  an  annual  trib- 
ute to  Rome,  lllyria  was  divided  into  three  states. 
From  this  battle  the  universal  dominion  of  Rome  is 
dated.  All  subsequent  wars  were  mere  rebellions. 

Rome  left  the  countries  to  govern  themselves.  Still 
she  interfered.  She  sent  commissioners,  who  visited 
the  different  states,  acted  as  referees  in  disputes,  and 
fomented  quarrels  on  every  hand.  Rome's  policy  was 
to  maintain  and  strengthen  her  friends  as  counterpoise 
to  her  foes.  When  the  foes  were  subjugated  the  friends 
were  no  longer  needed,  and  she  quarreled  with  them. 
Hence,  when  Macedonia  was  subjugated  a  coolness 
arose  between  Rome  and  her  eastern  allies,  Pergamus 
and  Rhodes,  and  they  were  both  punished. 

The  Achaean s  gave  Rome  the  pretext  for  converting 
Greece  into  a  province.1  They  joined  the  standard  of 
revolt  raised  by  Andriscus,  a  pretended  son  of  Per- 
seus. They  were,  however,  quickly  defeated,  and  the 
consul  Mummius  gave  orders  to  destroy  Corinth,  where 
the  remnant  of  the  Achaean  army  had  taken  refuge. 
This  removed  one  of  Rome's  commercial  rivals ;  one 
still  remained,  and  to  this  the  Romans  now  directed 
their  attention.  Cato  simply  expressed  the  general  sen- 
timent when  he  said  tlv.it  Carthage  must  be  destroyed. 
Rome  therefore  determined  to  destroy  Carthage  and  to 
form  Africa  into  a  province.  After  a  siege  of  three 
years,  Carthage  was  stormed  by  Scipio  and  blotted  from 
the  face  of  the  earth. 


THE  WARS  IN  THE  WEST. 

While  Rome  was  extending  her  empire  in  the  East, 
her  authority  was  fiercely  disputed  by  the  wild  tribes  in 
the  West.  Spain  was  far  from  being  subdued,  and  con- 
stant wars  were  carried  on  with  the  natives.  When  the 
Romans  ordered  the  Celtioerians  to  desist  from  enlarg- 
ing their  town,  they  refused  and  prepared  for  war.  The 
same  year  the  Lusitanians  revolted,  and  the  different 
Spanish  tribes  were  united  under  the  leadership  of  Viri 
athus.  When  he  fell  by  treachery  (B.  c.  140),  the  Celti 
berians  took  refuge  in  Numantia.and  prolonged  the  war 
for  ten  years.  When  Xumantia  surrendered  all  serious 
resistance  in  Spain  was  at  an  end. 


The  change  in  Rome's  policy  must  bo  noted.  When  Macedonia  was  first  conquered 
nc  \va~  unwilling  to  undertake  the1  '_'overnment  of  more-  dependencies.  Her  experi- 
ment in  Spain  had  been  far  from  successful.  Accordingly  she  left  the  conquered  coun- 
tries to  rule  themselves,  while  she  watched  over  themfand  weakened  them  by  separa- 
tion. Eighteen  years  of  trial  had  proved  how  injurious  this  plan  wa*.  Rome  therefore 
determined  to  end  tin-  and  reduce  the  conquered  coun'iii  -  to  provinces,  and  at  the 
fame  time,  as  the  best  niean*  of  advancing  her  interests,  to  destroy  Coriuth  and  Car- 
thage, her  commercial  rivals  in  the  western  world. 


THE  MODERN  CAPITOL.  l 


PERIOD    OF    CIVIL    DISSENSIONS. 


XXX. 

THE  AGRARIAN  LAW  OF  TIBERIUS  GRACCHUS  (B.  C.  133). 

1.  The  Causes  of  the  Civil  Troubles. — We  have  now 
reached  a  period  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  state  when  foreign 
wars  became  few  and  unimportant.  The  Roman  dominion  was 
undisputed,  and  Roman  law  and  Roman  customs  had  found 
their  way  to  three  continents  and  inspired  the  people  with  rev- 

1  The  staircase  leads  to  the  Piazza  del  Campidoglio,  or  Square  of  the  Capitol ;  at  the 
foot  are  the  two  Egyptian  lions  and  at  the  top  the  horse-taming  Dioscuri  (Castor  and  Pol- 
lux, once  in  the  theatre  of  Pompey;  see  p.  414).  At  the  side  of  the  Dioscuri  are  the  so- 
called  trophies  of  Marius  (these  were  taken  from  the  water-tower  of  the  Aqua  Julia) 
and  the  statues  of  the  Emperor  Constantine  and  his  son  Oonstans  (taken  from  the  baths 
of  Constantino  on  the  Quirinal).  To  the  right  is  tin-  ancient  milestone  of  the  \1a  Appia. 
In  the  centre  is  the  magnificent  equestrian  statue  of  Marcus  Aurelins  (p.  407).  It  was 
originally  placed  in  the  forum  near  the  column  of  Phocas.  In  IIS?  it  was  transferred 
near  the  Lateran,  and  to  its  present  position  in  1538.  Its  excellent  st;ite  of  preservation 
is  due  to  the  belief  that  it  was.  the  statue  of  t'onstantine,  the  first  Christian  emperor.  Be- 


200  THE  AGRARIAN   LA  \V.  [B.  C.  133. 

erence  and  admiration.  For  many  generations  the  Romans 
had  been  so  intent  on  bringing  to  a  successful  issue  the  career 
of  conquest  on  which  they  had  entered,  that  they  had  given 
but  little  attention  to  the  condition  of  affairs  at  home.  The 
pressure  of  poverty  had  been  alleviated  by  the  long  wars  that 
«hinned  the  population  and  thus  relieved  the  labor  market,  by 
the  distribution  of  plunder,  and  by  the  colonies1  planted  in 
various  parts  of  Italy.  But  now  there  were  no  more  lands  in 
Italy  to  be  confiscated  and  no  more  nations  to  be  compi-Ted. 
The  labor  market  was  o\ererowded,  and  it  became  more  difficult 
from  year  to  year  lor  a  poor  man  to  earn  a  living.  Besides,  a 
genuine  Roman  was  too  proud  to  carry  on  any  useful  craft,  and 
regarded  all  kinds  of  business  as  a  mild  sort  of  slavery,  only 
fit  for  slaves,  frecdmen,  and  foreigners.2 

2.  The  Necessity  for  Reform. — The  provisions  of  the 
Licinian  law  had  been  disregarded  for  so  many  ^vnerations 
that  the  land  in  Italy3  was  all  in  the  possession  01'  a  iVw  noble 
houses.  Instead  of  having  this  land  cultivated  partly  by  free 
laborers,  as  the  Licinian  law  prescribed,  which  would  have 
relieved  the  labor  market  and  averted  the  evils  that  threat- 
ened the  state,  the  possessors  found  it  more  profitable  to  em- 
ploy slaves,  whom  the  wars  in  the-  Mast  had  made  cheap.  The 
result  was  that  the  large  body  of  poor  Roman  freemen,  cut 
off  from  every  means  of  obtaining  wealth — the  occupation 
of  the  public  land,  the  farming  of  the  revenue,  and  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  provinces — and  now  unable  to  obtain  work  on 
the  very  land  that  they  had  won  by  their  blood  and  toil,  was 
left  without  means  of  support,  and  flocked  to  the  capital  to 
swell  the  impoverished  crowd  that  fed  on  the  bounty  of  the 
rich.4 


yond  this  statue  1«  the  Palazzo  del  Senate/re,  erected  in  1389  on  the  site  of  the  ancient 
Tabularium  by  Michael  An^olo.  Tin-  top  of  the  umvr  i-  embellished  by  a  standing 
figure  of  Roma.  The  palace  on  the  right  is  the  t'onsercafori,  or  Town  Hall ;  on  the 
opposite  side  i>  the  O//«'A":- 

'  The  la^t  Italian  colony  was  scut  to  Luna  in  B.C.  177. 

»  Cic  df  Off.,  i.  4-:. 

3  It  was  reserved  for  G  Gracchus  to  propose  a  system  of  transmarine  colonization. 
Sec  p  210. 

'  As  the  Latin-  had  long  been  waiting  to  be  admitted  to  the  privileges  of  Roman  citi- 
zens, they  Uxroaged  to  Rome,  and  the  Italians  to  Latium. 


B.  C.  133.J  THE   AGRARIAN    LAW.  201 

3.  The  Government  Unable  to  Afford  Relief. — The 

government,  controlled  by  a  few  noble  houses  which  found 
their  centre  in  the  senate,  was  both  unable  and  unwilling  to 
afford  relief.  The  leading  aim  of  the  new  nobility  was  to 
maintain  its  usurped1  privileges  and  exclude  all  "new  men" 
from  a  share  in  the  government.  If  some  one  could  restore 
the  lands  and  love  of  labor  to  the  people,  limit  the  vast  power 
of  the  senate,  restrain  the  cupidity  of  the  capitalists,  and  arrest 
the  flood  of  slaves  that  was  pouring  in  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  to  spread  over  Italy  and  destroy  its  free  population,2  such 
a  statesman  could  restore  the  wasted  energies  of  the  Roman 
state.3  Laelius  and  Scipio  JEmilianus4  had  recognized  the  peril 
that  threatened  the  state,  and  had  proposed  agrarian  measures 
of  reform  (B.  c.  148)  ;  but  when  these  met  with  determined  op- 
position from  the  nobles,  they  gave  them  up  as  impracticable. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  nobles,  from  long  possession, 
regarded  the  public  land  as  their  own.  Many  had  acquired  their 
vast  estates  by  purchase,  inheritance,  or  marriage,  and  against 
one  who  interfered  with  their  interests  the  whole  body  of  the 
nobility  rose  as  one  man.  If  anything  could  have  opened  the 
eyes  of  the  nobility,  the  woeful  condition  of  Sicily  must  have 
been  sufficient;  for  the  servile  war  was  then  at  its  height  and 
was  sweeping  all  before  it.  Matters,  however,  went  on  in  their 
old  way,  and  the  government  drifted,  like  a  shattered  ship  be- 
fore the  storm,  with  no  statesman  at  the  helm.  The  old  contest 
between  government  and  governed,  the  old  conflict  between 
labor  and  capital  was  renewed,  and  it  was  only  a  question  of 
time  who  should  deal  the  first  blow. 

4.  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus. — Two  brothers,  Ti- 
berius Sempronius  and  Gajus  Gracchus,  came  forward  to  remedy 
the  evils  in  the  state.     They  were  the  sons  of  that  Tiberius  Sem- 

1  That  is,  to  restrict  re-election  to  the  consulship  in  order  that  its  honors  might  be 
enjoyed  by  a  larger  number.  In  B.  c.  217  the  law  prohibiting  re-election  (see  p.  82)  was 
suspended,  under  the  pressure  of  the  war  with  Hannibal,  clown  to  B.  c.  203.  From  B.  c. 
207  to  B.  c.  153  not  one  was  re-elected  in  violation  of  the  ten  years'  interval.  The  repeated 
election  of  Marcus  Marcellus  led  to  a  law  (about  B.C  151 )  probibitingre-etection  altogether. 

"  The  census  returns  show  a  regular  falling  off  in  the  number  of  citizens  from  B.  c. 
159.  when  the  number  capable  of  bearing  arms  was  328.000 ;  B.  c.  154.  324.000 :  B.  c.  147, 
322,000  ;  B.  c.  131,  319,000. 

3  See  Michelet,  p.  259. 

*  See  Plut.  Life  of  TV).  Gracchus. 


THE    AUKAklA.V    LAW.  [B.C.   lii:!. 

pronius  Gracchus,1  whose  prudent  measures  had  given  tranquillity 
to  Spain  for  so  many  years.  Tiberius  sought  t,»  relieve  the  social 
condition  of  the  poor,  and  to  restore  the  small  fanners  in  Italy  ; 
Gajus  placed  the  axe  at  the  root  of  the  evil,  and  attempted 
to  break  down  the  power  of  the  senate.  At  an  early  age  they  lost 
their  father,  but  their  education  was  carefully  attended  to  by 
their  mother,  the  highly  cultivated  Cornelia,  the  daughter  of  1' 
•Scipio  Africanus  the  elder.  Tiberius  was  nine  \ears.  older  than 
his  brother,  and  had  been  military  tribune  in  the  army  of  his 
brother-in-law,  P.  Cornelius  Scipio  ^Emihanns,  where  he  was 
the  first  to  scale  the  walls  of  Carthage.  As  augur  he  came  into 
intimate  relations  with  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,2  the  chief  of 
the  senate,  and  a  man  decidedly  favorable  to  reform.8  He 
established  his  popularity4  as  quaestor  in  Spain,  where,  by  his 
influence,  the  army  of  Maneimi-  wa.-  saved  from  great  peril. 
The  rejection  by  the  senate  of  the  treaty  which  Mancinus  had 
ooncln  dad  with  the  Numantines  and  which  Tiberius  bad  signed 
and  guaranteed,  caused  his  alienation  from  the  party  of  the 
optimates.5 

5.  His  Measures  for  Reform. — On  his  return  from  Spain 
Tiberius  was  elected  tribune  of  the  plcbs,  and  entered  upon  his 
office  December  10,  B.  c.  134.  After  consulting  with  his  father-in- 


'  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

TIBERIUS  GRACTIII  - 
m.  CORNELIA,  daughter  of  P.  SCIPIO  AFBICANUS  major. 


TIB.  GRACCHUS.  Q.GRACCHUS.  M-ROMA  m. 

P.  SCIPIO  AFRICANUS  minor. 

1  See  page  125. 

1  Tiberias,  in  the  following  words,  recounted  from  the  rostra  his  own  vivid  bnpresrioni 
of  the  eviis  that  be-et.  Italy  and  the  people  :  "For,  among  such  numbers,  perbapa  them 
is  not  a  Koinan  who  ha-  an  altar  that  belonged  to  hi-  anee-tor-.  or  a  -epulchre  in  whicl' 
their  a-hes  re-t.  The  private  -oldiers  fight  .-md  die  to  advance  the  wealth  and  luxury  o) 
the  great  ;  and  they  are  called  masters  of  the  world,  while  they  have  not  a  foot  of  land 
in  their  po—e<- ion."  —  /¥»'.  T< 

•  Plutarch  record-  as  a  striking  proof  of  the  esteem  in  which  Tiberiu- wa-  held  the  offer 
which  A.  t'laudiu<  made  him  of  hi-  daughter  in  marriatre  at  an  antrnral  banquet,  and  the 
answer  which  Appiu-  received  from  hi- wife  when  he  returned  home  and  informed  her 
of  what  he  had  done  :  "  Anti-Ma.  I  have  promi-ed  our  daimhter  Claudia  in  marrifi<_"' :  " 
"Why  in  snch  ha-te.1'  -aid  the  mother.  "  unle-s  you  have  promi-ed  her  to  Tiberius 
Gracchus  ; ''  see  Genealocrical  Table.  [>.  I-.'"'. 

*  That  is,  the  senatorial  party.  con-i-tiiiL'  of  both  patricians  and  jilebcian-.    Although 
not  recognized  by  law  as  a  di-tinct  cla-s.  still  the  optimates  endeavored  by  all  mean*  in 
their  power  to  -ecure  exclusive  po—e--ion  of  it-  cnrule  oftice-  and  the  public  land  ;  the 
popular  party  began  at  this  time  to  receive  the  name  of 


B.  C.  133.]  THE  AGRARIAN   LAW.  203 

law  Appius  Claadius,with  Publius  Crassus  Mucianus  ihepontifex 
maximus,  and  with  P.  Mucius  Scsevola  the  great  lawyer,  he 
brouglit  forward  his  measures1  for  reform,2  planned  with  great 
care  and  with  all  possible  regard  to  the  interests  of  those  in  pos- 
session of  the  public  land.8  He  proposed  a  re-enactment  of  the 
Licinian  law,  which  in  fact  had  never  been  repealed,  but  with 
tvrtain  additions  suitable  to  the  exigencies  of  the  times.4  Tibe- 
rius discussed  his  proposals  before  the  people;5  he  pictured 
the  deserted  condition  of  Italy,  the  distress  of  the  poor  classes, 
as  worse  even  than  that  of  the  beasts  of  the  fields,6  and  appealed 
to  the  patriotism  of  the  rich.  The  propositions  met,  however, 
with  intense  opposition.  The  nobility  prevailed  upon  the 
tribune  Octavius,  one  of  his  own  colleagues,  to  interpose  his 
veto  Tiberius,  however,  pushed  his  measures  with  zeal,  in- 
duced the  people  to  depose  Octavius,7  and  finally  succeeded  in 
carrying  his  proposals.  A  commission8  was  appointed  and 

1  Lex  Semproriia  ayraria. 

'  Gracchus  relied  chiefly  upon  the  popular  party,  the  pojmdares,  for  support.  There 
was  also  u  small  party  in  the  senate,  headed  by  the  distinguished  names  mentioned  in  the 
text,  which  favored  him  :  I  his  party  was  de.-erted  by  Scipio  in  the  beginning  of  the  con- 
tc-t  :  deprived  of  his  influence,  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  troubles  became  more  diffi- 
cult. This  makes  the  statement  of  Cicero  (deRep.  i.  19)  clear,  that  the  death  of  Gracchus 
divided  the  senate  into  two  parties,  and  that  P.  Crassus,  A.  Claudius,  and  P.  Mucius 
Scsevola,  were  the  opponents  of  Scipio. 

"  Veteres  possessor es. 

4  The  fir  Sf-mpronia  allowed  each  father.  (1)  beside  the  five  hundred  jugera  for  him- 
self, two  hundred  and  fifty  for  each  of  his  sons  who  were  under  thepatria  potestas,  pro- 
vided the  whole  quantity  did  not  exceed  one  thousand  jtigera  ;  (2)  the  rest  of  the  public 
domain  was  to  be  divided  into  lots  of  thirty  jugera,  and  was  to  be  leased  in  perpetuity  to 
Roman  citizens  at  a  moderate  rent  (vecfigal)  ;  (3)  the  appointment  of  a  standing  coin- 
mission  of  three  (trenM  aqri*  dandis  assignandifs  elected  in  the  toncilium  plM*)  to 
carry  the  provisions  of  the  law  into  force  ;  (4)  the  indemnification  was  to  be  made  for 
improvements,  buildings,  etc.,  to  the  former  holders.    According  to  Mommsen  (1.  c.  vol. 
iii.,  ]>.  94)  the  Italian  allies  were  to  be  admitted  to  a  share  in  the  land,  bnt  this  seems 
hardly  probable  if  we  consider  the  feeling  of  the  Roman  citizen*  asrain-t  the  Latins  and 
Italian  allies  Nee  Lnnqe,  \.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  10V    It  must  be  kept  in  view  that  the  agrarian 
law  did  not  meddle  with  private  property,  nor  with  the  lands  that  were  let  on  lease  as 
the  Campanian  lands  («'//=/•  Campanm).    It  simply  proposed  to  divide  the  state  lands  (the 
possessors  had  almost  wholly  neglected  to  pay  the  rent  due  the  state  for  its  use)  among 
the  poor  Roman  citizens,  and  to  prevent  the  rich  from  buying  up  the  allotments  hy  pre- 
scribing that  they  should  be  inalienable. 

5  In  ffiiifioiie.". 

°  Tiberius  had  observed  the  deserted  condition  of  Italy  in  his  journey  through  Etruria 
to  join  the  army  in  the  Numantine  war  (B.  c.  137\  In  the  following  words  he  recounted 
from  the  rostra  his  own  vivid  impression  of  the  evils  that  hr-pt  Italv  :  "  The  wild 
beasts  have  their  den«  and  caves,  while  the  men  who  fought  and  died  in  defence  of  Italy 
enjoy  indeed  the  light  and  air.  but  nothing  else :  hon«ple«.  nrd  without  a  spot  of 
land  to  rest  upon,  they  wander  about  with  their  wive*  and  children,  while  their  com- 
manders do  but  mock  them  when  thev  exhort  the  soldiers  in  battle  to  fisrht  for  their 
tombs  and  the  temple"  of  their  sods.  For  amons  so  many  Romans  not  one  ha«  a  family 
altar  or  an  ancestral  tomb;  they  fi'jrht  to  maintain  the  luxury  and  wealth  of  the  ereat, 
and  they  are  called  masters  of  the  world  without  possessing' a  clod  of  earth  that  thei) 
can  call  their  own. "-Pint.  Tih.  Gr.  8. 

7  This  was  a  violntion  of  the  fr.r  arn-rnta  :  SPP  n.  58. 

"  Consisting  of  Tib.  Gracchus,  his  brother  Gajus,  and  A.  Claudius  his  father-in-law. 


THE  AGBARIAN    J.A\\.  [u.  C.  133. 

commenced  its  work.  Now  the  difficulties  began  to  multiply. 
The  lands  had  remained  undisturbed  so  many  years  in  tin- 
hands  of  the  possessors  that  it  was  impossible  to  decide  which 
was  public1  or  which  was  private8  property.  The  question  ought 
to  have  been  referred  to  the  consuls  or  to  the  senate  ;  but  in- 
stead of  this  Tiberius  carried  a  law  that  empowered  the  com- 
missioners to  decide3  which  was  private  and  which  was  public 
land.  The  senate  refused  to  make  the  necessary  appropriation 
for  the  expenses  of  the  commissioners.4  Still  the  work  went  on. 
Tiberius,  when  his  popularity  began  to  wane,  proposed  new 
laus5  which  embittered  the  senatorial  parly  more  and  m«uv. 
Scipio  Xasiea6  and  Q.  Pompcjus  openly  declared  that  they 
would  impeach  him  as  soon  as  his  year  of  office  expired. 

6.  Efforts  to  Re-elect  Grracchus.-i-Tiberius  saw  that 
his  only  safety  lay  in  the  sanctity  of  (he  tribune's  office,  and 
thereupon  determined  to  become  a  candidate  for  re-election. 
In  order  to  gain  new  allies  he  promised  the  people  to  carry 
a  law7  limiting  the  term  of  military  service,  to  confer  upon  the 
equestrian  order8  the  right  to. furnish  one-half  of  the  jurors9 
who  had  hitherto  been  taken  wholly  from  the  senate,  and  it  is 
said  to  extend  the  right  of  appeal  even  to  civil  cases,  and  to 
admit  the  Italian  allies  to  Roman  citizenship.  The  time  of 
election  occurred  in  June,  when  the  country  people  were  en- 
gaged in  field  labor  and  but  few  of  them  could  come  to  the 
election.  When  the  day  of  voting  came  the  nobles  inter- 
rupted the  election  by  declaring  that  no  votes  could  be  received 

1  Ager  rniMtot*.  '  Arier  prim/u*  '  Liv.  Ep.  58. 

•  Oiilv  -,>l  onset  (about  25  cents)  were  allowed  daily. 

nt  (hi-  time  Attain-,  kins;  <>f  P.-rgaimis  (-ee  p.  1T9.  §  7).  bequeathed  his  kingdom 
and  trea-nre-tothe  Roman  people.  Tiberius  proposed  that  the  treasure.-  should  be  divided 
amoii!*  the  people  to  enable  them  to  stock  their  farms. 

smipi-m.  mUUarii.  P  210,  n.  6. 

•  It  wa<  not  en-tomary  for  a  Roman  magistrate  to  iiive-tiffate  the  fact-  in  dispute  in 
TOCh  mutter-  ;H  were  brought  before  linn.    For  thi-  purpo-e  lie  api"'in:-d  a  .md<'e  (./'"''•'>' 
the  whole  civil  procedure  w:i-  evi>re<-ed  by .'/".-;  comprehend  I.L'  al   thai  took  place  before 
thema'n-trate.  and  'hat  took  place  before  the  ./M/ter.   The  j«d<dp  were  eithoi 
to  settle  di-nnte-  between  individnn'  <r  to  ]mni-h  crime-  <  piilittca).    Before 

.  -.:v  the  kill?  or  coii-u!  presided  in  all  ca.-e-  that 

!  a  Roman  citixen  (see  p.  10fi> :  after  that,  persons  called 

.'linted.and  later  permanent  magistrates  were  appointed,  called  qvat- 

t;,t,,fx  i  itcr  -till  a  -pecial  body  of  ./'"/''--•  wa-  chosen  for  trjong  these  cases; 

the-e  were -elected  from  the  -ei.ators,  and  as  many  of  those  who  were  tried  in  me  qttau- 

188,  n.>  belonged  to  the  optimate«,  it  often  hmpened  that   they  were 

nc'-nifted  when  imi.artml  in.k'e-  would  h  ive  convicted  them.     Hence  the  popular  party 

cf,  ve  either  to  exclude  the  optimates,  or  a;  ;cu>t  tu  bu  admitted  thein-elvcs  to  the  office 

of  jitilex. 


B.C.  133.]  THE   AGHAKIAN    LAW.  .205 

for  Tiberius  because  it  was  illegal  to  re-elect  a  tribune.1  A  vio- 
lent debate  ensued,  and  the  assembly  adjourned  till  the  follow- 
ing day.  The  next  day  the  assembly  met  on  the  Capitoline  hill,2 
in  front  of  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus.  An  immense  con- 
course of  friends  and  foes  assembled,  and  it  was  evident  that  a 
conflict  was  imminent.  The  rumor  spread  that  the  senators  in- 
tended to  murder  Tiberius.  In  the  disturbance  that  followed, 
as  Tiberius  raised  his  hand  to  his  head,  some  cried  that  he  was 
asking  for  the  diadem,  others  that  he  only  wished  to  indicate 
that  his  life  was  in  danger. 

7.  Murder  of  Tiberius.  —  In  the  sitting  of  the  senate 
which  was  held  close  by  in  the  temple  of  Fides,8  Scipio  Nasica 
required  the  consul,  P.  Mucius  Scaevola,  to  put  down  the  ty- 
rant;   the  consul  replied,  "that  he  would  not  begin  to  use 
violence,  nor  would  he  put  any  citizen  to  death  who  was  not 
legally  condemned ;    but,  if  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus, 
i-itluu*  by  force  or  by  fraud,  should  obtain  a  plebiscitum  con- 
trary to  the  constitution,  he  would  not  ratify  it."    Then  Scipio 
Nasica  started  up  and  exclaimed :  "  The  first 4  consul  betrays  the 
republic  ;  let  those  who  wish  to  save  it  follow  me." 5    He  then 
rushed  from  the  senate-chamber,  followed  by  a  crowd  of  sen- 
ators.    The  people  timidly  gave  way  as  they  saw  the  nobles  rush- 
ing to  the  capitol.     Arming  themselves  with  staves  and  broken 
benches,  they  fell  upon  Tiberius  and  his  attendants.      The 
tribune  fled  for  refuge  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  but  the  priests 
had  closed  the  doors.     He  was  at  length  overtaken  and  killed 
by  one  of  his  pursuers.6    Three  hundred  of  his  friends  fell  with 
him,  and  their  bodies  were  cast  into  the  Tiber.     This  was  the 
first  time  that  blood  had  been  shed  in  civil  strife  at  Rome  since 
the  days  of  the  kings. 

8.  The  Results.— The  nobles,  in  order  to  reconcile  the  peo- 
ple, allowed  the  agrarian  law  to  stand,7  and  as  the  party  favor- 

1  The  re-election  of  a  magistrate  within  the  space  of  ten  years  was  forbidden  in  B.C. 
<H2.  See  p.  82.  -  In  tiie  Area  Cajntoiina.  *  Also  on  the  Capitoline  Hill. 

1  The  elder  consul  (con---»/  ii«tjoi  \  u-uul'y  presided  at  the  meetings  of  the  senate;  the 
first  con.-ul  (consvij  i  ii>!  i  \va-  tin-  our  iii>t  declared  elected. 

*  Pint  Ti.  Gr.  19.  •  By  P.  Saturejus  or  L.  Rufus. 

7  New  difficulties  arose  because  the  "possessors"  neglected  to  make  returns  of  the 
public  land  in  their  po~e--i.ni.  The  commissioners  gave'notice  that  they  would  take  the 
evidence  of  any  person  who  would  K've  them  information.  A  great  crop  of  difficult  suits 
•>oon  sprung  up.  Laud  which  bordered  on  the  public  laud,  and  had  been  sold  or  di:-trib- 


THE  LAWS  OF  GAJUS  GRACCHUS.     [fi.  C.  132. 

able  to  reform  gained  the  ascendancy  for  a  time  in  the  senate, 
the  law  was  carried  into  execution.  The  popular  feeling  was 
so  strong  against  Scipio  Nasioa,1  that,  fearing  for  his  life,  the 
senate,  ir,  order  to  remove  him  from  Italy,  commissioned  him 

to  go,  on  pretended  business.'-'  to  Asia,  where  after  a  few  years 
he  died  of  vexation  and  despair. 


XXXI. 

THE  LAWS  OF  G.urs  (In.vccnrs. 

1.  Death  of  Scipio  JEmilianus. — While  the  commis- 
sioners were  engaged  in  their  work,  removing  the  old  land- 
marks, confiscating  land  that  had  been  secured  to  the  Latins 
and  the  Italian  allies  by  treaties,  Scipio  ^Emilianus  returned  i'loin 
Numantia.  The  senate'  was  very  sharply  divided  into  two  par- 
ties, and  Soipio  seemed  disinclined  to  join  either.  He  found 
little  favor  with  the  people,  because  when  Carbo  3  asked  him  in 
the  popular  assembly  what  he  thought  of  the  death  of  Tiberius, 
he  replied  that  "  he  was  justly  slain.'' 4  When  the  multitude  ex- 
pressed its  displeasure,  he  boldly  said :  "  Cease  your  noise,  ye  step- 
sons of  Italy;  do  ye  think  by  your  clamor  to  frighten  me,  who 
am  used  unterrified  to  hear  the  shouts  of  embattled  hosts?" 
The  Latins  and  the  allies,  and  all  who  had  been  deprived  of  their 

ntcd  among  the  allies  was  all  subjected  to  inve*ti<ration  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 

the  limits  of  the  public  laud,  and  the  owners  WOK-  required  to  -how  ln.»v  this  land  had 
been  sold  and  how  it  had  been  a--i;_'iied.  All  persons  could  not  produce  the  instruments 
of  sale  nor  the  evidence  of  the  as-iirmnent-  ;  and  when  the  title- were  found  there  was 
matter  for  dispute  in  them.  Now.  when  the  land  was  -urveyd  anew. -ome  were  re- 
moved from  land  planted  (with  vines,  olives,  and  the  like*  and  with  buildings  on  it.  to 
land  which  was  lying  wu-te  ;  and  others  from  hind  under  cultivation  to  uncultivated 
lands,  or  mar-lies  or  -wamps  ;  for  neither  had 'they  originally,  as  we  miiiht  exuect  in  the 
case  of  land  acquired  by  war.  made  any  exaet  mea-iirement  of  it.  and  the  public  notice, 
that  any  man  might  cultivate  (lie  land  which  waa  not  a— igned  or  distributed,  had  led 
many  to  till  the  part-  (of  the  public  landi  which  bordered  on  their  own.  and  so  to  con- 
found them  together.  Time  al-o  a-  it  went  on  made  many  changes.  Thus  the  wrong  that 
the  rich  had  done,  though  great,  was  difficult  to  a-eerain  exactly  :  and  there  was  a  gen- 
eral disturbance  of  every!  •"•in!?  removed  from  one  place  and  transferred  to 
another.— Appian,  1.  e  f.  IS.  <;ii.>ted  by  Ismy.  1.  c.  p.  3x'3 

1  As  lie  took  one  day  the  hnide.ned  band  of  a  laborer  whose  vote  he  was  soliciting,  he 
asked  him  "  if  he  walked  on  hi-  hands."—  Vat.  Max.  vii.  5. 

s  Lftjatio  lihera. 

*  Elected  with  Fulvius  Flaccus  to  the  two  vacancies  on  the  commission. 

'  When  the  death  of  Tiberius  wa-  announced  to  him  at  Numantia.  he  simply  ex- 
claimed in  the  words  of  Athena  at  the  fate  of  ^Ei/Mlms  iOd.  i.  47) :  "  So  perish  he,  who- 
e'er he  be,  that  doth  such  deeds  again."— Pint.  Ti.  Gr.  21. 


B.C.  129.]  THE  LAWS  OF  GAJUS  GRACCHUS.  207 

land,  crowded  to  the  capital.1  Scipio  took  up  their  cause  and 
induced  the  senate  to  transfer  all  cases  of  disputed  boundary  to 
the  consuls  for  decision.  The  consuls,  alarmed  at  the  difficulties, 
left  Italy,  and  as  no  one  appeared  before  the  commissioners,  the 
distribution  of  the  public  land  ceased.  The  hatred  of  the  pop- 
ular party  burst  forth  against  Scipio.  One  night  after  a  stormy 
day  in  the  senate  and  the  forum  that  rang  with  the  cry,  "  Down  > 
with  the  tyrant,"  he  retired  to  his  home.  The  next  morning  he 
was  found  dead  in  his  bed.  )  The  belief  was  general  that  one  of 
the  popular  party2  had  assassinated  him;  but  according  to 
Cicero  he  died  a  natural  death.3  Gajus  Laelius,  his  devoted 
friend,  composed  the  funeral  oration,  and  his  old  opponent, 
Metellus  Macedonicus,  then  censor,  bade  his  sons  pay  reverence 
to  the  conqueror  of  Africa,  Asia,  and  Spain.4 

2.  Party  Strife.  —  After  the  death  of  Scipio  the  agita- 
tion of  parties  raged  still  more  fiercely.  To  the  old  conflict 
between  the  impoverished  Roman  citizens  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  capitalist  and  senatorial  classes  on  the  other,  were  added  now 
the  claims  of  the  Latins  and  the  Italian  allies  to  the  franchise. 
The  latter  crowded  more  and  more  into  the  capital,  introduced 
themselves  into  the  tribes,  and  helped  to  add  disorder  to  the  pub- 
lic assemblies.  The  popular  leaders,  perceiving  the  mistake  they 
had  made  in  alienating  the  Latins  and  the  Italians,  now  took 
up  their  cause,  hoping  to  find  in  them  the  means  of  crush- 
ing the  power  of  the  senate.  The  nobility  adopted  measures 


1  When  the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  commissioners  were  unendurable,  the  Italians  deter- 
mined to  adopt  Scipio. "the  destroyer  of  Carthage,  as  their  protector  against  the  manifold 
acts  of  injustice  inflicted  upon  them.  He  did  not  refuse  his  aid.  He  proceeded  to  the 
senate,  gave  a  long  review  of  the  difficulties,  and  concluded  by  proposing  tlwt  the  cog- 
nizance of  the  disputes  should  be  transferred  to  the  consul  Tuditanus.  The  latter  had 
scarcely  entered  upon  his  duties  when,  alarmed  at  the  difficulties,  he  departed  for  Illyria. 
No  one.  however,  appeared  before  the  commissioners  for  settlement  of  claims.  The 
staff;  of  things  excited  great  indignation  against  Scipio.  W..-  enemies  (-aid  that  he  in- 
tended to  abrogate  the  agrarian  law  altogether.— Ajjpian  (!•  C.). 

"  G.  Papirins  Carbo  or  Fulvius  Flaocu-. 

3  C'ic.  Lii'l.  3.  12.  Appian  (1.  c.)  says  that  Scipio  had  retired  with  his  tablets  to  pre- 
pare a  speech  for  the  following  dav.  In  the  morning  he  was  found  dead,  but  without 
any  wound  on  his  person.  According  to  some,  lie  was  murdered  by  the  instigation  of 
Cornelia,  the  mother  of  the  Gracchi,  who  feared  the  repeal  of  the  agrarian  laws,  and  of 
her  daughter.  Sempronia.  Scipio's  wife.  who.  ugly  a-id  disagreeable,  was  disliked  by  her 
hoebano.  Some  say  that  he  destroyed  himself  because  unable  to  accomplish  what  he 
had  undertaken.  His  slaves,  on  being  put  to  torture,  confessed  that  during  the  night 
Eome  strangers  had  entered  through  the  private  doov  and  strangled  their  master. 

'  Iti-fllii,  celebrate  exequias,  nunquam  civis  majoiis  fumus  videbilis. — Plin.  n.  h.  viL, 
44. 1-ti. 


208  THE   LAWS   OF    GA.TUS   GRACCHUS.  [B.  C.  1  "M 

of  repression.     A  law  was  carried  banishing  all  aliens '  from 
Rome  (B.  <'.  126). 

3.  Revolt    of  Fregellae    (B.C.  123).— The  next  year  the 
popular  party  succeeded  in  electing  Fulvius   Flaccus   to  the 
consulship.     He  proposed  a  law  for  granting  the  right  of  crti- 
zenship  to  the  allies,  and  therefore  a  \ote  111  the  popular  assem- 
blies.   The  senate  removed  him  from  Koine  by  sending  him  ou  a 
foreign  mission.    G.  Gracchus  hud  already  departed  (B.  c.  126)  as 
proquaBstor  to  Sardinia,  so  that  the  senate  was  now  freed  from 
its  most   troublesome   opponents,   and    the  Italians    had    1<» 
their  two  most  powerful  patrons.     The  Italians  were  bitterly 
disappointed  when  Flaccus's  lull  was  rejected.     The  old  Latin 
colony,  Fregellae  (Ceprano),  rashly  raised  the  standard  of  revolt. 
The  town  was  taken  and  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  inhab- 
itants dispersed    throughout    Italy.2     The  vigorous  policy  of 
Rome  alarmed  the  allies,  and- the  revolt  spread  no  farther. 

4.  G.   Gracchus   Elected    Tribune.  —  (Jajus  Gracchus 
meanwhile  suddenly  appeared  in  Koine3  and  presented  himself 
to  the  people  as  a  candidate  for  the  tribunate1.4    lie  was  elected 
for  the  year  B.C.  123  in  an  unusually  large  assembly  of  the  peo- 
ple, who  crowded  from  the  colonies  and  municipal   towns  in 
Italy  to  Rome  to  vote  for  him.     Still,  such  was  the  influence  of 
the  aristocracy,  that  Gajus  was  returned  fourth  on  the  list  of 
tribunes,  but  his  impassioned  eloquence  and  his  extraordinary 
abilities  soon  made  him  first  in  influence  and  power.5 


1  Peri'irini. 

'  The  right  of  citizenship  wa«  probably  granted  to  part  of  the  allies  ;  this  would  ac- 
count for  the  L'reat  increase  in  the  OCTieni?  from  IM*. *•,•:}  in  it.  c.  ]:;:>.  to  :5!)1.7xlii  in  :;  0.  1£>. 
Momm-en  il.  cv  Hi.,  p.  io7i  attribute*  this  increase  to  allotments  made  by  the  commis- 

.  00 :  also  Lange,  I.  c.  vol.  i'i..  p.  CH. 

proved  to  the  censor  that  his  return  \vas  conformable  to  law.  aw  he  had  served 
Iv/elve  years  though  requiri-d  to  serve  but  ten.  and  two  ycai-  a<  i|ii;e'tor.  He  also  freed 
himself  from  all  implication  in  the  revolt  of  VreeeUK.—Ant.  <,<l.  Ixii.,  c.  15:  7V'/'.  C. 
ffr.  8. 

1  Cicero  relates  that  when  Gajus  avoided  all  offices  and  had  resolved  t"  live  retired 
from  public  life,  his  mother  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream  and  thus  addressed  him  : 
"  Why  dost  thon  linucr.  (Jaiu-y  Thei-.'  i^  no  alternative.  The  fates  have  decreed  us  one 
life  and  one  deaili  in  defence  of  the  people. "  —  /'/»'.  ('.  < 

5  Plutarch  (in  lift  U.  Or.)  ^ives  a  vivid  descrijitiou  of  tiis  wonderful  powers  ns  an  ora- 
tor. In  the  character  and  expression  of  his  countenance,  in  his  movements.  Tiberius 
was  mild  and  -ed-ito.  Gajus  \vas  animated  and  carried  all  by  the  impetuous  torrent  of 
his  word;  When  Tiberius  harangued  'he  people,  he  -tood  ^fill  :  but  Ga.iu-  wa-  tin-  first 
Roman  that  moved  about  on  the  roftrrt.  and  pulled  his  toga  from  his  >lmrlder  while  he 
wa-  -pe.iking.  a>  Cleon  the  Athenian  i-  -aid  to  have  bcen^the  first  popular  orator  who 
threw  hi>  cloak  from  him.  Tbe  manner  of  Gajus  was  awe-striking  and  vehemently  im- 


B.C.  123.]  THE   LAWS  OF  GAJUS  GRACCHUS.  209 

5.  The  Sempronian  Laws  (B.  c.  123-2). — Gajus  came  for- 
ward with  measures  of  reform  which  were  more  general  and 
more  sweeping  than  those  of  his  brother.  His  first  proposal, 
intended  to  deter  any  tribune  from  repeating  the  opposition 
of  Octavius,  forbade  a  magistrate  who  had  been  deposed  by 
the  people  from  holding  any  office  again.1  He  then  aimed  a 
blow  against  Popillius  Laenas,  who  had  procured  the  sentence  of 
banishment  and  death  against  the  adherents  of  Tiberius, by  ex- 
tending the  Porcian  law 2  so  that  capital  punishment  in  case  of 
Roman  citizens  was  entirely  abolished.  After  this  Gajus  carried 
a  series  of  measures,  which  are  known  as  the  Sempronian  laws, 
that  were  intended  to  destroy  the  power  of  the  senate,  to  alle- 
viate the  condition  of  the  poor,  to  extend  the  colonial  system, 
and  to  elevate  the  rich  capitalists  to  a  distinct  order. 

1.  The  first  law*  directed  that  the  tithes  of  grain  which  ac- 
crued to  the  state  from  the  provinces  should  be  distributed 
among  the  people  at  a  low  price.     The  object  of  this  was  to 
attract  the  proletarians  to  Rome,  and  render  them  independent 
of  the  aristocracy.4 

2.  The  second  law 5  was  intended  to  procure  the  requisite 
means  of  carrying  out  the  provisions  of  the  first  enactment   The 
law  by  which  the  province  of  Asia  paid  a  fixed  sum 6  into  the 
Roman  treasury,  and  thus  escaped  the  exactions  of  the  tax-gath- 
erers,7 was  repealed.    The  province  was  burdened  with  a  system 
of  heavy  taxation,8  which  was  leased  at  Rome  instead  of  in  the 
province,  as  in  Sicily  and  Sardinia;  thus  substantially  excluding 
the  provincials  who  often  bid  in  and  farmed  the  taxes  them- 
selves, and  thus  kept  away  the  Roman  tax-gatherers. 

pa— ioned.  The  manner  of  Tiberiu<  wa<  more  plea-ing  and  calculated  to  move  the  sym- 
pathies. The  language  of  Tiberius  was  pure  and  nicely  chosen  ;  that  of  Gajus  wa*  per- 
suasive and  of  heart-stirring  power.  Hi«  powerful  voice  filled  the  whole  forum,  and  lie 
wa>  obliged  to  have  a  flute  player  behind  him.  the  sound  of  whose  instrument  brought 
his  voice  back  to  its  tone  and  moderated  its  force. 

This  he  withdrew  at  the  request  of  his  mother.  *  See  p.  184,  n.  1. 

:'  The  lexfntmt  tif/i/in  ;  ut poputus pro  frumento,  ffftmfjtMpuMiM  rlaretur.  insittmtloe 
mocttos  senos  cerlg  ef  trientei  ///-'»'  nomine  exsolreref .— Liv.  ep.  60  :  that  five  modii  (l± 
bushels)  were  distributed  monthly  at  (}\  a—es  (about  six  cents)  each,  rests  upon  Momm- 
sfiii's  conjectural  emendation  of  Livy's  text.  Peter  (Cfetch.  Rams.  vol.  ii.,  p.  32,  note) 
shows  that  the  price  cannot  be  fixed  with  certainty. 

*  No  attempt  is  made  to  distinguish  between  the  laws  carried  thi*  or  the  next  year, 
as  It  i-  impossible  to  determine  with  any  certainty  the  exact  order  in  which  the 'if.ws 
were  enacted. 

'•  f.i.r  '/i  nrorincia  Asia  a  txnsoribu*  locanda.  '  */i/>>  i>//i>/m. 

'  PuWicani.  •  Deeuma,  scriptura,  and  i-tctigalia. 


210  THE   LAWS  OF  GAJUS   GRACCHUS.  [B.C.  123. 

3.  The  third  law1  extended  the  agrarian  law  of  his  brother  by 
planting  colonies  not  only  in  Italy  but  in  the  provinces,  restored 
the  judicial  power  of  the  commissioners,2  and  authorized  them 
to  lay  out  streets  along  the  new  allotments.3 

4.  The  fourth  In  a" 1  renewed  the  old  rule  that  a  soldier  should 
not  be  enlisted  before  his  seventeenth  year,3  and   enacted  that 
his  outfit  should  be  furnished  by  the  state,  without  deducting 
the  cost  as  hitherto  from  his  pay. 

5.  Thejift/t  /W  enacted  that  the  judices  should  be  taken  from 
the  equites  instead  of  as  heretofore  from  the  senators.     This  at- 
tacked directly  the  prerogatives  of  the  senate,  and  brought  the 
equestrian  order  in  sharp  collision  with  the  senate,  to  serve  as  a 
check  on  its  power.7 

6.  The  sixth  law 8  touched  the  power  of  the  senate  still 
more  vitally.    Hitherto   the  custom  had  been  for  the  senate 


1  Lex  agraria.  "  G.  Gracchus  Fulvius  Flaccus,  and  Papuritis  C'arbo. 

3  The  lex  riaria  ;  he  first  had  bridge.-  constructed  over  marches,  erected  mile 
te  regular  order  from  the  miiiaritim  in  the  forum  ;   at  regular  intervals  square  i-tones 
were  erected  on  the  side  of  the  road  for  mounting  and  dismounting. 

1  This  prevented  the  young  nobles  from  sen-ing  in  the  camp  (eonttibemlo)  of  the  gen- 
eral as  a  kind  of  bodyguard  before-  the  seventeenth  year,  and  tims  entitling  them  to  ap- 
ply earlier  for  the  <|ii;i>-tor-hip. 

•  Lf  ••  In  the  yearp..c.  14!),  offences  again -t  the  state  which  had  originally 
been  tried  by  the  whole  people  were  transferred  to  ppecial  courts,  the  jurors  (j 

of  which  were  Delected  from  tin-  .-enate.  The  first  of  the-e  law-  \va-  the  li.i-  Ciiliiiinitn 
ck  repttuiuli*,  which  puni-hed  magi-irate-  for  extortion  in  the  provii.ce-.  The  name 
of  eiiuites  applied  originally  only  to  the  member*  of  the  eighteen  centuries;  the-e 
were  called  •  •  because  their  horse-  were  assigned  them  by  the  state 

and  they  hi. I  the  een-us  of  the  first  clu-s  (400.000  se-terces,  about  ::16,OtiO).  Since  then 
the  equite-  had  cea-ed  to  serve  in  the  field,  and  the  cavahy  v.  :  by  the  allies. 

In  the  meantime  another  clas-  "V)  had  arisen,  consisting  of  men  of 

wealth  who  did  nor  belong  to  the  governing  senatorial  families.  Before  the  time  of  Gajus 
Gracchus,  a  law  had  been  ipelhng  the  fqnVm^  when  they  entered  the  - 

B  up  their  h.ir-c.     TM-  drew  a  lino   between   the  semi;  'i'lie  law 

of  Gracchus-  prescribed  that  the  jmliret  -honld  be  taken  from  tlie  second  cla-s,  ;.  < ..  from 
tho-e  who  po--e— ed  the  equestrian  cen-u-  i  iO'.iKKi  -e-ferce-i.  but  weie  not  member-  of 
the  senate.  Since  the  Claudian  law  had  excluded  the  -enatorial  f.nnilie-  from  a  business 
Mfe.  and  the  nobles  excluded  the  rich  men  who  did  not  >><-!»!i:r  to  the  governing  senato- 
rial families,  from  :\  |n>li tic.il  career,  there  were  two  powerful  arirtocraciei<  in  the  state 
—the  senatorial  irovernin"  order,  comjio-ed  of  a  few  aristocratic  families,  and  tin 
trian  order  (<  men  of  wealth.  The  aim  of  Gncchoawu  to  cieate  an 

antagonism  between  titeoe  two  order*.  They  had  often  come  in  collision  in  the  ]irov- 
iticc-.  for  the  provincial  mairi-t rate-  came  from  the  .senatorial  order,  and  the  jmtllcani 
from  the  e<iue-tri.iu  order. 

;  Hi<  col  league  Acilin-  Glabrio  carried  a  la-  >nnnn^  by  which  the  jurymen 

In  civil  ca-es  nin-t  be  taken  from  tlie  eqne-trian  order.     The  '•  ealed  the  lex 

jvnia  >  ••.  by  which  all  aliens  were  banished  from  Rome,  and  directed  that 

these  civil  pi-  should  come  before  the  ///"<V  perifrrtnv*,  and  a 

jnry  of  4M  //>•/!,;.*.  from  which  senators  and  senators1  -ons  were  excluded.  The  com- 
plamant  in  such  a  ease,  if  he  was  an  alien,  was  to  be  rewarded  with  citizenship,  or  in 
ca?e  that  wa-  not  d"-iretl.  with  the  right  of  appeal. 

•  Lex  de  /  rularitnu, 


B.C.  122.]       REACTION   AGAINST  GAJUS   GRACCHUS.  211 

to  assign  the  consuls  and  praetors  their  provinces  after 
the  election.  The  result  was  that  a  lucrative  government 
or  the  conduct  of  an  important  war  was  bestowed  upon  a 
favorite,  while  to  the  "  new  man "  a  disagreeable  or  unimpor- 
tant field  of  action  was  assigned.  Gajus  wished  to  make  the 
magistrate  independent  of  the  senate,  and  therefore  proposed 
that  the  provinces  should  be  determined  before  the  election.1 
Gajus  was  now  substantially  the  ruler  of  Rome.  He  carried 
his  measures  in  the  popular  assembly  without  troubling  himself 
about  the  prerogatives  of  the  senate.  He  saw  to  it  himself  that 
colonies2  were  founded,  roads  constructed,  and  jurymen  select- 
ed, and  really  exercised  absolute  authority  in  Rome. 

6.  Reaction  against  G-ajus. — He  was  now  at  the  height 
of  his  prosperity,  and  seemed  to  have  succeeded  in  his  object 
— the  breaking  down  of  the  jurisdiction  and  administrative 
powers  of  the  senate.  He  was  re-elected  for  the  next  year,3 
and  came  before  the  people  with  still  more  radical  measures  of 
reform.  He  made  a  proposal  to  grant  to  the  Latins  full  citi- 
zenship and  to  the  Italian  allies  the  rights  which  the  Latins 
had  hitherto  enjoyed.4  This  proposal  met  with  intense  oppo- 
sition, not  only  from  the  senate,  but  from  the  people,  who 
could  not  endure  the  idea  that  the  Latins  should  be  admitted 
to  full  citizenship.  The  senate  now  saw  that  the  means  was 
given  it  of  depriving  the  tribune  of  his  popularity.  A  law  was 
carried  ejecting  all  Latins  from  the  city,  and  the  tribune 
M.  Livius  Drusus  was  won  over  to  outbid  Gajus  himself  for 
popular  favor.  Drusus  proposed  that  the  Latins  should  be 
exempt  from  capital  and  corporal  punishment  in  the  camp, 
that  instead  of  the  three  or  four  colonies  which  Gajus 
had  promised,  twelve  Italian  colonies  should  be  founded, 
and  that  the  rent  which  Gajus  had  imposed  upon  the  land 


1  This  measure  was  exempt  from  the  veto  of  a  tribune. 

2  One  was  founded  on  the  site  of  Carthage  in  B.  c.  122  ;  one  at  Aquas  Sexliae,  (Aix  in 
Provence)  in  B.  c.  322. 

;l  For  B.  c.  122;  the  law  had  probably  been  repealed  prohibiting  the  re-election  of  a 
tribune. 

'  I.<  '•  ile  socivi ;  at  the  same  time  the  ley  Acilia  Rubria  proposed  to  confer  upon  the 
Latins  a  share  in  the  worship  of  Jupiter  Ca|>itolinus.  A  law  was  also  carried  abrogating 
the  old  arrangement  in  the  order  of  voting  in  the  comit'ut  fmturtuffi.  and  it  was  settled 
that  the  order  in  which  the  five  classes  were  to  vote  should  be  determined  by  lot. 


212          THE  DEATH  OF  GAJUS  GRACCHUS.     [B.C.  121. 

should  be  remitted.  The  people  ratified  the  Livian  laws  with 
the  same  alacrity  with  which  they  had  sanctioned  the  Sempro- 
nian.  From  this  time  it  was  evident  that  (hijus  was  a  doomed 
man.  He  failed  to  be  elected  to  the  tribunate  for  the  third 
time,  and  saw  his  most  bitter  opponent  Lucius  Opimius  raised 
to  the  consulship.  Gajus  courted  the  favor  of  the  people,  left 
his  house  on  the  Palatine  and  lived  with  the  poor  citi/ens  near 
the  forum.  As  soon  as  Opimius  entered  on  his  office  he  had  a 
proposal 1  brought  before  the  people  to  repeal  the  Sempronian 
law  for  the  colonizing  of  Carthage,  because  the  site  had  been 
accursed  by  Scipio. 

7.  Efforts  for  Peace. — Gajus  sought  in  every  way  to 
avoid  a  conflict,  and  was  not  present  Avlien  the  tribes  met.  He 
could  not,  however,  prevent  his  adherents  from  remembering 
the  fate  of  Tiberius,  and  they  appeared  armed.  When  the 
tribes  had  assembled  at  the  capitol  to  vote  on  the  proposal  of 
Opimius,  it  happened  as  the  consul  was  offering  sacrifices 
in  the  porch  of  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  that  his 
herald,  a  certain  Antyllus,  a  partisan  of  Gajus,  was  struck 
down  by  mistake.2  In  the  midst  of  the  confusion  that  followed, 
the  assembly  dissolved,  and  Gajus  went  to  the  forum  to  address 
the  people.  The  nobility  declared  that  he  was  calling  the  peo- 
ple from  the  popular  assembly,  and  interrupting  the  tribune 
while  addressing  the  people.3  Gajus  and  Fulvius  Flaccus  the 
consul  of  B.  C.  125  returned  home  accompanied  by  an  atmed 
retinue.  The  consul  occupied  the  capitol  with  armed  soldiers 
and  assembled  the  senate  the  next  morning,  in  the  temple 
of  Castor  and  Pollux.  Mart  ial  law  was  declared  by  empowering 
the  consul  to  see  that  the  republic  suffered  no  harm.4 

8.  Death  of  Gracchus.' — Gajus  and  his  adherents  occu- 
pied the  Aventine,  the  ancient  Vesta  of  the  plebeians,  and  their 
stronghold  during  the  struggles  between  the  orders.  Civil  war 


1  By  the  tribune  Minuciu*  Rnfu*. 

*  Lange,  1  c  vol.  iii..  p.  47.    For  a  different  account  of  the  cause  of  the  collision,  sec 
Mommsen,  1.  *,.  /o!  iii.,  p.  134. 

*  See  p.  59. 

4  The  dictatorship  had  fallen  into  disuse  after  B.  c.  21(i.    The  formula  invostinir  tha 
consul  with  full  power  wa-  :  H  <  Wca  <l'-trim>-nt>  cnperet. 


B.C.  121.]  THE   DEATH   OF  GAJUS  GRACCHUS. 


213 


was  declared.  After  some  fruitless  attempts  at  negotiation, 
the  consul  stormed  the  Aventine.  He  met  with  little  resist- 
ance. Gajus  escaped  across  the  Sublician  Bridge,  where  two 
of  his  friends  checked  the  pursuers  at  the  cost  of  their  lives. 
He  continued  his  flight  to  the  grove  of  the  Furies,  where  his 


TILE  TEMPLE  OF  CONCORD  RESTORED. 


faithful  slave  first  put  him  to  death,  and  then  slew  himself  on 
the  corpse  of  his  master.  The  head  of  Gajus  was  carried 
to  the  consul,  who  had  promised  for  it  its  weight  in  gold. 
Flaccus  was  killed  with  three  thousand  of  his  adherents,  their 
houses  were  demolished,  their  property  confiscated,  and  their 
widows  were  forbidden  to  wear  mourning.  After  this  the  city 
Was  purified  by  a  lustration,  and  from  the  confiscated  property 


214  THE    RULE   OF   THE   OLIGARCHY.  [B.C.  121. 

a  temple  of  Concord l  was  erected 2  in  memory  of  the  great  vic- 
tory.3 The  nobles  all  tried  to  brand  the  Gracchi  as  seditious 
demagogues,  but  the  people  ivvm'd  their  memory,  and  at  a 
later  time  their  statues  were  erected  in  the  public  places,  and 
the  spots  where  they  fell  were  called  holy  ground. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

THE  RULE  or  THE  OLIGARCHY. — THE  WAK  WITH  JUGURTHA. 
— THE  RISE  OF  GAJUS  MARK'S. 

1.  The  Rule  of  the  Oligarchy. — The  death  of  Gracchus 
left  the  popular  party  \vit  hout  a  leader.  The  nobility  proceeded 
with  caution.  First  the  proviso  that  the  allotments  of  land 
should  be  inalienable  was  abrogated.  Then  a  law 4  was  passed 
declaring  that  the  assignments  should  cease,  and  that  the 
public  land  should  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  "po»r»or>,'J 

1  The  remains  of  this  temple  (rebuilt  by  Tiberius')  are  directly  behind  the  arch  of 
S.  Severn*.  Behind  the  raised  superstructure  wa-  the  -cuatc  liou-e  in  which  the  senate 
met  in  the  time  of  Cicero.  There  were  four  temple-  of  Concord  :  the  first  was  dedicated 
by  Camiilus  B.C.  36i  (sen  p.  81>,  near  Juno  Moneiu'-  temple;  the  second  by  Fiavius 
B.C.  303  I  see  Livy  is.  4  it.  in  the  area  of  Vulcan  near  the  (ira'Co-ta-i-  i>ee  p.  866):  the 
third  wa-  erected  by  Manlius  B.C.  21ti  in  the  citadel  iLivy  xxii.  23) :  the  fourth  by 
Opimius.  Nothing  remains  of  the  lir-t  three  ;  of  the  fourth,  the  foundation  and  the 
inscription  have  been  pre-erved. 

-  The  Basilica  Opimia  wa-  built  at  th"  same  time,  but  it-  location  is  not  known  with 
certainty.    Appian  and  Fe-tus  de-eribe  ii  as  in  the  forum  and  near  the  temple  of  Saturn. 
As  the  temples  ,,f  Concord  and  the  Basilica  were  both  built  by  Opimius.  he  probably 
placed  them  near  t "ire! her.     iSee  map,  p.  41(1.) 

'  Plutarch  (Life  of  G.  Gracchus.  i:j.  de-ciibe-  the  manner  in  which  Cornelia  passed  her 
life  in  Cherishing  the  honor  of  her  sons.  Cornelia  is  -aid  to  have  borne  her  mUfortnnes 
with  a  noble  magnanimity,  and  to  have  said  of  the  consecrated  place-  where  her  H 
their  lives,  "  that  they  had  tombs  worthy  of  them."  She  took  up  her  residence  at  Mi-e- 
njim.  and  made  no  alteration  in  her  manner  of  life.  She  had  many  friend-,  and  her  lio- 
pitable  table  was  always  crowded  with  trne-t-.  Learned  Greeks  and  the  moal  i.oblemenat 
Borne  vied  ted  her,  and  all  the  kin<js  in  alliance  with  Koine  -out  and  received  pve-ents  from 
her.  She  made  hcr-clf  very  airvemble  (,,  )ier  L'ue-t-  by  talkini:  to  tliem  of  the  life  and 
habit-  of  her  father  Afrienini-.  and  what  w:i-  mo-i  mrprving,  -lie  spoke  of  her  sons  with 
out  a  sjirh  or  tear,  relating  their  actions  and  sufferinu'-  as  if  she  were  -!>eakiii'_'of  heroe-  of 
the  olden  time.  This  made  some  think  her  understanding  ha<!  been  impaired  by  atre  and 
the  greatness  of  her  misfortunes,  and  that  h<  •  •-  had  LTOWH  dull  and  blunted 

by  the  terrible  cata-trophes  that  had  -wept  away  her  children.  But  those  who  were  of 
thi-  opinion  seemed  rather  themselves  to  be  wanting  in  understanding,  since  they  could 
not  Comprehend  how  a  noble  mind  by  liberal  education  conid  support  itself  ar.'aiii^t  mis- 
fortune ;  and  that  in  the  pursuit  of  rectitude  fortune  may  often  triumph  over  virtue,  yet 
she  can  never  take  away  from  virtue  the  power  of  enduing  evil-  with  fortitude. 

*  The  fee  Thoria  in  B.  c.  118  :  at  this  time  provisions  were  made  for  founding  colo- 
nies in  Spain  at  Aqae  Sextice  (Aix  in  Provence):  apart  of  Gaul  was  or-rani/ed  as  a 
province,  and  a  colony  in  honor  of  the  irod   M;n-.  called  Xarbo  Martins  iXarbonne)  was 
founded.     (The  colonv  Junonia  at  Carthage  wa-  ujivun  up  ;  Xeptunia  at  Tarentum  was 
alone  allowed  to  remain.) 


B.C.  J18.J  THE   RULE  OF  THE  OLIGARCHY.  215 

but  that  the  rent l  of  it  should  be  distributed  among  the  poor 
people.  The  other  laws  remained  in  force  and  the  corn  laws 
became  the  basis  for  all  subsequent  legislation  on  this  subject. 
How  the  oligarchy,  after  their  restoration,  governed  at  home, 
was  witnessed  by  the  fact  that  there  were  not  more  than  two 
thousand  wealthy  families  among  the  citizens.  Farms  were 
again  swallowed  up  in  sheep-walks,  and  social  ruin  and  decay 
spread  over  Italy.  Servile  insurrections  broke  out  on  every 
hand.  The  Mediterranean  swarmed  with  pirates.  The  wealth 
wrung  from  the  poor  provincials  was  employed  in  bribery  at 
home.  The  vices  and  corruptions  of  all  classes  were  hurrying 
the  state  on  to  ruin.  Wherever  the  eye  turned  throughout 
the  vast  domain  of  the  Roman  empire,  corruption,  mismanage- 
ment, and  impotency  were  visible  on  every  side.  How  the 
wretched  oligarchy  managed  the  foreign  relations,  the  condition 
of  the  dependent  states  showed.  Foreign  princes  bought  their 
crowiisof  the  Roman  nobles,  and  judges  and  senators  sold  their 
decisions.  Wealth  flowed  into  Rome  from  the  plunder  of  the 
provincials.  The  shameless  and  incompetent  rule  of  the  oli- 
garchy seemed  likely  to  endure  for  many  years,2  had  not  the 
revolt  of  Jugurtha  in  Africa  furnished  the  crowning  proofs  of 
their  wretched  and  corrupt  government,  and  brought  into 
prominent  notice  the  two  men  who  were  destined  to  usurp  des- 
potic power  ;  Marius  in  the  name  of  the  people,  and  Sulla  in 
that  of  the  oligarchy. 

2.  Numidia  and  Jugurtha. — It  will  be  remembered  that 
the  resistance  which  the  Carthaginians  had  made  to  the  en- 
croachments of  Masinissa  on  their  territory  gave  the  Romans 
the  pretext  for  war.3  After  the  destruction  of  Carthage, 
much  of  the  territory  that  had  formerly  belonged  to  the 
Carthaginians  was  bestowed  upon  Masinissa.4  When  Masi- 
nissa  died  he  left  three  sons,  Micipsa,  Gulussa,  and  Mas- 
tanabal,  among  whom  Scipio  divided  the  Numidian  king- 

1  Vectigal. 

"The  only  work  of  improvement  at  home  worthy  of  notice  at  this  time,  was  the  com- 
pletion of  the  via  ^Emilia  from  Pisa  and  Luna  to  Sabata  and  Datona,  and  the  pong  Mul- 
nm  during  the  censorship  of  ^Emilius  Scaurus  (B.  c.  10'J).  The  fornix  FaManux  was 
vcted  at  the  entrance  of  the  Via  Sacra  Into  the  forum  by  Q,  Fab'ius  Maxiimis  AlJobro- 
Klc»a-  "Seep.  168.  •  See  p.  171.  n.  3. 


216  WAft  WITH  JUGURTHA,  [B.C.  118. 

dom  according  to  the  directions  of  the  last  king.  The  death 
of  the  two  last  left  Micipsa1  sole  king.  Jugurtha  was  the 
bastard  son  of  Mastanabal ;  Micipsa,  however,  brought  him  up 
with  his  own  sons,  Hiempsal  and  Adherbal.  Jugurtha.  wheu 
he  grew  up,  displayed  such  remarkable  qualities  of  mind  and 
body,  and  his  popularity  among  the  people  was  so  great,  that 
the  old  king  Micipsa,  fearing  that  he  would  snatch  the  inherit- 
ance from  his  own  sons,  resolved  to  expose  him  to  the  risks  of 
Avar.  He  placed  him,  therefore,  in  command  of  the  Xumidian 
contingent  in  the  Xumantine  war.  Here  he  met  the  young  no- 
bles who  were  serving  in  the  camp2  of  the  general,  and  lived  on 
intimate  terms  with  them.  They  encouraged  him  to  kill  Micipsi 
and  to  usurp  the  throne,  assuring  him  that  it  would  he  easy  to 
buy  a  pardon  at  Rome,  where  everything  had  its  price.3  After 
his  return  to  Xumidia,  relying  on  the  support  of  the  powerful 
friends  he  had  made  at  Xumantia,  he  caused  Hiempsal  to  be 
murdered,  and  procured  by  bribery  a  division  of  the  kingdom 
between  himself  and  Adherbal.  Commissioners,  at  the  head  of 
whom  was  Opimius,  the  opponent  of  Gracchus,  were  sent  to 
carry  out  the  provisions  of  the  senate,  but  they  sold  themselves 
to  Jugurtha  immediately  on  their  arrival  in  Africa.  The  western 
and  most  fertile  division  was  assigned  to  Jugurtha  ;  the  eastern, 
which  was  arid,  fell  to  Adherbal.  This,  however,  did  not  satisfy 

1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 
MASIXISSA  (338-149). 


MICIPSA,  B.  c.  118.  GULUSBA.  MASTANABAL. 


i ; 1          MASSITA, 

B.  C.  111. 

ADHEBBAL,     HIEMPSAL  I.,    MICIPSA.  GAUDA,  JUGCRTHA, 

B.  c.  112.          B.  c.  117.  I  B.  c.  KM. 

HlEJfPSAL. 

OXTNTAS. 

JUBA  L 
JCBA  II. 

*  In  contubernio  Imperatorls.  *  Rama  omnia  venalia  esse.—Snll.  Jug.,  9, 10. 


B.  C.  111.] 


WAR  WITH   JUGURTHA. 


217 


Jugurtha.  He  made  war  upon  Adherbal,  defeated  him  in  battle, 
and  finally  besieged  him  in  Cirta.  When  the  town  surrendered, 
Adherbal  was  put  to  death  with  tortures,  as  were  also  all  the  men 
in  the  garrison,  not  excepting  even  the  Italians.1  This  roused  the 
indignation  of  the  mercantile  class  at  Eome,  and  the  tribune  G. 
Memmius  compelled  the  senate  to  declare  war  against  Jugurtha. 


MEDITERRANEAN   SEA 


STUM  I  D  I  A 

and  the  old 

PROVINCE 

A  F  R  I  C  A 


3.  Jugurthine  War  (B.  c.  111-104).— The  consul,  L.  Cal- 
purnitis  Bestia,  landed  in  Africa,  ostensibly  to  carry  on  the  war 
in  Numidia,  but  really  with  the  purpose  of  being  bribed  by  Ju- 
gurtha. In  order  to  protect  himself  he  took  with  him  as  legates 
a  number  of  influential  nobles,  among  whom  was  M.  ^Emilius 
Scaurus,  the  president  of  the  senate.2  After  Jugurtha  had 
paid  enough  to  satisfy  Bestia  and  Scaurus,  a  treaty  was  made 


These  were  merchants  doing  business  in  Africa. 


Princeps  senatus. 


21S  \VAK    WITH    .H<;i  KTHA.  [l!.C.   111). 

without  the  interposition  of  the  senate  or  the  people,  granting 
the  kingdom  of  Xumidia  to  Jugurtha. 

4.  The  Treaty  with  Numidia  Cancelled.  —  When  the 
news  of  this  disgraceful  treaty  reached  Rome,  a  storm  of  indig- 
nation burst  forth.     The   tribune  Memmius  recounted1  the 
offences  of  the  oligarchy,  and,  in  spite  of   the  influence  of 
Scaurus,  curried  a  bill  that  Jugurtha,  under  a  safe  conduct, 
should  be  invited  to  come  to  Rome  and  give  information  in  re- 
gard to  the  manner  in  which  peace  had  been  made.    When  Ju- 
gurtha appeared  before  the  assembly  of  the  people,  and  Mem- 
mius had  stilled  the  murmurs  of  indignation  from  the  multi- 
tude for  him  to  declare  who  his  accomplices  were,  the  tribune, 
G.  Bsebius,  already  bribed  for  this  purpose,  interposed  his  veto 
on  the  king's  speaking.    Shortly  after  this,  Jugurtha  procured, 
under  the  very  eyes  of  the  senate  and  people,  the  assassination 
of  Massiva,  the  son  of  Gulussa,  who  was  instigated  by  Albums, 
the  consul  elect,  to  lay  his  claim  before  the  senate  for  the 
throne.    The  murderer  escaped,  and  since  vengeance  could  not 
]><•  taken  on  Jugurtha,  he  was  ordered  by  the   senate  to  leave 
Rome.     When  beyond  the  Avails,  he  is  said  to  have  looked  back 
in  silence  on  the  city,  and  at  last  to  have  exclaimed  :  "  0  venal 
city,  about  to  perish  if  it  can  but  find  a  purchaser."2 

5.  The  Renewal  of  the  War  (B.  c.  110). — The  Avar  A\as 
rein-wed   by  Albinus,   who,  however,  accomplished  nothing. 
His  brother  Aulus  succeeded  him,  and  penetrated  into  the 
heart  of  Numidia,  where  he  was  surprised  and  defeated,  and 


(iraeehus  and  Mai  ru-  1'ulviu-.  many  of  your  order  were  put  to  death  in  prison.  Let  "us 
pass  over  thi-  ;  let  u-  admit  that  to  re-love  the  riiriits  of  the  people;  was  to  aspire  to  royal 
power.  You  have  seen  how  in  pa-t  years  the  trea-ury  has  been  pillaged  :  yon  have  seen 
nd  free  people  paying  tribute"  to  a  small  party  of  aristocrats,  in  whose  hands  are 
all  the  honors  of  the  state  and  wealth  of  Italy.  .  .  .  This  Is  not  a  case  of  peculation 
of  the  trea-nry.  nor  a  forcible  extortion  of  money  from  the  nllies.  These  indeed  are 
grave  offences',  but  we  are  so  n-ed  to  them  that  we  consider  them  nothing.  Now  the  au- 
thority of  the  -e:iate  a^d  your  own  power  have  been  -un-endeivd  to  your  irieate-t  enemy. 
The  public  intere-t  ha-  be  ;1  for  money.  If  we  do  not  inve-ti^ate  their  mis- 

deeds, if  wedo  not  intlic.t  punishment  on  the  Lruilty.  what  will  remain  for  us  except  to 
live  and  obey  those  who  have  committed  the  For  when  men  can  do  with  im- 

punity what  they  like,  that  Ls  really  kindly  power."— Haii.  Jar.  31. 
-  Jug.,  35. 


B.  0.  109.]  THE   RISE  OF  GAJtTS   MAEIUS.  219 

his  army  sent  under  the  yoke.  This  disgrace  roused  the 
people.  The  conduct  of  the  war  was  committed  to  Q.  Caecilius 
Metellus,1  a  capable  and  experienced  officer.  In  B.  c.  109 
he  departed  for  Numidia  with  G.  Marius  and  P.  Rectilius 
Rufus  as  legates.  The  discipline  of  the  army  was  restored, 
Cirta  and  other  towns  were  captured,  and  Jugurtha  was  de- 
feated near  the  river  Muthtil,  and  compelled  to  flee  for  protec- 
tion to  Bocchus,  king  of  Mauretauia.2 

6.  Rise  of  G-ajus  Marius. — The  glory  of  finishing  the 
war  was,  however,  not  reserved  for  Metellus,  but  for  his  legate, 
Gajus  Marius.  Born  (B.  c.  15?)  in  the  environs 3  of  Arpinum 
among  the  Latin  hills,  Marius  was  reared  in  the  country,  and 
his  rustic  manners  and  illiteracy  clung  to  him  through  life.  He 
had  a  taste  for  war,  and  his  bravery  at  Numantia  attracted  the 
notice  of  Scipio  ./Emilianus,  who,  being  asked  one  day  where 
the  Romans  should  find  such  another  general  when  he  was 
gone,  touched  Marius  on  the  shoulder  and  said,  "Perhaps 
here." 4  This  raised  the  hopes  of  Marius.  On  his  return 
to  Rome  he  was  elevated  to  the  tribunate  5  (B.  c.  119)  and  four 
years  after  to  the  prsetorship.  He  was  a  man  of  iron  nerve  and 
inflexible  resolution.  When  he  accompanied  Metellus  to  Africa 

1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

L.  METELLUS  CALVUS, 

cos.  B.  c.  142. 


L.  METELLUS  DALMATICUS,       Q.  CJGCILIUS  METELLUS  NUMIDICUS,      CECILIA,  m. 
cos.  B.  c.  119.  cos.  B.  c.  109.  L.  LUCULLUS. 

CJECILIA,  m.  Q.  METELLUS  Pius, 

1.  SCAURUS.    2.  SULLA.  cos.  B.  c.  80. 

Q.  METELLUS  Pius  SCIPIO, 
cos.  B.  c.  52.    m.  LEFIDA. 

CORNELIA,  m. 
1.  P.  CRASSUS.    2.  POMPEJUS,  triumvir. 

5  See  map,  p.  217,  »  At  Cercatae.  4  Plut.  Mar.  3. 

s  He  carried  a  law  (lex  Maria  de  suffragiis  ferundis)  to  restrain  the  influence  of  the 
aristocracy  at  elections.  The  law  enacted  that  'the  voting-bridges  (ponies  ;  these  were  the 
narrow  passage-*  that  led  to  the  different  compartments  into  which  the  enclosed  space 
[septa]  where  the  assembly  met  was  divided)  should  be  made  narrower,  so  that  the  nobles 
could  not  so  easily  stand  by  and  influence  their  clients. 


220  THE   RISE   OF   GAJUS   M ARIL'S.  [B.C.  108- 

a  new  field  was  open  to  his  ambition,  lie  neither  declined  the 
most  difficult  tasks,  nor  thought  the  most  servile  labor  beneath 
him.  lie  shared  the  hardships  of  the  common  soldier,  ate  of 
the  same  dry  bread,  and  slept  on  the  same  hard  couch.  He  so 
endeared  himself  to  all,  that  his  name  was  in  every  one's 
mouth,  and  the  letters  of  the  soldiers  carried  his  fame  to  Rome. 
This  encouraged  him  to  hope  for  the  consulship. 

7.  Marius  Elected  Consul.  —  One  day  while  sacrificing 
in  the  camp  before  Utica,  the  haruspex,  on  inspecting  the 
victims,  bade  him  trust  in  the  gods,  and  execute  whatever 
purpose  he  had  in  mind.  He  applied  to  Metellus  for  leave  of 
absence  to  go  to  Rome  and  apply  for  the  consulship.  The  con- 
sul tried  to  dissuade  him  from  his  purpose,  but  he  repeated  his 
request  from  time  to  time.  Metellus  gave  vent  to  his  scorn  by 
saying,  "  You  need  not  be  in  such  a  hurry ;  it  will  be  time 
enough  for  you  to  apply  for  the  consulship  with  my  son."  The 
son  of  Metellus  was  then  only  twenty,  and  could  not  therefore 
become  a  candidate  for  the  consulship  for  twenty  years.  Marius 
never  forgot  the  insult.  From  this  time  he  courted  the  favor 
of  the  common  soldiers  more  assiduously  than  ever,  intrigued 
against  the  general,  and  boasted  that  if  he  had  but  one-half  the 
army,  he  would  soon  end  the  war.  The  letters  of  the  soldiers 
and  of  the  merchants  carried  these  sayings  to  Rome,  and  the 
people  began  to  think  that  the  only  way  of  ending  the  war  was 
to  elect  Marius  consul.  Only  twelve  days  before  the  election, 
he  obtained  leave  of  absence  and  sailed  to  Rome.  He  was 
elected  not  only  consul,1  but  general  for  the  war  against  Jugur- 
tha,  notwithstanding  the  senate  had  designed  to  prorogue 
the  command  of  Metellus.  This  was  a  great  victory  for  the 
popular  party ;  for  it  had  for  a  long  time  been  an  unheard  of 
thing  for  a  "  new  man  "  to  be  raised  to  the  consulship.  Fur- 
ther, he  was  designated  to  the  command,2  not  by  the  senate, 
but  by  the  people. 


1  For  the  year  B.  c.  107. 

1  The  senate  had  already  aadgned  the  province-!,  but  Manliu*  Mancirms  laid  it  before 
the  people,  who  should  conduct  the  war  arjr;iiu-=t  Juzurtha  ;  they  decided  in  favor  of 
Manus.  For  the  changes  in  the  military  organization  introduced  by  Marius,  gee  p.  371. 


B.  C.  113.]  THE  CIMBRI  AND  TEUTONES.  221 

8.  The  War  Renewed  by  Marius. — After  Marius  had 
completed  his  preparations  in  Rome,  he  departed  for  Africa.1 
Here  he  fulfilled  the  popular  expectation.  Advancing  into 
Numidia  ravaging  and  plundering,  he  defeated  Jugurtha, 
and  Bocchus,  king  of  Mauretania,  in  two  bloody  battles.  This 
defeat  discouraged  Bocchus,  and  Sulla,  Marius's  quaestor,  entered 
into  negotiations  with  him,  which  resulted  in  the  surrender  of 
Jugurtha  (B.  c.  106).  This  ended  the  war.  After  remaining  two 
years  in  the  country,  Marius  returned  to  Borne  to  celebrate  his 
triumph  .(B.  c.  104),  in  which  Jugurtha  walked  in  chains. 
While  the  procession  was  winding  up  the  clivus  Capitolinus, 
the  king  turned  to  the  right  to  be  cast  into  the  Mamertine 
prison.  As  he  touched  the  cold,  damp  dungeon,2  he  exclaimed: 
"  By  Hercules  !  what  a  cold  bath  is  this,"  and  after  six  days 
died  of  hunger.3  Numidia  was  not  immediately  made  a  Roman 
province,  but  the  western  part,  Mauretania  Csesariensis,4  was 
annexed  to  the  kingdom  of  Bocchus,  and  the  rest  was  bestowed 
upon  Gauda,  a  descendant  of  Masinissa. 


CHATTER    XXXIII. 

THE  WAR  WITH  THE  CIMBRI  AND  TEUTONES  (B.  C.  113-101). 

1.  The  Relations  of  Rome  to  the  North.  —  Before 
the  war  with  Jugurtha  was  ended,  a  new  danger  threatened 
the  empire  from  the  north.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
Rome  had  subdued  the  Gauls  in  the  north  of  Italy  and 
had  founded  Eporedia 5  (Ivrea)  to  command  the  passes  of  the 
western  Alps,  as  Aquileja  did  of  the  eastern.  The  province  of 
Narbo  had  been  organized  and  communication  was  opened 
with  Spain  by  means  of  the  Domitian  way,  which  extended 

1  According  to  Sallust  (c.  73),  in  the  summer  of  B.  c.  107 ;  Mommsen  0-  c.  vol.  ill.,  p.  170) 
thinks  in  B.  c.  108  or  late  in  the  season  of  B.  c.  107.  See  Peter  (Studien  zur  Bom.  Gesch., 
p.  06.  note)  for  a  thorough  discussion  of  the  subject. 

3  The  Tulllanum.  »  Plut.  G.  Mar.  «  Algiers.  "  B.  C.  190. 


222  THE   CIMBRI   AND  TEUTONES.  [B.C.  lOo. 

from  the  Rhone  to  the  Pyrenees.  The  colonies  which  the 
Gracchun  party  founded  to  alleviate  the  condition  of  the  pro- 
letarians in  the  capital,  and  which  soon  became  centres  for 
Roman  traders  and  settlers,  have  already  been  mentioned.1  In 
most  of  the  country  beyond  the  Alps,  however — in  Spain  and 
in  Gaul,  except  the  small  tract  along  the  coast — the  native 
tribes  still  roamed  in  freedom  and  defied  the  incompetent  gov- 
ernment at  Rome. 

2.  The  Battle  of  Arausio  (B.  c.  105).— About  this  time 
it  happened  that  a  Germanic  tribe,  the  Cirabri,  in  its  wander- 
ings from  home,2  readied  Noricum,*  and  approached  the  passes 
of  the  Alps  near  Aquileja.   The  consul  Papirius  Carbowas  de- 
feated,3 but  instead  of  directing  their  march  to  Italy,  the  Cim- 
bri  turned  to  the  west,  crossed  the  Jura,  and  threatened  the 
Roman  territory  in  that  quarter.     Here  they  stimulated  other 
tri lies4  to  attack  the  Romans,  and  the  consul  Junius  Silanus 
was  defeated  in  B.C.  109,  and  two  years  after,  L.  Cassius  Lon- 
ginus  suffered  a  terrible  defeat,  and  his  army  escaped  only  by 
giving  up  its  baggage  and  passing  under  the  yoke.     This  en- 
couraged Tolosa  (Toulouse)  to  revolt,  but  the  consul  the  next 
year  retook  the  city,  and  plundered  the  rich  temple  there  of  its 
vast  amount  of  treasures.     The  next  year  the  Cimbri  returned 
with  the  intention  of  invading  Italy.     Three  powerful  armies 
opposed  their  pa-sa^i'  of  the  Rhone.*    The  battle  of  Arausio 
(Orange)  followed,  and  the  three  armies  were  cut  to  pieces  in' 
detail.    The  loss  was  tremendous.5    The  terror  of  another  inva- 
sion from  the  north  spread  throughout  Italy,  and  the  storm  of 
popular  indignation  burst  forth  with  terrible  fury  against  the 
oligarchy.6     The  Cimbri  fortunately  turned  towards  Spain  and 
gave  the  Romans  a  two  years  n -spite. 

3.  Marius  Re-elected  Consul  (B.  c.  104). — All  eyes  were 
now  turned  towards  Marius.  as  the  only  man  who  could  save  Italy. 
During  his  absence  he  had   been  elected   to  the  consulship, 


1  See  p.  214, 11.  4  ;  also  p.  210.      "  (  <  imbricn.     '  Near  Noreja,  in  B.  c.  113 

«  Ti'i'innl.  ,  5  80.000  soldiers  and  40.000  camp  followers. 

*  Caepio,  one  of  the  commanders.  wa-=  deposed  from  office,  Ills  property  confiscated, 
and  he,  in  direct  violation  of  law,  was  condemned  to  death.  *  See  Map  NO.  7. 


B.  C.  102.]  THE  CIMBRI  AND  TEUTONES.  223 

although  the  law  prescribed  that  the  candidate  should  apply  in 
person,  and  prohibited  re-election  until  after  the  elapse  of  ten 
years.  On  the  same  day  that  he  .celebrated  his  triumph,  he 
entered  his  second  consulship.1  He  set  out  immediately  for 
Gaul  at  the  head  of  an  army  ardently  attached  to  him,  and  com- 
manded by  the  best  officers,  among  whom  was  his  old  quaestor 
Sulla.  The  departure  of  the  Cimbri  gave  him  time  to  harden  his 
soldiers  by  toil,  and  to  complete  the  important  canal 2  from  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rhone  to  the  coast,  which  opened  communica- 
tion between  the  sea  and  his  camp,  thus  avoiding  the  difficult 
navigation  of  the  delta  of  the  Rhone. 

4.  The  Battle  of  Aquae  Sextise  (B.  c.  102).  —  In  the 
meantime  the  Cimbri  had  returned  from  Spain,  re-united 
with  the  Teutones,3  and,  reinforced  by  other  tribes,  prepared 
for  the  invasion  of  Italy.  The  immense  host,  however,  divided 
again  ;  the  Cimbri  and  the  Tigurini  crossed  the  Rhone,  in 
order  to  enter  Italy  by  their  old  route,  the  eastern  Alps,  while 
the  Teutones  and  Ambrones  marched  toward  the  Rhone,  where 
Marius  was  encamped,  to  enter  Italy  by  the  Maritime  Alps,  and 
join  the  Cimbri  on  the  Po.  The  camp  of  Marius  at  the  junction 
of  the  Rhone  and  Isara  (Isere)  commanded  both  of  the  western 
routes  to  Italy,  the  one  along  the  coast,  and  the  other  over  the 
Little  St.  Bernard.  The  barbarians  stormed  the  camp,  but 
when  they  found  the  intrenchments  too  strong  for  them,  they 
pursued  their  way  to  Italy.  For  six  days  the  vast  host  filed 
past  the  camp,  and  defied  the  Romans  by  asking  if  they  had 
anything  to  send  to  their  wives  at  home,  for  they  should  soon 
be  in  Italy.  When  they  had  advanced  a  short  distance,  Marius 
broke  up  and  followed  until  they  reached  Aquae  Sextiae 4  (Aix). 
Here  Marius  offered  battle,  and  the  enemy  were  eager  foi 
the  encounter.  The  Teutones  fought  with  all  the  energy  and 
courage  of  their  race,  but  the  Roman  legions  stood  like  a  wall. 
At  length,  attacked  in  the  front  and  rear,  for  Marius  had  placed 

1  Jan.  1,  B.  c.  104.  *  Fomz  Mariana. 

3  Mommsen.  following  Livy.  think*  that  the  Cimbri  first  united  with  the  Teutones 
after  their  return  from  Spain.  Yellejus  IVterculus  iii..  8).  Appian  (Celt.  13),  and  many 
others  make  the  Teutones  appear  with  ihc  Cimhri  much  earlier. 

'  That  is.  Bath*  of  Sextius  j  see  map.  p.  :Ji  I 


224  THE   CIMBRI   AND   TEUTON  [B.C.  101. 

a  band  of  Roman  soldiers  there  in  ambuscade,  the  mighty  host 
of  the  barbarians  was  annihilated.1  Just  as  Marias  was  in  the 
act  of  setting  fire  to  the  vast  pile  of  arms  collected  from  the 
field  of  battle,  it  was  announced  to  him  that  he  had  been  elect- 
ed to  the  consulship  for  the  fifth  time  (B.  c.  101). 

5.  Battle  of  Vercellse  (B.C.  101). — Meanwhile  Q.  Lu- 
tatius  Catulus  had  engaged2  the  Cimbri  as  they  attempted 
to  enter  Italy  by  the  Brenner  pass.3  but  being  unable  to  hold  his 
position,  had  retreated  over  the  Adige,*  thus  leaving  the  whole 
valley  of  the  Fo  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  the  barbarians.  Ma- 
rius,  on  his  return  to  Rome,  refused  the  triumph  offered  him 
by  the  senate,  until  the  Cimbri  were  subdued.4  After  a  brief 
stay  in  the  capital,  he  joined  Catulus.  Their  united  armies 
crossed  the  Po  and  offered  battle,  but  the  barbarians  declined 
it  and  sent  envoys  to  Marius  to  demand  lands  for  themselves 
and  the  Teutones.  "  The  Teutones,"  replied  Marius,  "  have  got 
all  the  land  they  need  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps."  The 
battle  could  no  longer  be  delayed,  and  near  Vercellae,  just 
where  Hannibal  had  fought  his  lirst  battle  in  Italy,  the  hostile 
armies  met.  As  at  Aquae  Sextiae,  so  here,  the  barbarians  were 
annihilated.  Those  who  survived  the  battle  were  either  killed 
or  sold  in  the  slave  market  at  Rome.5 

1  200,000  were  killed  and  (K).OOO  taken  prisoners. 

1  According  to  Livy  ( Kp.  Ixviii.V  Plut.  (Mur.  23>  say<  tliaf  Catulus  gave  np  the  passes 
withont  a  content,  and  ported  him?-elf  011  the  Adige.  Bee  Mommsen  (1.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  201). 

1  From  Innsbruck  to  Trent. 

•  He  wa>  con-ul  for  B.  c.  102,  and  his  Imperivm  had  been  prolonged ;  he  was  now  act- 
Ing  as  proconsul. 

s  The  human  avalanche  which  for  thirteen  years  had  alarmed  the  nations  from  the 
Danube  to  the  Ebro,  from  the  Seine  to  the  Po.  rested  beneath  the  sod.  or  toiled  under 
the  voke  of  slavery  ;  the  forlorn  hope  of  the  German  migration  had  performed  its  duty  ; 
the  nometeM  people  of  the  Cimbri  and  their  comrades  were  no  more.— JfommMn,  1.  c 
vol.  iii.,  p.  2(i3.  The  hypothesis  that  the  Cimbri.  as  well  a*  the  similar  horde  of  the  Ten- 
tone-  which  afterwards  joined  them,  belonged,  in  the  main,  not  to  the  Celtic  nation,  to 
which  the  Romans  at  flr-t  a— isrned  them,  but  to  the  Germanic,  is  supported  by  the  most 
definite  facts  :  viz.,  by  the  existence  of  two  small  tribe-  of  the  .-ame  name-  -remnants 
left  behind  to  all  appeanooee  in  their  primitive  seats— the  Cimbri  in  modern  Denmark, 
the  Teuton.--  in  the  northea>t  of  Germany,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Baltic,  where 
Pylheas.  a  contemporary  of  Alexander  the  Groat,  make-  mention  of  them  thu<  early  in 
connection  with  the  amber  trade  ;  by  the  insertion  of  the  Cimbri  and  Teutone^  in  the 
list  of  the  Germanic  peoples  aiuon"  the  Ingaevones.  alongside  of  the  Chaud :  by  the 
judgment  of  CV'-ar.  who  first  mad'-  the  Roman-  acquainted  with  the  distinction  between 
the  Germans  and  the  Celts,  and  who  includes  the  Cimbri,  many  of  whom  he  mn-t  him- 
self have  seen,  among  the  Germans  ;  and  la-tly.  !  v  the  name-  of  the  peoples  and  the 
statements  a>  to  their  physical  api>earancc  and  habits  in  other  resn.-cts,  which,  while  ap- 
plying to  the  men  of  the  north  generally,  are  especially  applicable  to  the  Germans.— 
Mommsen,  1.  c.  p.  187.  *  The  Athens:  see  map.  p.  2. 


B.  C.I  01.]  SOCIAL   DISTRESS.  225 


XXXIV. 

SOCIAL  DISTRESS — EEFORMS  OF  MARIUS — THE  APPULEIAN 
LAWS — THE  RULE  OF  THE  SENATE  RESTORED. 

1.  Necessity  for  Reform. — The  triumph  which  Harms 
had  refused  was  now  celebrated  with  double  splendor.     The 
people  called  him  the  third  founder  of  Eome,1  and  rewarded 
him  with  new  honors.   ;Mariuswas  now  the  first  man  in  the 
state.     His  services  had   placed   him  far  above   Metellus  or 
Catulus  or  any  member  of  the  aristocracy.     He  had  delivered 
the  state  from  her  foreign  foes,  but  a  severer  task  was  before 
him :  to  cure  the  social  and  agrarian  evils,  to  arrest  the  pre- 
vailing decay,  and  to  infuse  a  new  spirit  into  civil  and  political 
life.     At  home  the  allotments  of  land  had  ceased,  and  poverty 
and  decay  were  spreading  again  over  Italy.    While  the  labor 
on  the  great  estates  was  performed  by  vast  gangs  of  slaves, 
Eoman  citizens  wandered  houseless  and  homeless.     Repeated 
insurrections  broke  out  in  Italy  and  in  Sicily.    In  the  provinces 
the  capitalists  and  the  magistrates  made  common  cause  in  plun- 
dering the  provincials.  , 

2.  The  Slave  Population. — The  farmers  of  the  revenue  in 
collecting  the  custom-dues  and  the  tenths,  had  also  prosecuted  a 
profitable  business  in  the  provinces   in   kidnapping  the  free 
population  and  selling  them  to  the  slave  dealers.     This  practice 
had  been  carried   on   to  such  an  extent,  that  when  Marius 
asked  Nicomedes,  king  of    Bithynia,   for  auxiliaries  in   the 
war  against  the   Teutones,   this   prince   replied   that    o\ving 
to  the  farmers  of  the  revenue  and  slave   merchants,  he  no 
longer  had  any  subjects  left  in  his  kingdom  except  women, 
children,  and  old  men.2    The  senate  issued  a  decree  that  no 

1  The  first  two  were  Romulus  and  Caniillus. 

1  The  Roman  rule  had  undergone  everywhere  a  material  alteration.  Partly  through 
the  constant  growth  of  oppression  naturally  incident  to  every  tyrannic  government, 
partly  through  the  indirect  operation  of  the  Roman  revolution— in  the  seizure,  for 
instance,  of  the  property  of  the  soil  in  the  provinces  of  Asia  by  Gajus  Gracchus,  in  the 
Roman  tenths  and  customs,  and  in  the  human  hunts  which  the  collectors  of  the  revenue 


226  SLAVE   POPULATION.  [B.  C.  101. 

freeman,  a  native  of  an  allied  country,  should  be  detained  in 
slavery,  and  directed  the  praetor  in  Sicily  to  announce  to  those 
who  believed  that  they  were  unjustly  held  in  captivity  to  ap- 
pear before  him.  Immediately  innumerable  multitudes  came 
to  claim  their  freedom ;  but  as  most  of  them  belonged  to 
influential  capitalists1  who  openly  expressed  their  dissatis- 
faction, the  magistrate  was  obliged  to  let  the  measure  drop. 
The  slaves  deceived  in  their  hopes  for  freedom  and  rendered 
furious,  flew  to  arms  in  all  directions.  They  found  two  able 
leaders,  Salvius  and  Athenion,  one  of  whom  conducted  the 
war  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  island,  and  the  other,  in  the 
western  part.  The  insurrection  soon  assumed  such  a  formid- 
able aspect  that,  when  the  war  Avith  the  Oimbri  was  ended, 
Manius  Aquillius  (B.  c.  101),  the  colleague  of  Marius  in  his  fifth 
consulship,  was  sent  to  Sicily.  After  two  years  he  succeeded 
in  subduing  the  insurrection  (B.  c.  99) ;  the  prisoners  were  sent 
to  Rome  to  fight  with  wild  beasts  for  the  amusement  of  the 
people,  but  they  disappointed  the  spectators  by  slaying  each 
other  with  their  own  hands  in  the  amphitheatre. 

3.  Marius  as  a  Politician. — Under  such  circumstances, 
the  people  looked  to  Marius  as  the  only  man  who  could  save 
the  state  and  overthrow  the  rule  of  the  oligarchy.  The  army 
which  he  had  formed  and  led  to  victory  was  ardently  devoted 
to  him,  and  furnished  the  means  of  striking  the  blow  against 
the  government.  The  times,  however,  were  not  ripe  for  a 
military  despotism,  and  Marius  sought  to  accomplish  his  reforms 
in  a  constitutional  manner.  He  disbanded  his  army  after  the 
triumph,  and  relying  on  the  support  of  the  popular  party,  came 
forward  in  the  regular  way  as  a  candidate  for  the  consulship. 
Marius,  although  a  great  warrior,  was  no  politician.  As  he 
had  no  clear  and  definite  views  of  his  own  position  nor  of  the 
manner  in  which  reform  was  to  be  accomplished,  he  became  a 

added  to  their  other  avocation  there— the  Roman  rule,  barely  tolerable  even  from  the 
flr>t,  prr--ed  so  heavily  on  A-i:i.  that  neither  the  crown  of  the  king  nor  the  hut  of  the 
pea-am  there  \va-  uqr  longer  -af<-  from  confiscation,  that  ev<-ry  -talk  of  corn  seemed  to 
grow  for  the  Roman  il<fin,itn<ix  d.  e..  the  tithe-gatherer),  and  every  child  of  free  parents 
eeemed  to  be  born  for  the  Roman  slave-driver.— Moinm*  //.  1.  c.  vol.  iii..  p.  288. 

1  The  capitalist  belonged  to  the  equestrian  order  who,  as  ;  idnes,  could  pmii.-h  the 
masri-t  rates  on  their  return  t»  li'niir. 


B.  C.  100.]  MARIUS  AND  THE   DEMAGOGUES.  227 

mere  novice  in  the  hands  of  the  political  intriguers  of  the 
capital. 

4.  Marius  and  the  Demagogues.  —  The  leaders  of  the 
popular  party  were  no  longer  what  they  had  been  in  the  days  of 
the  Gracchi.    They  were  now  mere  adventurers  animated  with 
intense  hatred  and  contempt  for  the  nobility.    Marius  allied 
himself  with  two  of  the  worst  of  these  demagogues,  L.  Appu- 
lejus  Saturninus  and  G.  Servilius  Glaucia.     The  former  was  a 
candidate  for  the  tribunate  and  the  latter  for  the  praetorship  ; 
by  their  efforts  and  by  open  violence  and  bribery,  Marius  was 
elected  consul  for  the  sixth  time.    Glaucia  obtained  the  praetor- 
ship,  but  when  A.  Xonius  was  declared  elected  tribune  in  the 
place  of  Saturninus,  he  was  set  upon  by  a  band  of  Marius's  vet- 
erans who,  for  such  purposes,  had  come  to  Rome  in  great  num- 
bers. driven  from  the  forum,  and  finally  killed.    These  were  the 
men  to  whom  was  entrusted  the  task  of  carrying  out  the  reforms 
of  the  Gracchi. 

5.  The  Appuleian  Laws  (B.  c.  100).  —  Saturninus,  in  order 
to  conciliate  the  favor  of  the  people,  proposed  two  rogations  : 

1.  Tlie  first  l  prescribed  that  the  state  should  sell  corn  at  a 
nominal  price  2  to  Roman  citizens. 

2.  The  second3  directed  that  the  land  in  Cisalpine  Gaul4 
which    the    Cimbri    had   obtained    possession   of,  should  be 
divided  among  the  Italians  and  the  Roman  citizens,  thus  pro- 
viding relief  not  only  for  Rome  but  for  all  Italy.5 

A  provision  was  also  made  for  founding  in  Sicily,  Achaja 
and  Macedonia  colonies  of  veterans  who  had  served  in  the  army 
of  Marius.  In  order  to  prevent  amendments  arid  delay  on  the 
part  of  the  senate,  a  clause  was  added  threatening  a  heavy 
punishment  against  those  senators  who  refused  to  swear  obedi- 
ence to  the  laws  within  five  days  after  they  were  enacted  by  the 
people.  The  laws,  however,  were  carried  only  after  the  most 


2  Instead  of  6i  asses  (2,1,   asses  =  5  cent*)  as  formerly,  the  price  was  reduced  to 
|  of  an  as  (*eMi-<-*-i  •*•  <-f  tn>  rites)  per  modius  (peck). 

s  Lex  ac/raria.  *  Gattia  tran»padana. 

The  fun-urn  Tolosanum,  "  the  gold  of  Tolosa  "  (see  p.  222),  which  Caepio  had  stolen 
from  the  temple  in  Tolo-a.  and  which  foil  to  the  state  treasury  after  his  condemnation, 
was  to  DC  distributed  among  the  >ettiers  to  enable  them  to  stock  their  farms. 


228  MARIUS  AND  THE  DEMAGOGUES.  [B.  C.  100. 

disgraceful  riots  and  intense  opposition.  The  partisans  of  the 
nobility  dispersed  the  comitia  by  violence  ;  l  but  the  old  soldiers 
of  Marius,  who  had  flocked  to  the  city  in  great  crowds  to 
vote,  retaliated,  and  the  voting  was  finally  completed  and  the 
measures  were  adopted. 

6.  Re-election  of  the  Demagogues. — Saturninus  now 
called  up  the  senators  to  take  the  oath  to  observe  the  laws  faith- 
fully. The  course  of  Marias  was  marked  by  indecision  and 
deceit.  After  declaring  in  the  senate  that  he  would  never  com- 
ply with  the  clause,  he  immediately  took  the  oath  to  obey 
the  laws  so  far  as  they  were  valid.  The  other  senators  follownl 
his  example.  Metellus  alone  refused,  and  when  his  friends 
promised  to  take  up  arms  in  his  defence,  he  declined  their 
assistance  and  went  into  exile.  Thus  far  Marius  had  encour- 
aged Appulejus  and  Glaucia.  For  some  unaccountable  reason. 
he  kept  aloof  from  the  scenes  of  violence  attendant  on  the  next 
election  and  let  matters  take  their  own  course.  Saturninus  \\  ;i- 
again  elected  tribune,  and  Glaucia  was  a  candidate  for  the  con- 
sulship, although,  according  to  the  leges  annalex?  not  legally 
eligible  to  this  office  until  after  the  lapse  of  two  years  ;  the 
other  two  candidates  were  M.  Antonius8  and  G.  Memmius.  A> 

1  At  first  the  nobility  brought  the  veto  of  the  tribune  to  bear,  but  Saturninus  took  no 
notice  of  that  ;  nexi  the  magistrate  who  presided  at  the  election  wa-  informed  that  a 
peal  of  thunder  had  been  heard,  a  portent  by  which,  according  to  ancient  belief,  the 
gods  commanded  the  public  assembly  to  break  up  (see  p.  40* ;  fNiturninu.-  remarked  to 
the  messengers  that  the  senate  would  do  well  to  keep  quiet,  otherwise  the  thunder  might 
be  followea  by  hail. 

•  See  p.  185.  n.  4,  •  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

M.  ANTONIUS,  Orator,  cos.  B.  c.  99. 


M.  ANTONIITS  CRKTICUS,  G.  ANTONTCS,  cos.  08.  ANTONIA. 

pr.  B.  c.  75 ;  m.  1.  NUMITORIA  ; 
2.  JULIA. 


M.  AnTONirs,  triumvir.  G.  ANTONTCS.  L.  ANTONTUS. 

m.  1.  FANIA.         4.  OCTAVIA.  pr.  B.  c.  44.  cos.  B.  c.  41. 

2.  ANTONIA.     5.  CLEOPATRA. 

3.  FULVIA. 


ANTONIA.    M.  ANTO-    J.  ANTO-    ANTOVIA    ANTONIA     ALEX-     CLEO-      PTOLEM^ZUS 
NITS.          NIUS.         major         minor.      ANDER.  PATRA.  PHILADELPHIA. 


B.  C.   90.]  REACTION    AGAINST   MARIUS.  229 

the  election  of  Antonius,  the  celebrated  orator,  was  certain, 
the  struggle  lay  between  Memmius  and  Glaucia.  As  Memmius 
seemed  likely  to  be  elected,  Saturninus  hired  bands  of  ruffians 
to  assail  and  kill  him  on  the  public  street.  This  outrage 
alarmed  all  who  cared  for  the  safety  of  the  state. 

7.  Reaction  against  Marius. — The  senate  saw  that  the 
time  hud  come   to  act.    The   consul  was  invested  with  full 
powers,1  the  state  was  declared  to  be  in  danger,  and  Marius,  as 
consul,  was  charged  with  its  defence.    At  the  head  of  bands  of 
armed  men,    Marius  attacked  Saturninus  and  his  followers. 
Glaucia  was  killed  in  a  private  house,  and  the  young  nobles 
stripped  the  tiles  from  the  senate  house,  where   Marius  had 
confined  Saturninus  and  the  other  prisoners,  and  stoned  them 
to  death.     The  violent  course  of  Saturninus  had  alarmed  all 
who  had  anything  to  lose.     His  laws  were  repealed,  and  the 
equestrian  party  joined  in  unsparing  persecutions  against  his 
followers.2    From  this  time  the  popularity  of  Marius  declined. 
Odious  to  the  senate,  and  hated  by  the  people  because  he  had 
deserted  Saturninus,  despised  by  all  for  his  duplicity  and  inde- 
cision, he  had  lost  the  confidence  of  all  parties.     Rather  than 
witness  the  return  of  his  hated  rival  Metellus,  he  left  Rome 
under  the  pretext  of  performing  vows  in  Asia  Minor,  but  really 
to  brood  over  his  hopes  of  revenge  and  to  recover  his  popularity 
by  gaining  fresh  victories  in  the  East,  where  the  daily  increasing 
complications  threatened  war  with  Mithridates.    The  predic- 
tion of  the  Utican  seer  had  thus  far  been  realized,  but  the 
promise  of  the  seventh  consulship  still  remained  unfulfilled. 

8.  The  Increase  of  Superstition.— For  the  third  time 
the  power  of  the  senate  had  been  restored.    Not  only  the  char- 
acter of  the  internal  government,  but  even  religion  began  to 

1  See  p.  212,  n.  4. 

3  An  important  law  was  carried  enforcing  the  observance  of  certain  formalities  at 
elections,  viz.,  (It  The  Itx  c<n-j/;<i  /)///iti,  in  reference  to  the  tiimmdiimm^  i.  e.,  that  sub- 
jects to  be  brought  before  the  concilium  filebi*  must,  be  announced  three  nunrlince,  be- 
forehand (every  eight  days,  reckoning  from  the  first  of  January,  was  a  mindina  ;  the 
Romans  counted  both  the  day  from  which  and  to  which  they  reckoned  :  a  rtoremdina 
therefore  occurred  every  ninth  day.  A  similar  mode  of  reckoning  is  still  customary  in 
Germany,  where  eight  days  is  used  for  a  week).  (2)  A  legal  prohibition  aenin-t  lamping 
several  laws  containing  distinct  retrnlations  together,  and  carrying  all  at  7>ue  time  (per 
Kiituriini  h  i  re}.  This  gave  the  nobility  a  better  opportunity  to  djscuss  a  law  and  to  main- 
tain control  over  legislation  (B.  c.  98). 


230  INCREASE   OF  SUPEESTITIOX.  [B.  C.  99. 

feel  the  injurious  effects  of  a  revolutionary  struggle  that  had 
now  lasted  for  nearly  fifty  years.  The  social  evils  pressed 
heavier  and  heavier  upon  the  people,  while  the  luxury  and  wealth 
of  the  upper  classes  increased.  What  was  still  worse,  the 
old  forms  of  faith  were  dying  out,  and  men  turned  from  their 
ancestral  gods  and  sank  more  and  more  into  strange  supersti- 
tions. The  slaves  from  the  east  brought  their  forms  of  worship 
with  them.  During  the  war  with  the  Teutones,  the  senate 
welcomed  the  Phrygian  Battaces,  the  high  priests  of  Pessimus. 
who  promised  victory,  and  a  temple  was  erected  to  the  Good 
Goddess.  (  Marius  took  with  him  everywhere  the  Syrian  pro- 
phetess Martha,  consulting  her  before  every  battle.  Sulla  be- 
lieved in  omens  and  miracles  and  obeyed  the  Chaldean  pro- 
phets. The  wild  orgies  of  the  Cappadocian  Ma,  to  whom  the 
priests  shed  their  own  blood  in  sacrifice,  the  glowing  Egyptian 
mysticism,  and  various  forms  of  unallowed  and  secret  worship, 
crept  into  Italy  and  took  possession  of  the  minds  and  hearts  of 
the  people.1  In  B.C.  97,  the  senate  was  obliged  to  forbid  human 
sacrifices.  Strange  priests,  religious  impostors,  and  crowds  of 
soothsayers  swarmed  in  the  streets  and  preyed  upon  the  igno- 
rance and  fears  of  the  superstitious  mass  thai  thronged  the  cap- 
ital from  all  parts  of  Italy.  The  native  gods  seemed  to  have 
forsaken  the  people,  who  in  utter  despair  turned  towards 
strange  gods  and  sought  with  religious  frenzy  after  strange 
worships.  As  every  nation  in  antiquity  had  its  own  special 
gods,  who,  in  consideration  of  constant  worship,  granted  pro- 
tection to  every  citizen,  it  was  therefore  a  sign  of  national 
decay  when  the  people  forsook  their  own  gods  and  turned  to 
foreign  deities. 

1  Men  had  become  perplexed,  not  merely  as  to  tlieir  old  faith,  hut  a*  to  their  very 
celvfej  ;  the  fearful  cri-is  of  a  fifty  year*-'  revolution,  the  instinctive  feeling  that  the  civil 
war  was  still  far  from  being  at  an  end.  increase.'!  the  anxin-.is  suspense,  the  gloomy  per- 
plexity of  the  multitude.  I{e-tless  and  wauderinir  Imagination  climbed  every  heiirht 
and  fathomed  every  ahy— .  where  it  fancied  that  it  iniirlit  di-cover  new  prospects  or  new 
lisiht  amid-t  the  fatalities  Impending,  mi<;hi  LMIII  fie-h  trophies  in  the  desperate  struggle 
r  destiny,  or  perliap~  might  lind  merely  fresh  alarms.  A  portentous  mysticism 
found  in  the  general  distinction— political,  economic,  moral,  religious — the  soil  which  was 
adapted  for  it.  and  grew  with  alarming  rapidity  :  it  was  a>  if  L'iirantic  trees  had  grown  by 
niirht  out  of  the  earth,  none  knew  whence  or  whither,  and  this  very  marvellous  rapidity 
of  growth  worked  new  wonders  and  seixed  like  au  epidemic  on  all  minds  not  thoroughly 
tonified.— Xomme-en,  1.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  461. 


B.  C.  99.]          THE  STKUGGLE  FOK  THE   FRANCHISE.  231 


xxxv. 

THE  STRUGGLE  OF  THE  ITALIANS  FOR  THE  FRANCHISE. 

1.  .The  Condition  of  the  Subjects. — It  will  be  recol- 
lected that  Scipio  was  able  to  put  an  end  to  the  execution  of 
the  agrarian  law  when  the  commissioners  interfered  with  the 
laud  secured  to  the  Latins  and  the  Italian  allies  by  treaties.1 
The  state  had,  no  doubt,  legally  the  right  to  resume  possession 
of  the  public  land,  whether  occupied  by  Roman  citizens,  Latins, 
or  allies  ;  but  while  the  complaints  of  Roman  citizens  could  be 
disregarded,  it  became  a  question  whether  it  was  politic  to  give 
fresh  offence  to  the  Latins  and  the  Italian  allies,  among  whom 
already  a  profound  dissatisfaction  prevailed.2    The  leaders  of 
the  popular  party  proposed  to  remove  the  obstacle  which  the 
allies  interposed  by  granting  them  the  rights  of  citizenship ; 
and  from  this  time   the  agitation  for  land  and  the  Italian 
agitation  for  the  franchise  moved  along  side  by  side  in  close 
alliance.     For  nearly  thirty  years  the  hope  of  obtaining  full 
citizenship  had  been  held  out  to  the  Latins,  but  during  all  of 
that  time  no  measure  had  been  carried  to  better  their  condition. 
On  the  contrary,  however,  their  condition  had  changed  greatly 
to  their  disadvantage.     The  burdens  imposed8  upon  them  had 
been  unjustly  increased,  and  Rome  managed  the  whole  admin- 
istration of  affairs  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  the  allies  feel  that 
they  were  subjects  without  rights.     The  result  was  that  the 
Italians,  almost  like  the  provincials,  were  handed  over  to  the 
caprice  of  the  Roman  magistrates. 

2.  The  Wrongs  of  the  Subjects. — It  was  no  uncommon 
thing  for  a  Roman  consul  to  order  the  magistrate  of  an  allied 
town  to  be  flogged  for  some  trifling  offence.4    A  mere  citizen 

1  See  p.  207.  *  See  p.  184.  »  See  p.  184. 

•  The  consul  came  to  Teanum  Sidiciuum ;  he  said  his  wife  wished  to  bathe  in  the  men's 
bath.  Marcus  Marius  rontidcd  it  to  ttie  care  of  the  qusestor  of  Sidicinum  to  see  that 
those  who  were  bathing  should  be  sent  away.  The  wife  toltl  her  husband  that  the  baths 
were  not  given  up  to  her  sooii  enough,  nor  were  they  sufficiently  clean.  Immediately  a 


THE   STRUGGLE   JOI!    Till;    1-  K  \  N<  II ISK.          [B.  C.  99. 

passing  through  Venusia  ordered  a  free  peasant  to  be  sei/t •<! 
and  whipped  to  death  on  account  of  a  jest  which  h<-  made  on 
the  Eoman's  litter.1  During  the  Jugurthine  war  Latin  ollinTs'-' 
were  scourged  and  beheaded,  while  the  poorest  Roman  soldier 
had  the  right  of  appeal.  All  this  produced  profound  di.-n Mi- 
tent,  and  that  discontent  grew  from  year  to  year,  as  the  bond- 
age became  more  oppressive  and  the  prospect  of  obtaining  full 
citizenship  disappeared.3  Formerly  the  Latins  had  looke<l  \» 
Rome  as  the  centre,  and  the  full  liberty  of  settling  there  ami 
acquiring  partial  citizenship4  had  been  accorded  to  them.  Xow 
this  right5  was  attacked,  and  in  the  few  years  of  tranquillity 
that  followed  the  departure  of  Marias  to  Asia  (ins. c.  99), 
the  two  consuls  of  B.  c.  95,  L.  Licinius  Crassus6  and  Q.  Mucius 
Sca3vola,  hoping  to  put  an  end  to  the  agitation  of  the  allies. 
carried  a  law  7  which  forbade  any  who  were  not  citizens  from 
claiming  the  franchise  under  severe  penalty.  This  law,  framed 
no  doubt  with  the  best  of  intentions,  by  two  of  the  most 

post  was  fixed  down  in  the  market-place,  and  the  qnaestor,  the  most  illustrious  man  of 
his  citv.  \\a-  led  to  it;  his  ^iinnetus  were  i-tripped  off,  and  he  \v;is  beaten  with  rod*. — 
Avl.  GeU.  Xoct.  Attic,  x,  3. 

1  The  peasant,  when  he  paw  the  Roman  carried  in  a  litter  on  tha  shoulders  of  slaves, 
asked,  "  Are  you  carrying  a  dead  body  :•"  Ttie  expression  cost  him  his  life. 

'  SaU.  J'i'j  69  ;  the  roqatio  Liria  cp.  211 1  hud  never  become  a  liiw. 

1  There  are  no  ollieial  figures  that  .rive  tin-  number  of  the  Italian  allies.  Mommsen 
(1.  c.  vol.  iii  ,  p.  241)  estimates  it  at  500,000  or  6CO.OOO;  the  number  of  citizens  was  prob- 
ably about  400,000. 

;  fas  fine  fiuffrapto. 

•  To  escape  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Roman  magistrates,  each  man  trieo  to  approach 
Rome  and  to  establish  himself  there  il'po— ihle.  Tim-  Home  exerci-ed  upon  It-ily  a  -ort 
of  absorption,  tend  in  j;  in  n  short  time  To  make  a  desert  of  the  eon  nt  ry  and  overburden  die 
city  with  an  enormous  population.  >T!ie  i-ame  tendency  is  ob-ervcd  in  modern  linn  -  :  tin: 
population  flocks  from  the  rural  districts  to  the  dttoc.)  Such  was  tlie  condition  of  Italy. 
The  extremities  of  the  body  became  cold  and  void  :  all  was  carried  to  the  heart,  which 
became  oppres-ed.  The  senators  rein-ted  from  the  senate  and  public  offices  the  "  now 
men,"  the  kntgrhU,  the  rich  men.  and  Lrave  up  to  them  in  compensation  the  invasion  of 
the  land  of  the  poor.  The  Human-  ivpnls-cd  the  colonists  from  the  suffrage,  the  Latins 
from  the  city  :  the  Latins  in  tun:  expelled  tlie  Italians  from  Latium  and  from  the  riirhls 
of  the  Latins.  Rome  had  ruined  Independent  Italy  by  her  colonies,  in  which  she  crowded 
the  poor;  then  she  ruined  colonized  Italy  by  the  Invasion  of  the  rich,  who  everywhere 
bought,  claimed,  and  usurped  the  lands",  and  had  them  cultivated  by  blaves. — Mlcheltt. 
1.  c.,  pp.  254,  255. 

«  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

L.  LICIMTS  CRAMO*.  Orator. 
cos.  B.C.  93.    m.  MUCIA. 


i:\--t-  Scmo, 
A.  adopted  by 
,  Orator. 

LICTNTA,  m. 
SCIPIO  NASICA. 

j 

LICINTA,  m 
G.  MARIUS 

L.  Lirrxifs  C 
son  of  LICINI 
L.  L.  CI:A  —  t  •- 

7  The  lex  Licinia  Mucia  de  citibus  redigundis. 


B.C.  98.]          THE   STEUGGLE   FOR  THE  FRANCHISE.  233 

eminent  statesmen  of  the  times,  so  exasperated  the  Italians1 
that  it  became  the  proximate  cause  of  the  Social  war. 

3.  The  Equestrian  Order.— JDuring  the  prosecutions  that 
followed  under  this  law,  events  occurred  that  gave  the  senate 
new  strength,  and  caused  it  to  believe  that  the  time  had  come 
to  deprive  the  equestrian  order  of  its  judicial  power.    How 
unfit  the  knights  were  to  exercise  this  right  the  unjust  con- 
demnation of   P.  Rutilius  Rufus,;  one  of    the  most  eminent 
jurists  and  historians  of  his  day,  showed.  He  had  accompanied 
M.  Scaevola  as  legate  to  Asia,  and  when  Scaevola  returned  to 
Rome,  he  was  entrusted  with  the  management  of  the  province. 
With  great  impartiality  he  granted  the  provincials  protection 
against  the  extortions  of  the  tax-gatherers,  the  merchants,  and 
the  contractors.     This  so  enraged  the  equestrian  order  that,  on 
his  return  to  Rome,  a  charge  was  trumped  up  against  him,  and 
being  convicted,  he  was  sentenced  to  pay  a  tine.     His  property 
was  confiscated,  and  Rufus  withdrew  from  Rome,  and  retired 
to  the  province  which  it  was  alleged  he  had  plundered.     After 
this  prosecutions  fell  thick  upon  the  senators,  while  every  capi- 
talist tried  before  members  of  his  own  order  was  sure  to  escape.2 

4.  The  Laws  of  Drusus. — The  senatorial  party  entrusted 
the  tribune,  M.  Livius  Drusus,  the  son  of  that  Drusus  who 
had  rendered  the  oligarchy  such  assistance  in  the  contest  with 
G.  Gracchus,  with  the  attack  on  the  jury  courts.    He  came  for- 
ward with  measures  of  reform  which  he  believed  would  satisfy 
all  parties.    He  proposed  that  colonies  should  be  founded  in 
Ifaly  and    Sicily,  that  the  senate  should    be   increased    by 
the  addition  of  three  hundred  new  senators  chosen  from  the 

1  So  long  as  the  demands  of  the  Italians  were  mixed  up  with  those  of  the  revolution- 
ary party  at  Rome,  and  had,  in  the  hand-  of  the  latter,  been  rejected  by  the  folly  of  the 
IIKISM'S  they  might  still  resign  themselves  to  the  belief  that  the  oligarcliy  had  been  hos- 
tile merely  to  the  proposers,  not  to  the  proposal  itself,  and  that  there  was  still  a  possi- 
bility that  the  more  intelligent  senate  would  accept  a  measure  which  was  compatible 
with  the  nature  of  the  oligarchy  and  salutary  to  the  state.  But  the  recent  years,  in 
which  the  senate  once  more  ruled  almost  absolutely,  had  shed  only  too  disagreeable  a 
light  on  the  designs  of  the  Roman  oligarchy  ttaa.—Mom/nuen,  1.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  242. 

3  Every  one  in  the  government  party  who  was  still  alive  to  the  fact  that  governing 
implied  not  merely  rights  but  duties,  every  one  in  fact  who  still  felt  any  nobler  or  prouder 
ambition  within  him,  could  not  but  rise  in  revolt  against  this  oppressive  and  disgraceful 
political  control,  vyhich  precluded  any  possibility  of  upright  administration.  The  scan- 
dalous condemnation  of  Rutilius  Rufus  seemed  a  summons  to  begin  the  attack  at  once, 
and  Marcus  Livius  Drusus.  who  was  tribune  of  the  people  B.  c.  91,  regarded  the  tuumions 
us  specially  addressed  to  himself.—  Mommxen .  1.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  231. 


V!:>4  TIIK   STRUGGLK    1-OK    THK    1  K  A  N '  11  1  <K.  [B.  C.  !'l. 

equestrian  order,  and  that  the  jurymen  '  should  he  taken  from 
the  senate,2  thus  increased  in  numbers.  Then'  \vu-  neither 
in  Italy  nor  in  Sicily  sufficient  public  land  for  this  purpose, 
and  the  senators  were  indignant  that  the  erjuitcs  were  to 
be  admitted  to  the  senate,  while  the  i-ijuitc.t  had  no  desire 
to  transfer  to  a  few  of  their  own  order  the  share  in  tin- 
ad  ministration  of  justice  which  they  all  enjoyed.  Still  the 
most  eminent  men  in  the  state  favored  the  proposals,  many  of 
those  whom  Cicero  in  his  history  of  Roman  eloquence  men- 
tioned as  the  most  renowned  orators  of  their  times.3  The  agi- 
tation began  anew,  and  party  spirit  ran  high.  It  soon  became 
evident  to  Livius  that  the  people  did  not  favor  his  proposals. 
He  sought  to  conciliate  them  by  another  agrarian  law,  by  fresh 
distributions  of  corn,  and  in  order  to  defray  the  expense,  ift 
copper  denarii,  plated  to  resemble  those  of  silver.4  lie  even  held 
out  to  the  Italian  allies  the  promise  of  the  Roman  franchise. 

5.  The  Proposals  Carried. — When  Livius  found  that 
these  new  measures  were  far  from  being  welcome  to  the  aris- 
tocracy, and  were  violently  opposed  by  the  capitalists,  he  em- 
braced all  his  proposals  in  one  law  ;  and  as  those  interested  in 
the  distribution  of  corn  and  land  had  at  the  same  time  to  vote 
for  the  clause  in  regard  to  the  jurymen,  the  proposals  were 
carried,  although  amid  scenes  of  violence.  The  consul  Phi- 
lippus,  a  furious  opponent  of  Drusus,5  summoned  the  senate  to 


1  The  punishment  of  corrupt  jurymen  was  to  be  entrusted  to  a  special  commi-sion, 

i  /»  /•/»/>/<!. 

•  /.-./•  fudtcaria;  Liviu-  hoped  that  these  proposals  would  be  acceptable  to  both 
panic-,  hiit  thev  really  sati-lied  none. 

1  L.  Licinins  Crassiis.  M.  Antmiiu-.  Q.  Mucius  Scsevola,  Q.  Luiatiu-  Catalog,  ('..  Aure- 
lins  C'otta.  and  P.  Snlpicius  Rnfus.  Cicero  \va-  in  thi^  year  IB.  c.  91)  already  fifteen 
years  of  age.  He  knew  them  personally  and  ha-1  heard  them  with  admiration. 

1  Lex  nummaria. 

1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

,  M.  Livirs  Dursrs,  trib.  pi., 

Killed  B.  c.  HI.    m.  SERTOJA. 

L.  DRUSC9  CLACDIANITfl. 

Adopted. 

I 


M.  Lrv.  DRUSCS  Lrao  (adopted),  LIVTA  DRUSILLA.  afterward?  named  JULIA 

cos.  B.  c.  15.    m.  POMPEJA.  Arcr>TA.    in.  1.  TIBERIUS.    2. 


B.C.  91.J  THE   STRUGGLE  FOR  THE   FRANCHISE.  235 

declare  the  Livian  laws  null  because  they  were  carried  in 
violation  of  a  recent  law.1  After  a  stormy  session,  the  senate 
decreed  the  abrogation  of  the  laws.  Drusus  disdained  to  make 
use  of  his  veto;  he  contented  himself  with  remarking  that  it 
was  the  senate  that  had  riveted  the  equestrian  yoke  upon  its 
own  neck. 

6.  The  Death  of  Drusus. — Only  about  two  months  more 
remained  for  Drusus   to   perform  his  promise  to  the  allies.2 
The  opposition  was  formidable.     The  allies  looked  to  him  as 
their  leader,  and  were  ready  to  take  up  arms  for  their  rights. 
The  ferment  soon  became  so  great  that  civil  war  was  threatened. 
The  opposite  party  looked  upon  Drusus  as  a  conspirator,  and 
the  very  day  before  the  assembly  was  to  meet  to  vote  on  his 
proposal  to  grant  citizenship  to  allies,  he  was  assassinated  in 
his  own  house.     Turning  to  those  around  him,  well  might  he 
ask  as  he  was  dying,  "Friends  and  neighbors,  when  will  the 
republic  have  another  citizen  like  me?"8ifor  he  had  lost  his 
life  in  attempting  to  overthrow  the  power  of  the  capitalists,  to 
restore  the  state  by  a  systematic  colonization,  and  to  avert  the 
impending  civil  war.     Suspicion  fell  upon  the  tribune  elect,  Q. 
Varius,  and  particularly  upon  the  consul  Philippus. 

7.  Rupture  with  the  Allies. — Notwithstanding  the  death 
of  Drusus,  his  colleagues  in  the  tribunate  favorable  to  the 
measure,  hoped  still  to  succeed,  and  the  allies  were  summoned 
to  Eome  to  assist  in  carrying  it.      Q.  Pompa3dius  Silo  was 
already  on  the  way  with  ten  thousand  Marsians.  when  one  of  the 
ambassadors  who  had  been  sent  to  pacify  the  Italians,  met  him 
and  induced  him  to  return  by  saying  that  the  senate  had  already 
decided  to  give  the  allies  the  franchise.4    The  Italians  had  long 
been  making  preparations  for  revolt,  and  had  secretly  collected 
arms  and  made  treaties.     The  Roman  pra3tor,  Gajus  Servilius, 
hearing  that  the  town  of  Asculum  in  Picenum  was  preparing 

1  The  lex  Ctxcilia  Didia,  p.  229,  note  2. 

2  Lex  de  cintate  sociis  danda  ;  that  the  action  of  the  senate  had  PO  embittered  Dru«ns 
and  caused  him  in  the  last  two  months  of  his  tribunate  to  propose  this  law,  is  testified  to 
in  the  most  positive  manner  by  Vellejus  Paterculus  (ii.  14).    See  Peter.  1.  c.  vol.  ii.,  p  89 
note. 

3  Ecquandone  gimikm  mei  civem  habeW  rf*p»blicrt.—\Q\l.  ii,  14. 
*  See  Diodorus  37, 19  f.  ;  also  Lange,  1.  c.  Hi.,  p.  106. 


23t>  THE   STRUGGLE   FOR  Til  K    1  •  KA  vmsE.  [fi.  C.  90. 

for  revolt,  proceeded  tliereancl  threatened  the  inhabitant-  in  the 
most  vehement  language.  The  sight  of  the  I'asces  and  the  threats 
of  the  praetor  aroused  the  people  ;  Semlius  was  .-ei/ed  and  put 
to  death,  together  with  his  legate  and  all  the  Romans  in  the 
place.  This  was  the  signal  for  a  general  insurrection.  The 
Picentes,  Vestinians,  Marsians,  Pelignians.,  Marrneinians,  Sam- 
nites,  and  Lucanians,  were  soon  in  arms.  The  communities 
with  Latin  rights,  that  were  scattered  throughout  Italy,  the 
Etruscans  and  the  Umbrians.  as  well  as  most  of  the  Greek 
cities,  adhered  to  the  fortunes  of  Home. 

8.  The  Government  of  the  Allies. — In  the  meantime, 
the  allies  had  prepared  for  war,  and,  with  bitter  hatred  against 
their  former  rulers,  they  determined  to  destroy   Rome.     They 
lixed  upon  Cortinium  in  the   beautiful  valley  of  the  Aternus* 
(/'fxrara)  °s  the  new  capital  of  Italy.     Its  name  was  changed 
to  Italiea.1  and  citizenship  was  to  be  conferred  upon  all  who 
joined  the  insurrection.     The  form  of  government  was  borrowed 
from  that  of  Rome.     It  was  to  have  a  senate  of  five  hundred 
members,  Avhich  elected  two  consuls — the  Marsian  Q.  Pompaedius 
Silo,  the  chief  instigator  of  the  war,  and  the  Samnite  Gr.  Papius 
Mutilus — who  were  to  conduct  the  war,  and  twelve  praetors. 
The  Latin  and  Samnite  languages    were   equally  recognized, 
though  the  Latin  was  used  in  official  intercourse.     The  soul  of 
the  insurrection  were  the  brave  Marsians.  and  from  the  promi- 
nent part  they  took  in  the  struggle,  it  has  frequently  been 
called  the  Marsic  Avar.     They  had  served  in  the  Roman  armies, 
and  were  armed  and  disciplined  like  the  Romans.     The  Romans 
'lieinsehes  said  of  them.  "Who  could  triumph  over  the  Mar- 
sians. or  without  them 

9.  Commencement  of  Hostilities.— The  best  officers  of 
all  parties,  (iajus  Marias,  the  democrat,  a  well-known  sympa- 
thizer with  the  Italians;   Lucius  Sulla,  the  hero  of  the  war; 
Publius  Sulpicius  Rufus,  the  friend  of  Prusus,  and  Pompejus 
Strabo,  all  offered  their  services  to  the  consuls.3    An  army  of 

1  In  Oscan.  Vitellia,  a  name  found  upon  the  coins  that  the  confederacy  issued. 
'  Appian.  I.e.  ii  ,  S?2. 

*  There  were  ten  lieutenant-commanders :   the  t-\-o  con '-u I-  were  Lucius  Ciesar,  who 
a  victory  at  AIWRP,  and  Publius  Rutiliu-  Lupu?. 


B.  C.  90.J  THE  STRUGGLE   FOK  THE   FRANCHISE.  237 

one  hundred  thousand  men  was  placed  in  the  field.  The 
insurgents,  however,  had  an  army  equally  large,  and  were 
better  prepared.  Of  the  details  of  the  war  but  little  is  known ; 
it  is  clear,  however,  that  the  military  operations  were  mostly 
confined  to  two  districts — the  northern,  extending  from  Pice- 
num  to  the  borders  of  Campania,  where  the  Latin  language 
was  spoken  ;  and  the  southern,  embracing  Campania,  Sam- 
nium,  and  the  states  where  the  Sabelliau  language  was  spoken.1 
Tlie-.se  two  districts  formed  throughout  the  war  two  distinct 
battle-fields. 

10.  Concessions. — The  Romans  fought  with  alternate 
victories  and  defeats  until  near  the  close  of  B.  c.  DO,  when  it 
became  known  that  the  Etruscans  and  the  Umbrians  were  about 
to  join  the  insurrection.  The  majority  of  the  senate  saw  that 
the  time  had  come  for  concessions,  and  the  Eomans  were  com- 
pelled to  concede  the  very  privileges  that  they  had  so  long 
withheld : 

1.  TJie  Julian  law?  carried  by  the  consul  Julius  Caesar, 
granted  the  franchise  to  all  the  Latins,  and  to  the  other  Italians 
who  had  remained  faithful  to  Rome  or  had  laid  down  their 
arms.     The  new  citizens  were  to  be  confined  to  eight  tribes, 
as  the  f  reedmen  were  to  four. 

2.  The  lex  Plauiia  Papiria3  prescribed  that  every  citizen 
of  an  Italian 4  town  should  receive  the  franchise,  provided  that 
he  was  at  that  time  a  resident  of  Italy,  and  appeared  before 
the  Roman  prator  within  sixty  days  to  register  his  name. 

The  effect  of  these  concessions  was  immediately  apparent. 
The  insurrection  became  disorganized.  Many  fell  away  from 
the  confederacy  and  hastened  to  avail  themselves  of  the  pardon 


1  In  the  northern  district.  Silo  commanded  against  the  consul  Publius  Lupus ;  in  the 
southern.  Caesar  commanded  against  the  Samnite  Gajus  Papius  Mutilns. 

*  Lex  Julia.    De  dritate  socii*  dunda :  carried  near  the  close  of  B.  c.  90. 

3  Proposed  by  the  tribunes  Plautius  Silvanus,  and  Papirius  Carbo  either  in  December, 
B.  c.  90.  or  January,  89. 

'  The  Po  was  reckoned  as  the  northern  boundary  of  Italy.  According  to  Mommsen 
(vol.  iii.,  p.  260  f.),  Latin  rights  were  conferred  upon  the  communities  between  the  Po 
and  the  Alps,  in  consequence  of  a  law  carried  by  the  consul  Strabo.  Zumpt  (De  GaUia 
Rom.  /H-orincid).  however,  seems  to  have  conclusively  proved  that  the  jug  Latii  was  not 
bestowed  upon  the  communities  between  the  Po  and  the  Alps,  but  that  citizenship  was 
only  granted  to  the  Latin  colonies,  and  thejw*  Latii  to  some  communities  which  seemed 
to  deserve  it.  See  Lange,  1.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  118. 


THE   STRUGGLE   FOR  THE    I-UANCHIS!-;.  [fi.  C.  S9. 

offered  by  the  government.  The  second  and  third  campaigns1 
were  decidedly  favorable  to  the  Roman.-,  and  the  war  seemed 
near  its  close,  although  Nola  was  still  in  the  possession  of  the 
Samnites,  and  the  army  of  the  Lucanians  and  Sainnites  in 
southern  Italy,  under  Pontius  Telesinus.  was  still  in  arms, 
when  extraordinary  events  occurred  at  Borne,  which  caused 
Sulla  to  raise  the  siege  of  Kola,  march  to  Rome,  and  com- 
mence the  Civil  war.  In  order  to  understand  these  events,  it  is 
necessary  to  revert,  to  the  internal  history  during  the  Social  war. 
11.  The  Varian  Prosecutions. — Even  before  hostilities 
had  broken  out,  the  most  radical  of  the  optimates  and  the 
capitalists  mercilessly  pursued  the  partisans  of  Dntsus.  whom 
they  regarded  as  the  cause  of  the  war.  At  the  instigation  of 
Q.  Varius,  a  low  demagogue,  an  investigation  was  ordered 
against  all  who  had  directly  or  indirectly  favored  the  demands 
of  the  Italians  for  citizenship.2  The  most  eminent  senators 
were  dragged  before  the  equestrian  courts  and  compelled  to  go 
into  exile.  Even  ^Emilius  Scaurus,  the  president  of  the 
senate,  was  compelled  to  appear  before  this  tribunal.  He 
deigned  only  to  reply:  "Varius,  the  Iberian,  accuses  yEmilius 
Scaurus,  the  prince  of  the  senate,  of  exciting  the  Italians  to 
revolt.  Scaurus  denies  it.  Quirites  !3  which  of  them  do  yon 
believe  ?"  The  people  acquitted  him  with  acclamation.  As 
the  war  progressed,  party  spirit  began  to  cool  amid  the  disasters 
that  befell  the  Romans  on  all  sides.  A  reaction  set  in  that 
was  soon  visible  in  Rome's  policy  at  home  and  abroad.  Besides 
mea>iiivs  of  compromise,4  the  tribune  Plautius  Silvanus  carried 
a  law  which  deprived  the  knights  of  their  control  of  the 
judicial  power,  and  entrusted  it  to  jurymen  chosen  by  the 
tribes.5  The  convictions  under  the  law  of  Varius  had  been  the 
work  of  the  knights  encouraged  by  the  extreme  senatorial 

1  B.  C.  89  and  88. 

1  This  law,  lex  de  majettatt ;  "f  >/n<rrerettir  de  its  (riorum  ope  congUiore  socii  contra 
popxl'tm  Romanum  arn  •>.  was  j>rm>o-ed  soon  after  Varius  entered  the 

tritranate,  i.  e..  either  i:i  December,  B.  c.  91.  or  in  January,  B.  c.  90. 

3  That  is,  citizens.     Sec  p.  15,  n.  1. 

*  L.  Calpnntiofl  Pi-"  can-led  :i  1-iw  de.r  Calpurnia  <>•  rtfit.it,  \  which  empowered  a  gen- 
eral to  confer  citizenship  on  the  Italians  serving  in  his  army. 

3  The  Ifx  Ptautta  judicaria  ;  each  tribe  was  to  choose  15  jurymen  from  the  senators, 
e^uites,  or  people. 


B.  C.  89.]          THE   STRUGGLE  FOR  THE  FRANCHISE.  239 

party.  The  passage  of  this  law  shows  that  the  moderate  party 
had  obtained  the  upper  hand.  The  ultras  were  in  turn  con- 
demned and  compelled  to  go  into  exile,  among  whom  was 
Varius  himself.  This  prosecution  arrayed  party  against  party 
and  sowed  the  bitterest  discord  among  the  people. 

12.  The  Condition  of  the  Allies. — The  results  of  the 
war  had  completely  justified  the  concessions  of  the  moderate 
party ;  but  the  manner  in  which  the  concessions 1  had  been 
made  produced  deep  discontent  among  the  allies.  The  new 
citizens  had  been  crowded  into  eight  tribes,  which  were  to  vote 
last,  and  in  case  twenty-two  out  of  the  thirty-five  old  tribes 
agreed,  the  matter  was  already  decided,  and  the  new  tribes  did 
not  come  to  a  vote  at  all.  Besides,  the  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  citizens 2  was  so  great  that  no  public  place  in  Eome  was 
large  enough  to  contain  them.  Scattered  as  they  were  all  over 
Italy  south  of  the  Po,  it  was  impossible  for  the  vast  multitude 
to  come  to  Rome  on  the  days  when  the  public  assemblies  were 
held.3  The  restrictions  under  which  they  voted  might  have 
been  necessary  and  beneficial,  had  the  Roman  citizens  been 


1  Instead  of  granting  equality  of  rights  to  all  Italian  communities,  the  Romans  had 
onlr  expressed  the  inferiority  in  another  form.  They  had  received  a  great  number  of 
Italian  communi tit-s  into  Roman  citizenship,  but  had  attached  to  what  they  thuc  con- 
ferred an  injurious  stigma,  by  placing  the  new  citizens  alongside  of  the  old  on  nearly 
the  same  footing  as  the  fivedmen  occupied  alongside  of  the  free  born.  They  had  irri- 
tated rather  than  pacified  the  communities  between  the  Po  and  the  Alps  by  the  conces- 
sion of  Latin  rights.  Lastly,  they  had  withheld  the  franchise  from  a  considerable,  and 
that  not  the  worst,  portion  of  the  Italians— the  whole  of  the  insurgent  communities 
which  had  again  submitted;  and  not  only  so,  but,  instead  of  restoring  in  a  legal  shape 
the  former  treaties  annulled  by  the  insurrection,  they  had  at  the  utmost  renewed  them 
as  a  matter  of  favor  and  rendered  them  revocable  at  pleasure.  The  disability  as  regarded 
the  right  of  voting  gave  the  deeper  offence,  that  it  was— as  the  comitia  were  then  con- 
stituted—politically absurd,  and  the  hypocritical  care  of  the  government  for  the  un- 
stained purity  of  the  electors  appeared  to  every  unprejudiced  person  ridiculous;  but  all 
ther-e  restriction*  were  dangerous,  inasmuch  as  they  invited  every  demagogue  to  carry 
his  ulterior  objects  by  takin«r  up  the  more  or  less  just  demands  of  the  new  citizens  and 
of  the  Italians  excluded  from  the  franchise.  .  .  .  But  still  deeper  indignation  swelled 
the  heart  of  the  old  man  (i.  e..  Marius)  who  had  gone  forth  to  the  Italian  war  with 
revived  hopes  and  had  come  back  from  it  reluctantly,  with  the  consciousness  of  having 
rendered  new  services,  and  of  having  received  in  return  new  and  most  severe  mortifica- 
tions, with  the  bitter  feeling  of  being  no  longer  dreaded,  but  despised  by  his  enemies, 
with  that  gnawing  spirit  of  vengeance  in  his  heart  which  feeds  on  its  own  poison.— 
Mommsen.  I.  c.  vol.  iii,  p.  268  ff. 

3  According  to  Livy  (epit.  Ixxxviih.  the  number  of  citizens  for  B.C.  70  was  900,000; 
while  the  last  census  before  the  war  showed  304.336:  see  p.  232,  n.  3. 

3  This  Marsie  war,  which  introduced  the  Italians  into  Rome,  permanently  destroyed 
the  unity  of  the  city  tsee  p.  211),  which  had  so  Ions;  been  maintained  by  the  patricians. 
Before  the  old  temple  of  Quirinus,  pays  Pliny  (xv.  36),  there  grew  two  myrtles,  the 
one  patrician,  the  other  plebeian.  The  first,  which  hart  been  green  and  vigorous  up  to 
the  Marsic  war.  thereafter  languished  and  withered,  while  the  other  flourished  and  grew 
strong.—  Vol.  3Iax.,  ix.  5. 


240  THE   STRUGGLE   FOR   THE    J  KA  N<  II  IsK.  [B.  C.  88. 

what  they  once  were;  but  the  people  long  ago  had  lost  all  power, 
and  the  voters  in  the  public  assemblies  were  for  the  most  part 
an  ignoble  rabble,  composed  of  the  freedmen  of  all  nations. 
They  took,  however,  the  spirit  of  ancient  Rome,  believed  them- 
selves Romans,  asserted  their  superiority  over  the  new  citizens 
and  defended  the  unity  of  the  city,  finally,  the  franchise  had 
been  entirely  withheld  from  the  Samnites,  who  had  remained 
in  arms'1  and  had  not  complied  with  the  provisions  of  the 
Plautian  law. 

13.  The  Financial  Crisis. — Meanwhile  events  had  oc- 
curred in  the  East  which  rendered  it  imperatively  necessarv  to 
declare  war  against  Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  and  to  assign 
one  of  the  consuls2  with  a  new  army  to  conduct  the  war  there 
(B.C.  88).  The  state  treasury,  however,  after  a  war  of  two 
years,  was  completely  exhausted,  and  in  order  to  equip  a  new 
army,  the  Romans  had  to  raise  money  by  selling  for  building 
lots  the  land  in  front  of  the  capitol,  which  had  been  left  vacant 
for  the  use  of  the  pontiffs,  augurs,  and  flamens.  The  dis- 
tress produced  by  the  Social  Avar,  followed  by  the  breaking  out 
of  hostilities  with  Mithridates,  ruined  thousands.  The  capi- 
talists and  all  who  had  their  property  invested  in  Asia  Minor, 
no  longer  receiving  returns,  were  compelled  to  suspend  pay- 
ments. Terrible  financial  distress  set  in  at  Rome,  and  interest 
rose  to  enormous  rates.  The  debtors  in  their  distress  sought 
relief  from  the  pra3tor  A.  Sempronins  Asellio,  who  revived  the 
Genucian  law  which  authorized  the  debtors  to  sue  for  fourfold 
the  amount  of  interest  paid  above  the  legal  rate.3  This  so 
enraged  the  creditors  that  they  assembled  in  the  forum  and 
attacked  and  killed  the  prator  before  the  eyes  of  the  people.4 


1  See  p.  238.  '  Snlh  was  elected  consul  for  B.  c.  88.  *  See  ]>   -'. 

•  Matters  stood  again  exactly  a*  they  had  stood  during  the  strife  of  the  orders  ;  once 
more  the  capitalists  in  league  with  the  prejudiced  aristocracy  made  war  against,  and 
prosecuted,  the  oppre^ed  multitude  and  (lie  middle  party  which  advised  a  modification 
of  the  rigid  letter  of  the  law;  once  more  Rome  stood  on  ihe  verge  of  that  aby.-s  into 
which  the  despairing  debtor  drags  his  creditor  along  witli  him.  But  since  that  time,  the 
simple  civil  and  moral  organization  of  a  great  agricultural  city  had  been  succeeded  by 
the  social  antagonisms  of  a  capital  of  many  nations,  and  by  that  demoralization  in  which 
the  prince  and  the  beggar  meet ;  now  everything  had  come  to  be  on  a  broader,  more 
abrupt,  and  fearfully  grander  scale.  When  the  Social  war  brought  all  the  political  and 
social  elements  fermenting  among  the  citizens  into  collision  with  each  other,  it  laid  the 
foundation  for  a  new  revolution.—  Mommsen,  1.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  271  f. 


B.C.  88.]  THE  FIRST   CIVIL  WAR.  241 


XXXVI. 

THE   FIRST  CIVIL  WAR  (B.  C.  88-80).— THE  PROSCRIPTION 
OF  THE  SENATORIAL  PARTY  (B.  C.  87). 

1.  The  Rise  of  Sulla. — Meanwhile  the  war  in  the  East 
grew  more  threatening  every  day,  and  the  senate  was  compelled 
to  assign  the  management  of  it  to  one  of  the  consuls.    The  lot 
fell  upon  Sulla,  who  was  still  engaged  in  the  siege  of  the  Sam- 
nites  and  the  Lucanians  in  Nola.    The  selection  of  Sulla  deeply 
offended  Marius,  who  had  long  regarded  the  conduct  of  that 
war  as  his  due.     Sulla,  however,  during  the  Social  war,  had 
greatly  increased  his   popularity.     In   the  campaign  against 
Jugurtha  as  Marius's  legate,  he  had  first  displayed  that  bravery 
and  audacity  to  which  he  owed  his  reputation.     He  took  part 
in  the  Cimbric  wars,  where  he  displayed  his  remarkable  talent  in 
a  still  more  striking  manner.     In  B.  c.  93  he  was  elected  pra3tor, 
and,  at  the  Apollinarian  games,  he  exhibited  for  the  amusement 
of  the  people  a  hundred  African  lions  which  were  put  to  death 
in  the  circus  by  archers  sent  from  Africa.     A  few  years  later 
when  Bocchus  had  gilded  figures  erected  in  the  capitol  repre- 
senting the  surrender  of  Jugurtha  to  Sulla,  the  exasperation  of 
Marius  knew  no  bounds.     In  the  Social  war  private  quarrels 
had  been  hushed,  and   Marius  and  Sulla  both  offered  their 
services.     But  Marius  was  so  far  advanced  in  age  that  he  lost 
his  renown  as  a  soldier,  and  saw  the  laurels  which  he  hoped  to 
gather  reaped  by  his  opponent.     Sulla's  brilliant  exploits  estab- 
lished his  reputation  as  a  soldier,  and  raised  him  to  the  consul- 
ship ;  and  now,  entrusted  by  the  senate  with  the  command  in 
the  East,  new  fields  of  conquest  were  open  to  his  ambition. 

2.  The  Sulpician  Laws  (B.  c.  88). — Marius,  however,  had 
long  coveted  this  distinction,  and  determined  not  to  yield  to 
his  rival  without  a  struggle.     He  left  his  beautiful  villa  at 
Misenum,  and  appeared  daily  in  the  Campus  Martius,  and  ex- 
ercised with  the  young  men.    His  enemies  asked  him  what  had 
become  of  the  nervousness  which  had  paralyzed  his  movements 


#42  THE   FIRST   CIVIL    WAR.  [B.  C.  88. 

in  the  Social  war.  In  order  to  regain  his  popularity,  he  under- 
took the  cause  of  the  Italians,  and  induced  the  tribune  P.  Sul- 
piciu.s,  who  had  renounced  his  nobility  l  in  order  to  become  a 
candidate  for  the  tribunate,  to  propose  measures  to  conciliate 
the  Italians  and  the  knights,  and  finally  to  procure  for  him 
the  conduct  of  tin-  Asiatic  war.  These  proposals  were: 

1.  That  the  new  citizens  and  freedmen  should  be  distrib- 
uted among  all  the  tribes.2 

2.  That  those  citizens  condemned  under  the  Varian   law 
should  be  recalled  from  exile.3 

3.  That  every  senator  who  owed  more  than  two  thousand 
denarii 4  should  forfeit  his  seat  in  the  senate.5 

3.  Civil  War  (B.  c.  88). — Sulla  returned  to  Rome  to  pre- 
vent the  tribune  from  carrying  these  rogations,  and  declared 
all  the  remaining  days  of  the  year  holidays;6  during  which 
no  business  could  be  legally  transacted.  This,  however, 
made  no  difference  to  Sulpicius.  \\  ith  a  body-guard  of  six 
hundred  knights  whom  he  called  his  anti-senate,  and  three 
thousand  freedmen,  he  compelled  Sulla,  amid  scenes  ol'  tumult 
and  bloodshed,  to  withdraw  the  juxtittiuii.7  After  Sulla  had 
left  the  city,  Sulpicius  came  forward  with  his  principal  pro- 
posal :  that  the  command  in  the  Mithridatic  war  should  be 
transferred  to  .Marias.8  Two  militarv  tribunes  sent  to  the 


'  As  none  hut  plebeians  could  hold  this  office,  patricians  often  renounced  the  privi- 
leges of  their  rank  in  order  to  be  qualified  :  thi-  was  called  trunxitin  ml  ii/fbem. 

''  I't  iwri  cv/w  li'i'i-iiii  /</"<  ;//  limn'.*  trii'"*  ditfHbufrentur.—IAv.'Sp.TJ;  if  the  allies 
were  admitted  to  all  the  tribe.-,  they  would  outnumber  the  old  citizens,  and  could  ea-ily 
confer  the  command  on  Mariu-. 

*  Ut  ri  ejtdi  r>  r<«-nr>  ntur.—lAv.  Ep.  77:  i.  e.,  those  equites.  who  were  condemned  after 
the  change  in  the  popular  feeling.    See  p.  238. 

4  About  $400. 

1  This  was  also  in  the  interest  of  the  equites,  as  the  senate,  thus  purified,  was  to  be 
filled  up  from  their  order  i  /'/'//.  .s'////a,  8).  For  a  different  interpretation  of  these  lawn, 
see  Mommsen.  1.  e.  vol.  iii..  p.  ^4f. 

•  Fence  iin]»  n/'i/'ii  ;  ;ill  days  with  the  Romans  were  either  ilititfttsti.  when  business 
could  be  trail-acted,  or  </>'*  nifnxtl.  when  bii-ine--  wa-  suspended,.    All  days  consecrated 
to  the  worship  of  the  gods,  tofeMtfl  or  frame-,  were  t'.-t't.  and  were  either  /ferke  j/nf/'ir.r 
or  /«•;•••  '  were:  (l)feri(f.  ntdllnt,  'holidays  observed  every  year  on  a 
fixed  day  ;  (£i  J'tri<i  were  observed  every  year  on  diys  fixed  by  the  prie-t-  ; 
(9)  fgrta    tntperativa  were  extraordinary  holidays    for    supplication  or  thanksgiving 
appointed  by  the  magistrates. 

7  A  time  "in  which  all  public  bti-ine-s  wa-  -impended.  It  wa*  proclaimed  by  the  senate 
and  magistrates  in  times  of  public  danger,  and  when  tranquillity  had  been  restored  it  was 


-  /'  '/ida  .l«ia  ft  bellum 

Jfcerneretur  Mithridaticum.—Lw.  Ep.  T7  ;  al.-o  Plut.  Mar.  K4,  Sail  8, 


B.  C.  88.]  THE   FIRST  CIVIL  WAR.  243 

consul's  camp  before  Nola  to  take  command  of  the  army  for 
Marias  were  killed  by  the  soldiers,  who,  correctly  interpreting 
the  wish  of  their  beloved  leader,  demanded  to  be  led  to  Rome. 
At  the  head  of  six  legions  Sulla  set  out  for  the  city.  The 
resistance  of  Marius  and  Sulpicius  was  soon  overcome,  and  for 
the  first  time  in  the  annals  of  the  city  a  Eoman  army  encamped 
within  the  walls ;  for  the  first  time  party  questions  were  solved 
by  the  sword.  On  the  next  day  Sulla  summoned  the  senate, 
which  declared  Marius  and  Sulpicius  and  ten  others  public 
enemies.  Sulpicius  was  overtaken  and  put  to  death,  but 
Marius  succeeded  in  making  his  escape. 

4.  Legislation   of  Sulla. — The  Sulpician  laws  were  an- 
nulled, and  such  new  provisions  as  seemed  necessary  for  the 
security  of  the  oligarchy  were  carried : 

1.  The  power  of  the  tribune  was  limited  as  it  was  before 
the  Hortensian  law,  that  is,  every  proposal  must  first  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  senate  and  could  only  come  before  the  people  in 
case  the  senate  approved.1 

2.  The  old  Servian  arrangement  for  voting  in  the  comitia 
centuriata  was  restored.2 

3.  The  senate  was  filled  up  by  the  admission  of  three  hun- 
dred new  members  selected  from  the  party  of  the  optimates. 

To  relieve  the  condition  of  the  poor  and  of  the  hard- 
pressed  debtors,  colonies  were  founded  and  the  old  law  in  re- 
gard to  the  maximum  rate  of  interest  was  restored.3  After 
holding  the  consular  elections  for  B.C.  87,  in  which  On.  Octavius, 
a  strict  optimate,  and  Cornelius  Cinna,  a  member  of  the  Ma- 
rian party,  were  elected,  Sulla,  first  making  Cinria  promise 
that  he  would  not  disturb  the  existing  order  of  things,  left 
Italy  to  commence  the  campaign  against  Mithridates. 

5.  The  Wanderings  of  Marius. — Meanwhile  Marius  had 
met  with  the  most  remarkable  adventures.     The  victor  of  Ver- 
cellse  had  still  a  strong  hold  on  the  affections  of  the  people, 
and  all  Italy  was  interested  in  his  fate.    He  embarked  from 


The  lex  FnrnpRa  Pmnjtejn  de  trib»nida  potentate. 

The  lex  Corti'lia  P<.>mpfja  '/>•  :-i»niti>*  ctntttrtatit ;  =ee  p.  22. 


244  THE   FIRST   CIVIL    WAR.  [B.  C.  88. 

Ostia1  in  a  vessel  bound  for  Africa,  but  a  storm  compelled  him 
to  land  at  the  Circejan  promontory.  Being  deserted  by  the 
sailors,  he  took  refuge  at  lirst  in  the  hut  of  a  poor  fisherman, 
and  then  in  the  inarch  near  Minturnae,  where,  in  order  to  con- 
ceal himself  he  sank  in  the  mud  up  to  his  throat.  Here  he  \va< 
discovered  and  dragged  before  the  magistrates  of  Minturnae, 
for  a  proclamation  had  already  been  made  in  all  these  towns 
that  a  general  search  should  be  made  for  Marias,  and  that  he 
should  be  put  to  death  wherever  he  was  found.  The  magis- 
trates sent  a  slave— one  of  the  Cimbri  whom  Marius  had  sent 
to  Italy— to  put  him  to  death.  The  prison  in  which  he  lay  was 
dark,  and,  to  the  frightened  barbarian  the  eyes  of  the  old  gen- 
eral seemed  to  flash  fire,  and  from  the  darkness  a  haughty  voice 
demanded:  "  Durst  thou  kill  Gajus  Marius."  l 

6.  Marius's  Escape  to  Africa. — The  sword  fell  from 
the  hand  of  the  barbarian,  and  he  fled  exclaiming  :  "  I  cannot 
kill  Gajus  Marius."  When  the  magistrates  heard  this,  they 
were  struck  with  remorse  at  their  conduct  towards  the  pre- 
server of  Italy.  "Let  him  go,"  said  they;  "let  the  exile  go 
and  await  his  destiny  in  some  other  land.  It  is  time  that  we 
who  have  refused  the  poor,  the  naked  wanderer  the  right. s  of 
hospitality,  should  deprecate  the  anger  of  the  gods."  They 
got  a  vessel  ready,  and  sent  him  to  the  island  of  yEnaria 
(Ischia),  where  he  was  joined  by  many  of  his  proscribed 
friends.  From  here  he  sailed  for  Africa  ;  but  hearing  on  the 
way  that  his  son  had  taken  refuge  with  Hiempsal,  king  of 
Numidia,  he  landed  at  the  site  of  Carthage.  He  had  scarcely 
set  foot  on  shore  when  the  praetor  Sextilius  sent  an  officer  who 
said  :  "  Marius,  I  come  from  the  praetor  to  tell  you  that  he 
forbids  you  to  set  foot  in  Africa.  If  you  do  not  obey,  he  will 
execute  the  decree  of  the  senate  and  treat  yon  as  a  public 
enemy."  On  hearing  this  Marius  was  struck  dumb  with  grief 
and  astonishment.  At  length  he  said  with  a  sigh,  "  Go  tell 
the  praetor  that  you  have  seen  Gajus  Marius  a  fugitive  sitting 
amidst  the  ruins  of  Carthage."  At  length,  being  joined  by  his 

1  See  map,  p.  346-7.  '  Flat.  Mar, 


B.  C.  87.]  THE   FIRST   CIVIL   WAR.  245 

son,  he  crossed  to  the  island  of  Cercina,*  where  he  waited  for 
the  fulfillment  of  the  prophecy  of  the  Utican  seer,  for  he  had 
not  yet  been  consul  for  the  seventh  time. 

7.  The  Marian  Party.  —  Scarcely  had  Sulla  departed, 
when  China,  supported  by  the  majority  of  the  tribunes,  pro- 
posed that  the  new  citizens  and  freedmen  should  be  enrolled 
in  the  thirty-five  tribes,1  and  that  the  exiles  should  be  recalled.2 
The  senate,  headed  by  Octavius,  determined  not  to  yield.,;  Both 
parties  appeared  armed  on  the  day  of  voting.     Octavius,  after 
a  dreadful  conflict,  in  which  as  many  as  ten  thousand  were  slain, 
gained  the  victory.     Cinna,  being  deprived  of  his  office  and 
driven  from  the  city,  fled  to  the  army  of  Claudius,  whom  Sulla 
had  left  in  command  in   Campania.      Having  obtained  its 
support,  and  being  joined  by  a  vast  number  of  the  Italians,3  he 
marched  to  Eome.     The  senate  recalled  the  army  of  Pompejus 
Strabo  from  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  directed  Metellus  Pius,  who 
had  charge  of  the  war  against  the  Samnites,  to  conclude  peace, 
and  return  to  Eome.     When  Marius  heard  of  these  events,  he 
»  t  -ail  from  Africa,  landed  at  Telamon  with  a  few  followers,  and 
occupied  one  place  after  another  on  the  coast  until  Ostia  fell 
into  his  hands.     This  cut  Eome  off  from  communication  with 
the  sea,  and  Marius  moved  rapidly  up  the  Tiber,  captured  Mons 
Janiculus  and  united  his  forces  with  those  of  Cinna.     Strabo 
and  Octavius  succeeded  in  retaking  the  Janiculus,  and  the 
senate,  in  order  to  increase  the  army,  conferred  citizenship 
on  all  the  allies  who  had  been  subdued  in  the  Social  war  and 
had  not  complied  with  the  lex  Plautia  Papiria.4   A  few  of  the 
government  troops  arrived,  not  more  than  sixteen  cohorts,  not 
enough  to  supply  the  places  of  those  who  had  fallen. 

8.  The  Proscription  of  the  Senatorial  Party. — The 
government,   hoAvever,  did  not  despair.      On  the  arrival  of 
Metellus,  it  prepared  to  offer  battle  to  the  insurgents  on  the 
Alban  Mount,  but  the  untrustworthiness  of  the  army  compelled 
the  senate  to  capitulate.     Cinna  was  recognized  as  consul,  and 

1  The  lex  Cornelia  de  nor&nim  civium  et  libertinorum  miffragiis,  probably  a  re-enact- 
ment of  the  ley,  Svljnda;  see  p.  242.  Q  The  lex  Cornelia  de  exwibus  revocandis. 
3  As  many  as  thirty  legions. 
•  The  },.>•  t'urndia  de  V,  Mario  et  ct.ttris  exulifru*  revocandix.          *  See  map,  p.  217. 


246  PROSCRIPTION   OF   THE   SENATORIAL    PARTY.      [B.C.  86. 

with  the  sole  condition  to  refrain  from  bloodshed,  was  admitted 
into  the  city.  But  Marias  refused  to  enter  the  gates  until 
the  sentence  of  outlawry  against  him  was  recalled.  The  armies 
then  marched  in,  and  the  soldiers  were  let  loose  for  a  massacre, 
which  lasted  five  days.  The  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
state  were  put  to  death  and  their  proper! y  was  confiscated.  The 
consul  Octavius  was  slain  while  sitting  in  his  curule  chair  and 
arrayed  in  his  consular  robes.  Among  the  slain  were  L.  Julius 
Cassar,  the  hero  of  Acerrse,*  and  his  brother  Gajus,  M.  Anto- 
nius,  the  celebrated  orator,  Q.  Lutatius  Catulus,  who  had  tri- 
umphed with  Marius  over  the  Cimbri,  and  P.  Licinius  Cra.-sus 
Dives.  China  was  soon  tired  of  the  slaughter,  but  Marius 
required  new  victims  every  day.  The  bodies  were  refused 
burial,  the  heads  of  the  senators  were  fixed  to  the  rostra  in  the 
forum.  Marius  revelled  in  the  scenes  of  blood,  and  his  body- 
guard of  Varda-jans,  as  he  called  the  band  of  Illyrian  slaves 
who  had  escaped  from  the  crgastula  1  in  Etruria  and  fled  to 
him,  struck  down  every  one  who  displeased  him.  Sulla  was 
proscribed  and  his  property  confiscated. 

9.  The  Seventh  Consulship  of  Marius.— Without  the 
forms  of  an  election  China  declared  himself  and  Marius  con- 
suls for  the  next  year  (B.C.  86).  The  "Utican  seer  was  right. 
The  gods  granted  Marius  the  seventh  consulship,  but  fear  of 
Sulla  and  pangs  of  conscience  haunted  him  day  and  night 
Hated  by  all  parties,  he  sought  forgetfuluess  in  the  wine-cup, 
and,  wearied  with  life,  he  died  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  his 
consulship,  in  the  seventy-first  year  of  his  age.  Order  was  in 
some  meavsure  restored,  though  for  two  years  longer  Cinna 
disregarded  all  constitutional  forms  and  exercised  dictatorial 
powers.  L.  Valerius  Flaceus  was  appointed  consul  in  the  place 
of  Marius,  and  suitable  laws2  were  carried  by  the  two  consuls 

1  These  were  slave  IXMI«.  *  Sec  map  No.  6. 

8  The  If.r  I'  tr-ia  (p.  838)  was  repealed  and  the  jurymen  were  to  be  taken 

exclusively  from  the  f>i>i'it-* :  thr  law-  »f  Sulla  (Itrie*  Cornelia)  were  repealed  :  the  prov- 
ince* redistributed:  a  ceii-us  w;»s  taken  IB.  c.  861  for  the  purpose  of  distributing  the 
Italians  in  all  the  tribes  according  to  the  for  Cornelia  de  nororum  ciriurn  xi/fTrayiig,  but 
the  returns  gave  only  463.000  (in  B.C.  115.  3!>4,336>.  showing  that  only  a  few  of  the  new 
citizens  had  complied  with  the  Plautian  law  :  and  Flaceus  carried  a  law  ifrr  Yn'tria  (U 
cere  atteno)  to  secure  the  favor  of  the  people,  which  cancelled  all  debts  by  the  ;  ayinent  of 
one  fourth  of  the  amount  due — a  mea-nre  that  had  become  necessarv.  because  such  a  large 
number  of  Roman  citi/.en*  had  lost  their  property  invested  in  Asia  Minor,  in  consequence 
of  the  Mithridatic  war. 


B.  0.  88.]  THE  FIRST  MITHRIDATIC  WAR.  24? 

which  they  hoped  would  render  their  authority  secure.  The 
government  of  Cinna  was  a  real  tyranny.  In  utter  disregard 
of  the  people  to  whom  he  owed  his  power,  he  had  himself  and 
On.  Papirius  Carbo  declared  consuls  for  the  two  following  years. 
Meanwhile  L.  Valerius  Flaccus  had  been  appointed  to  super- 
sede Sulla,  and  had  departed  on  his  perilous  mission. 


CHAIPTER    XXXVII. 

THE  FIRST  MITHRIDATIC  WAR  (B.  0.  88-84). 

1.  Mithridates  and  the  East. — The  arrangements  which 
the  Eomans  had  made  in  Asia  Minor  after  the  subjugation  of 
Aristonicus l  remained  unchanged,  except   that   Phrygia  had 
been  added  to  the  Roman  province.2    The  other  countries,  al- 
though nominally  free  and  governed  by  independent  princes, 
had  been  treated  more  and  more  by  Rome  as  dependent  states. 
Pontus,  the  most  remote  of  these  kingdoms  in  the  northeast, 
extending  along  the  Euxine  sea  from  the  river  Halys  to  the 
frontiers  of  Colchis,  had,  like   the  others,  originally  been  a 
satrapy  of  the  Persian  kings.     The  country  had,  however,  for 
many  centuries  been  independent,  and  the  throne  had   de- 
scended through  eight  generations  to  Mithridates  VI.,  surnamed 
Eupator,  and  the  Great,  ,  He  was  only  twelve  years  old  when 
his  father  was  cut  off  by  the  dagger  of  an  assassin  (B.C.  120). 

2.  His  Flans  of  Conquest. — Mithridates  became  a  man 
of  remarkable  powers  of  mind  and  body.8    As  soon  as  he  came 

1  See  p.  179.  *  The  province  embraced  at  first  Mysia,  Lydia,  and  Caria. 

"  The  armor  which  fitted  the  gigantic  frame  of  king  Mithridates  excited  the  wonder 
of  the  Asiatics,  and  still  more  that  of  the  Italians.  As  a  runner,  he  overtook  the  swiftest 
deer  ;  as  a  rider,  he  broke  in  the  wild  steed,  and  was  able  by  changing  horses  to  accom- 
plish 1JO  miles  iii  a  day  ;  as  a  charioteer,  he  drove  sixteen  in  hand,  and  gained  in  compe- 
tition many  a  prize — it  was  dangerous,  no  doubt,  in  such  sport  to  carry  off  victory  from 
the  king.  In  hunting  on  horseback,  ho  hit  the  game  at  full  gallop,  and  never  missed  his 
aim.  His  intellectual  wants  he  satisfied  by  the  wildest  superstition— the  interpretation 
of  dreams  and  the  Greek  mysteries  occupied  not  a  few  of  the  king's  hours — and  by  a 
rude  adoption  of  Hellenic  civilization.  He  was  fond  of  Greek  art  and  music,  that  is  to 
say,  he  collected  precious  articles,  rich  furniture,  old  Persian  and  Greek  objects  of  lux- 
ury—his cabinet  of  rings  was  famous  :  he  had  constantly  Greek  historians,  philosophers, 
and  poets  in  his  train,  and  proposed  prizes  at  his  court  festivals,  not  only  for  the  great- 
est eaters  and  drinkers,  but  also  for  the  merriest  jester  and  the  best  singer.  He  prose- 


2+8  THE   FIHST  MITHRIDATIC    W.M;.  [B.C.  !»•>. 

of  age  (B.  C.  113),  he  endeavored  to  extend  his  dominions  as  far 
as  he  could  without  coming  in  contact  with  the  Romans.  Col- 
chis, Lesser  Armenia,  and  the  Tauric  Chersonese  with  its  capital 
PanticapEeum  (Kertch],  were  annexed  to  his  kingdom.  He 
formed  treaties  with  other  tribes  on  the  Black  sea,  and  even  as 
tar  as  the  Danube,  and  in  the  East  allied  himself  with  Ti- 
granes,  king  of  Armenia,  by  giving  him  his  daughter  in  mar- 
riage. After  making  these  preparations,  he  felt  himself  strong 
enough  to  contend  with  Rome  herself.  In  order  to  bring  (Jap- 
padocia1  under  his  sway,  he  attempted  to  place  upon  the 
throne  one  of  his  nephews.  The  Romans  interposed,  and 
Sulla,  who  was  then  propraetor  in  Cilicia,  received  orders  to 
interfere.  Mithridates  was  still  anxious  to  avoid  a  collision 
with  Rome,  and  therefore  left  the  management  of  affairs  to 
Tigranes.  Sulla,  with  a  small  force,  drove  the  king's  auxiliaries 
out  of  the  country,  and  permitted  the  people  of  Cappadocia  to 
choose  Ariobarzanes  as  their  king.  Sulla,  however,  had  scarcely 
left  the  country  when  Tigranes  fell  upon  Ariobarzanes  and 
expelled  him  from  Cappadooia  (B.  c.  92). 

3.  Mithridates'  Invasion  of  Asia. — In  the  following  year 
Mithridates  interfered  in  Bithynia,  and  set  up  a  rival  claimant 
to  the  throne,  although  the  Romans  had  recognized  Xicomedes 
as  king.  Ariobarzanes  and  Xicomedes  both  appealed  to  Rome 
for  aid.  The  consul  Manius  Aquillius  was  sent  to  Asia  as 


cnted  the  experimental  stndr  of  poisons  and  antidote*  a*  an  important  branch  of  the 
bu^ine<s  of  government,  and  tried  to  inure  his  body  to  particular  poi-on-. 

What  really  di^tinsrajsnes  MithrldatM  among  the  multitude  of  similar  sultans  was  hi* 
boundless  activity.  He  di-appeared  one  morning  from  hi-  palace  and  rem-iincd  unheard 
of  for  months,  so  that  he  was  given  up  for  lost.  When  he  returned,  he  had  wandered 
incognito  through  all  A-ia  Minor,  and  reconnoitred  everywhere  the  country  and  people. 
He  was  not  only  fluent  in  -peech.  but  administered  justice  to  each  of  the  twenty-two 
nations  over  which  he  ruled,  in  it>  own  language,  without  needinir  an  interpreter. 

Notwithstanding  his  Hellenic  culture,  which  sat  on  him  not  modi  better  than  the 
Roman  armor  on  hi-  Cappadorian-.  lie  wa-  throughout  an  Oriental  of  the  ordinary  stamp, 
.  frill  of  the  mo-t  -en-ual  appetite-,  guperstltiouB.  cruel,  perfidious,  and  unecrapo- 
lini-  :  but  -o  viLr»n>n-  in  "r^ani/anuM.  so  powerful  in  phy-ical  endowments,  that  his  de- 
fiant laving  about  him  and  hi-  un-hakeu  courage  in  resistance  looked  like  genius.  The 
Mithridatic  war  formed  at  once  the  la-t  movement  of  the  political  opposition  offered  by 
Hella-  to  Koine,  and  the  beginning  of  a  revolt  again>t  the  Roman  supremacy  resting  on 
very  different  and  far  deeper  grounds  of  antagonism — the  national  reaction  of  the 
Asiatics  airiinst  the  Occidental-.— Munnnxi  >).  \.  c.  vol.  iii..  p.  275  f . 

1  Cappadocia  had  formerly  belonged  to  Pontns.  but  when  the  Roman?  gave  Mithri- 
dates' father  Great  Phrysia  (about  the  same  a-  the  present  Phryiria,  except  that  a  por- 
tion of  it-  territory  on  the  we-t  had  been  added  to  the  province  of  A-iai  a-  a  reward  for 
his  service-  iu  the" wars  against  Carthage  and  against  Aristonicus,  they  deprived  him  of 
Cappadocia. 


No.  4. 


B.  C.  87.]  THE   FIRST   MITHRIDATIC    WAR.  249 

envoy  to  settle  the  difficulties.  Mithridates  yielded  again,  and 
the  two  kings  ascended  their  thrones.  At  the  instigation  of 
Aquillius,  Nicomedes  declared  war  against  Mithridates,  closed 
the  Bosporus  to  his  vessels,  and  made  predatory  incursions  into 
his  territory.  The  king  of  Pontus,  however,  remained  un- 
shaken in  his  policy  of  peace,  until  he  had  applied  to  the 
Roman  envoy  either  to  restrain  Nicomedes  or  to  allow  him  to 
defend  himself.  Aquillius,  who  had  instigated  the  war  for  his 
own  profit,  informed  the  king  that  he  must  refrain  from  war 
with  Mcomedes.  This  was  the  old  policy  of  Eome  acted  over 
again.  Mithridates,  with  the  courage  of  despair,  prepared  for 
war,1  and  ordered  his  generals,  Neoptolemus  and  Archelaus  to 
invade  Bithynia.  They  defeated  Mcomedes  and  drove  him 
from  his  kingdom,  captured  Aquillius  and  put  him  to  death 
with  torture,  and  even  invaded  the  Roman  province.  Here  the 
extortions  of  the  tax-gatherers,  the  rapacity  of  the  Roman  mer- 
chants, and  the  oppression  of  the  slave  speculators,  had  pro- 
duced such  deep  discontent  that  the  people  everywhere  hailed 
Mithridates  as  their  deliverer.  Civil  war  had  broken  out  at 
Rome,  and  Sulla  was  detained  at  home.  No  sufficient  force 
opposed  the  king.  From  Ephesus,  he  issued  orders  to  put  to 
death  on  the  same  day  all  the  Italians  with  their  wives  and 
children  residing  in  Asia  Minor.2  Taking  up  his  winter- 
quarters  at  Pergamus,  he  sent  Archelaus  with  a  fleet  to  extend 
his  empire  to  the  west,  while  another  army  advanced  along  the 
Thracian  coast  as  far  as  Macedonia.  The  most  of  the  islands 
of  the  Grecian  archipelago  submitted,  and  even  Athens  and 
nearly  all  Greece  declared  in  favor  of  Mithridates. 

4.  Sulla  Lands  in  Bpims  (B.  c.  87). — In  the  beginning  of 
the  next  year  Sulla  landed  in  Epirus  with  five  legions.3  Ad- 
vancing directly  to  Athens,  where  Archelaus  had  intrenched 
himself,  he  captured  the  city  after  a  stubborn  resistance,4  and 
gave  it  up  to  plunder  and  massacre.  Meanwhile  the  second 
army  of  Mithridates  under  Taxiles  had  arrived  in  Greece,  and 

1  His  army  numbered  250,000  infantry,  40,000  cavalry,  and  400  ships. 

9  According  to  some  accounts  80,000  were  murdered  ;  and  to  others,  as  many  as  150,000 

•  About  30,000  men.  *  March  1,  86  B.  c. 


250  mi.   riu>i    MiTHKJiiATK    \\  AI;.  LB-  ' 

Archelaus  joined  it  in  Bceotia.  Sulla  defeated  both  armies, 
first  at  Chseronea*  (B.  c.  86),  and  then  at  Orchomenus  (B.C.  85). 
Meanwhile  Flaccus,1  who  had  been  appointed  to  supersede 
Sulla,  had  arrived  in  Greece  with  two  legions;  but  finding 
Sulla's  soldiers  deaf  to  all  his  solicitations  to  desert  their  com- 
mander, he  retired  to  Macedonia  and  marched  through  Thrace 
to  Asia  Minor.  Soon  after  Flaccus  fell  a  victim  to  an  insurrec- 
tion headed  by  G.  Flavins  Fimbria,  a  Roman  demagogue  who 
was  serving  in  the  army  as  a  legate.  He  had  acquired  such 
popularity  with  the  soldiers  that  on  the  death  of  Flaccus  he 
was  raised  by  them  to  the  chief  command.  Sulla  took  up  his 
winter-quarters  in  Thessaly. 

5.  Conclusion  of  Peace  (B.  c.  84). — In  the  meantime 
affairs  had  changed  in  Asia  Minor.     Mithridates  had  shown 
himself  in  his  true  colors  of  a  savage  Asiatic  despot.     At  first 
he  had  come  forward  as  a  liberator  of  the  Hellenes,  but  his 
tyranny  had  alienated  these,  and  all  the  provincials  were  ready 
to  receive  the  Romans  back.     L.  Licinius  Lucullus,  Sulla's 
legate,  who  afterwards  commanded  in  the  second  Mithridatic 
war,  collected  a  fleet,  and  gained  two  victories  off  the  coast  of 
Asia  Minor.     Just  at  this  time   Fimbria  had  defeated  the 
younger  Mithridates,  captured  Pergamus,  the  capital  of  the 
Pontic  king,  and  compelled  Mithridates  himself  to  take  refuge 
in  Mitylene.     These  repeated  disasters  made  Mithridates  anx- 
ious for  peace.     The  preliminaries,  however,  which  were  settled 
with  Archelaus  in  Greece  during  the  winter,  were  rejected  by 
the  king,  who  asserted  that  Fimbria  would  grant  more  favorable 
terms.    Sulla  broke  off  negotiations  and  crossed  the  Helles- 
pont (B.C.  84).    This  brought  Mithridates  to  his  senses.     In  a 
personal  interview  with  the  king  at  Dardaims.  the  terms  were 
definitely  settled.     Mithridates  abandoned  all  his  conquests  in 
Asia  Minor,  confined  himself  to  the  dominions  which  he  had 
held  before  the  war,  paid  three  thousand  talents,2  and  surren- 
dered eighty  ships-of-war  fully  equipped. 

6.  Death  of  Fimbria. — Sulla  was  now  at  liberty  to  pro- 

1  Sec  p.  247.  *  Nearly  $4.000,000.  *  See  map,  p.  157. 


B.  C.  83.]          SULLA   CRUSHES  THE   MAKIAN   PARTY.  251 

ceed  against  Fimbria,  who  was  at  Thyatira.  After  vainly 
attempting  to  induce  his  soldiers  to  fight,  Fimbria  fled  to  Per- 
gamus  and  put  an  end  to  his  own  life.1  Sulla  imposed  upon 
the  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Asia  an  enormous  contribu- 
tion of  twenty  thousand  talents,2  which  delivered  them  com- 
pletely into  the  hands  of  the  Roman  bankers  and  speculators, 
from  whom  they  were  compelled  to  borrow  the  money  at  an 
exorbitant  rate  of  interest. 


XXXVIII. 

SULLA  CRUSHES  THE  MARIAN  PARTY. 

1.  Sulla's  Return  to  Italy  (B.C.  83).  — During  Sulla's 
absence,  the  Marian  government,  under  Cinna,  had  been  a  real 
despotism.     It  was  evident,  from  the  time  that  Cinna  had  de- 
clared him  a  public  enemy  and  sent  Flaccus  to  relieve  him  in 
command,  that  Sulla  intended  to  overthrow  this  government  by 
force  of  arms.    Tidings  had  arrived  from  time  to  time  of  his 
success,  and  finally  in  B.  c.  84  a  letter  came  from  Sulla  himself 
to  the  senate,  announcing  the  end  of  the  war  and  his  return  to 
Italy.     The  first  general  of  the  age  and  at  the  head  of  a  de- 
voted army,  he  had  little  to  fear  from  his  adversaries  ;   yet, 
knowing  that  their  strength  lay  in  the  city  mob  and  the  Ital- 
ians, he  attempted  to  conciliate  both  of  these  by  declaring  that 
he  would  respect  the  rights  of  the  new  citizens,  and  that  pun- 
ishment should  fall  on  the  authors  of  the  trouble  and  not  on 
the  people. 

2.  Civil  War   (B.  c.  83).— The  senate  in  alarm  sent  an 
embassy  to  Sulla  expressing  a  desire  for  peace,  and  at  the  same 
time  ordered  the  consuls  Cinna  and  Carbo  to  suspend  their 

1  Hi*  soldiers  wtre  not  allowed  to  return  to  Rome,  but  were  condemned  to  military 
service  in  A<ia  Minor. 

a  Nearly  $25,000,000,  the  amount  of  the  tribute  for  five  years. 


252  SULLA  CRUSHES  THE  MARIAN   PARTY.         [B.  C.  83. 

preparations  for  war.  This  order,  however,  made-  no  difference 
with  the  consuls,  who  knew  that  a  reconciliation  was  impossible. 
Cinna  hastened  to  Ancona,*  with  the  intention  of  crossing  over 
to  Greece  to  meet  Sulla,  but  the  soldiers  mutinied  and  put  him 
to  death.1  Still  the  Marian  party  continued  its  preparations 
and  raised  an  army  of  nearly  two  hundred  thousand  men. 
There  was  tremendous  excitement  in  Home  when  Sulla  landed, 
in  the  spring  of  B.  c.  83,  at  Brundisium,  with  an  army  of  forty 
thousand  men.  The  senate  declared  the  republic  in  danger 
and  bestowed  upon  the  consuls  unlimited  powers.  Sulla, 
in  his  advance  through  Calabria  and  Apulia  to  Campania, 
was  joined  by  Metellus  Pius  and  M.  Licinius  Crassus,  and 
many  members  of  the  optimate  party.  Cn.  Pompejus,2  the 
son  of  Pompejus  Strabo,  rendered  important  aid  by  levying 
three  legions  in  Picenum  at  his  own  expense,  and  reinforced 
Sulla  in  Apulia.3  In  Campania,  at  Mount  Tifata,  Sulla  de- 
feated the  consul  Norbauus,  who  took  refuge  in  Capua.  An 
event  now  happened,  the  origin  of  which  was  never  discov- 
ered, that  threw  the  city  into  consternation.  On  the  night  of 
I  July  6th  (B.C.  83),  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  on  the  Capitoliue 
I  hill,  was  burnt;  even  the  volumes  of  the  Sibylline  oracles  were 
destroyed.  The  destruction  of  this  sanctuary,  and  of  the 
sacred  books  that  had  been  preserved  there  since  the  days 
of  the  kings,  taken  in  connection  with  the  events  that  were 
going  on  in  Italy,  produced  a  profound  impression  on  the 
Roman  people,  and  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  belief 
that  the  downfall  of  the  state  was  near  at  hand.  Sulla 

1  Lucius  Scipio  and  Gajn*  Norbanus  were  elected  consuls  for  B.  c.  83. 

'  GENEAI-OOli'AL  TABLE. 
CN.  POMPEJUS  STRABO,  cos.  B.  c.  89. 

CN.  PoMPEJf-i  MAI;M  <,  triumvir,  m. 

1.  AXTI-TIA, 

2.  ^EMILIA, 

3.  MITIA, 

4.  JTI.IA, 

6.  CORNELIA. 

I 

\-  I  I 

CN.  POMPEJTTS  MAGM-S,  m.      SEX.  POMPEII  -  M  \i;\r*.  m.       POMPEJA,  m.  FAUSTUS 
CLAUDIA  ;  died,  B.  c.  45.  SCRIBOXIA;  died,  B.C.  35.  SULLA. 

1  Sulla  saluted  him  as  imperator,  i.  e.,  one  commanding  with  an  independent  impe- 
riiim  ;  for  the  meaning  of  impeiium  see  pp.  50  and  53,  n.  1. 


B.C.   82.]  SULLA   CRUSHES   THE   MARIAN   PARTY.  253 

now  turned  against  Scipio,  and  opened  communications  with 
him  for  peace,  and  concluded  an  armistice.  By  means  of 
Sulla's  emissaries,  Scipio  soon  found  himself  deserted  by  his 
troops,  and  as  no  terms  of  peace  were  agreed  upon,  was  com- 
pelled to  resign  his  office  and  retire  from  the  war.  Sulla  and 
Metellus  took  up  their  winter-quarters  in  Campania  and  main- 
tained the  blockade  of  Capua. 

3.  The  Battle  of  Clusium  (B.C.  82).— In  the  meantime 
Cn.  Papirius  Carbo  hastened  from  the  camp  of  Norbanus  to 
Rome,  had  Sulla  and  the  leaders  of  his  party  declared  pub- 
lic enemies,  and  the  consulship  conferred  upon  himself  and 
Gajus  Marius,  the  younger,  although  the  latter  had  not  yet 
attained  the  legal  age  for  that  office  (B.  c.  82).    Carbo  under- 
took the  conduct  of  the  war  in  the  north  against  Metellus, 
while  Marius  was  charged  with  the  task  of  holding  Sulla  in 
check  in  the  south.     At  Sacriportus,  between  Signia  and  Prse- 
neste,  Marius  was  utterly  defeated  and  shut  up  in  Praeneste. 
This  left  the  road  to  Eome  open  to  Sulla,1  but  before  he  could 
arrive  there,  Marius  found  time  to  send  orders  to  the  prastor 
G.  Damasippus  to  evacuate  the  city  after  putting  to  death  his 
leading   opponents.      The  most  distinguished   senators  were 
struck  down  in  the  senate-chamber  ;  among  the  distinguished 
men  who  fell  were  the  aediles  Publius  Antistius  and  Gajus 
Carbo,  the  two  best  judicial  orators  of  the  age,  and  i\\z  pontifex 
maximus  Q.  Mucius  Scaevola.     Sulla  entered  the  city  in  a  few 
days,  and  after  a  brief  stay  there,  marched  to  Etruria  to  join 
Metellus  and  Pompejus  in  the  campaign  against  Carbo.    After 
several  trifling  engagements,  he  so  thoroughly  defeated  Carbo 
at  Clusium,  that  the  latter  gave  up  the  war  and  fled  to  Africa. 

4.  The  Battle   at  the  Colline  G-ate  (B.  c.  82). — Mean- 
while the  army  of  the  Samnites  and  Lucanians  under  Pontius. 
Telesinus  came  to  the  relief  of  Praneste,   but  finding  his 
advance  to  that  city  cut  off  by  Sulla,  who  had  hastily  come 
from  Etruria,  he  advanced  directly  upon  Rome,  "For,"  said 
Pontius,  "  there  will  be  no  peace  for  Italy  until  the  forest  is 

1  He  left  Q.  Lucretius  Ofella  to  continue  the  siege  of  Praeneste. 


254  SULLA   CRUSHES  THE   MARIAH   PARTY.         [B.  C.  82. 

rooted  up  in  which  the  Roman  wolves  have  their  dens." :  Had 
not  Sulla  appeared  in  time,  Rome  would  have  been  lost.  The 
battle  was  fought  before  the  Colline  gate  and  was  long  and 
furious.  The  victory  hung  so  long  in  the  balance  that  Sulla 
in  despair  invoked  the  Pythian  Apollo  to  lend  his  aid.2  The 
Samnites  fought  with  the  courage  of  despair.  The  flower  of 
their  army  was  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  prisoners  to  the  number 
of  three  or  four  thousand  were  slaughtered  in  the  Campus 
Martius.  Their  cries  reached  the  temple  of  Bellona,3  where 
Sulla  was  haranguing  the  senate.  "  It  is  nothing,"  said  he ; 
"  I  have  only  ordered  some  malefactors  to  be  chastised."  4  This 
ended  the  resistance  of  the  Marian  party  in  Italy,  and  the  last 
hope  of  the  Samnites  perished  at  the  Colline  gate.5  In  Sicily 
and  Africa  Pompejus  gained  an  easy  victory  over  Pcrpenna  and 
Domitius  Ahenobarbns,  but  in  Spain  Sertorius  defied  the  power 
of  Rome  until  B.  c.  72. 

5.  Sulla  Proscribes  His  Opponents. — Sulla  entered  the 
city  as  the  head  of  the  optimate  party,  and  after  declaring  to 
the  people  6  that  he  would  give  them  a  better  constitution,  and 
that  he  should  punish  the  leaders  of  the  opposite  party,  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  contest  since  the  armistice  with  Scipio,7 
he  drew  up  a  list 8  of  those  on  whom  he  wished  to  take  ven- 
geance. It  contained  the  names  not  only  of  the  leaders  in  the 
late  war,  but  of  the  wealthy  citi/ens  and  disaffected  Italians. 
A  reward9  was  sot  upon  the  heads  of  the  proscribed,  their  prop- 
erty was  con  fixated,  and  punishment  threatened  against  all 
who  sheltered  or  concealed  them.  New  lists  constantly  ap- 
peared, and  terror  reigned  not  only  at  Rome  but  throughout 
Italy.  The  senate  made  no  objection,  and  only  ventured  to 
assign  the  first  of  June,  B.  c.  81,  as  the  limit  for  the  bloody 


1  Veil.  27.  »  Pint.  Sail.  29. 

!  The  temple  of  Bellona  was  in  the  f'/n,  .  near  the  drcu*  Flaminius.  In 

this  the  senate  received  foreign  ambassadors  \vh<>  were  not  admitted  to  the  city,  and  vic- 
torion-  LViienils  \vlui  claimed  the  honor  of  a  tmim;>h.  It  \va-  here  > after  the  Roman-;  ex- 
tended their  dominions,  so  that  it  wa-  not  practicable  to  go  to  the  enemy's  frontier)  that 
thefedaUs  made  the  declaration  of  war.  for  the  area  of  the  temple  was  regarded  as  for- 
eign territory,  and  the  pillar  in  front  (co'umna  beltica)  of  the  temple  a-  the  frontier,  aud 
the  fftinl'm  hurled  the  spear  over  this  piilnr. 

'"Pint.  Still.  30.  «  The  battle  was  fought  Nov.  1.  B.  c.  82.        •  In  a  con  fir,. 

'  See  p.  233  •  Tabula  protcrip'tonix.  •  12,000  denarii  =  about  $2,300. 


B.  C.  82.]         SULLA  CRUSHES  THE  MARIAN    PARTY.  255 

work.  List  after  list  appeared,  and  as  many  as  forty-seven 
thousand  are  said  to  have  perished.  The  confiscated  property, 
which  Sulla  himself  sold  at  public  auction,  was  bid  in  by  his 
friends  and  dependents  at  a  nominal  price,  as  no  one  dared  to 
bid  against  them.1  Sometimes  the  purchase  money  was  not 
paid  at  all,  and  sometimes  Sulla  bestowed  estates  upon  his 
favorites  without  the  formality  of  a  public  sale.  The  wealth 
that  had  been  wrung  for  many  generations  from  the  toil  and 
blood  of  the  slaves,  from  the  plunder  of  the  provinces,  and 
from  the  ruined  cities  and  people  of  Italy,  became  the  spoil  of  the 
soldiers,  the  generals,  and  the  nobles,  so  that  it  was  a  common 
saying  :  "  His  fine  house  was  the  death  of  such  a  one,  his  gar- 
dens of  another,  his  hot-baths  of  a  third."  One  day  a  stranger 
came  into  the  forum,  and  reading  the  list  out  of  curiosity,  saw 
his  own  name  among  the  proscribed.  "  Ah  !  unfortunate  that 
I  am,"  cried  he,  "  my  Alban  villa  has  killed  me."  He  had  not 
gone  far  before  he  was  overtaken  and  killed.2  It  was  a  fearful 
time ;  bands  of  soldiers  traversed  Italy  to  hunt  down  the  pro- 
scribed.3 Men  of  wealth  were  sometimes  murdered  first  and 
then  proscribed.4  After  this,  Sulla  celebrated  his  triumph,  had 
the  senate  legalize  all  his  acts  while  consul  and  proconsul,  and 
ordered  the  erection  of  a  gilded  equestrian  statue  of  himself 
in  front  of  the  rostra,  with  the  inscription,  "  L.  Cornelia  Sulla 
imperatori  Felici" 


1  Oic.  Rose.  Am.  8,  31 ;  Pint.  Cic.  3.  Such  creatures  as  P.  Cornelius  Chrysogonns,  G. 
Verres,  and  P.  Cornelius  Sulla  seized  this  opportunity  to  enrich  themselves. 

a  Plut.  Sull.  30. 

1  The  victory  of  Sulla  was  the  triumph  of  Rome  over  Italy;  in  Rome  itself,  that  of 
the  nobles  over  the  rich,  particularly  over  the  knights  ;  as  for  the  common  people,  they 
existed  only  in  name;  2,600  knights  were  proscribed,  with  80  senators  belonging  to 
their  party.  The  terrib'.e  system  of  confiscation  was  applied  to  all  Italy.  In  every  place 
the  men  belonging  to  the  opposite  party  were  put  to  death,  banished,  or  plundered;  and 
not  only  themselves,  but  their  parents,  their  friends,  those  who  knew  them,  those  who 
had  spoken  to  them,  and  even  those  who  had  accidentally  traveled  with  them.  Whole 
cities  were  proscribed,  as  well  as  men,  and  were  plundered  and  depopulated  to  give  place 
to  the  legions.  Above  all,  the  unfortunate  Etruri.i,  the  only  country  which  had  still 
escaped  the  colonies  and  the  agrarian  law-,  the  only  country  in  which  the  laborers  were 
generally  free,  became  the  prey  of  the  soldiers.  Sulla  founded  a  new  town  in  the  valley 
of  the  Arno,  not  far  from  Fiesole,  and  called  it  Florentia. — Appian,  1.  c. ;  Michdet^  1.  c. 

1  Whoever  killed  one  of  the-e  outlaw-  \va-  not  only  exempt  from  punishment  like 
an  executioner  duly  fulfilling  hi-  office,  but  also  obtained  for  the  execution  a  compensa- 
tion of  12.000  denarii  t$£3  '(ti  :  any  one,  on  the  contrary,  who  befriended  an  outlaw,  even 
the  nearest  relative,  was  liable  to  the  severest  punishment.  The  property  of  the  pro- 
scribed was  forfeited  to  the  state  like  the  -polls  of  the  enemy  ;  their  children  and  grand- 
children were  excluded  rrom  a  political  career,  and  yet,  so  far  as  they  were  of  senatorial 
rank,  were  bound  to  undertake  senatorial  burdcn>. 


256  THE   SULLAN  CONSTITUTION.  [B.  C.  82-80. 


CHAPTER    XXXIX. 

THE  SULLAN  CONSTITUTION  (B.C.  82-80). 

1.  The  Rule  of  the  Senate  Restored.  —  Sulla  now  had 
time  to  turn  his  attention  to  the  reorganization  of  the  govern- 
ment, in  the  interest  of  the  nobility.     This  party,  since  the 
time  of  the  second  Punic  war,  blind  and  obstinate,  had  more 
and  more  proved  its  un  worthiness  to  govern  the  Roman  state. 
Sulla,  in  this  restoration  of  the  rule  of  the  senate,  restored  what 
was  already  dead,  and,  blind  to  the  influence  of  the  popular 
party,  attempted  to  push  the  great  revolution  back  to  the  point 
at  which,  in  his  opinion,  it  ought  to  have  stopped.    It  was 
therefore  only  a  temporary  arrangement,  because  the  nobility, 
thoroughly  corrupt  and  selfish,  exercised  the  privileges  entrusted 
to  them,  not  for  the  good  of  the   state,  but  for  their  own 
aggrandizement.     The  people  soon  regained  their  power,  and 
misgovernment  and  anarchy  prepared  the  way  for  the  rule  of 
one  man  who  restored  good  government  and  peace  to  the 
exhausted  Roman  world. 

2.  Sulla  Dictator  with  Full  Powers.  —  On  the  motion 
of  L.  Valerius  Flaccus,  the  chief  of  the  senate,  Sulla  was  ap- 
pointed dictator  with  full  l  powers  to  regulate  the  state  by  new 
laws,  to  confiscate  property,  to  pronounce  sentence  of  death,  to 
dissolve  or  to  establish  communities  in  Italy,  to  fix  its  bound- 
ary, to  found  colonies,  to  confer  the  inij>(>/-i/titi,im<l  to  dispose  of 
the  provinces.     Hitherto  no  one  had  held  the  office  of  dictator 
for  more  than  six  months  ;  Sulla  was  to  hold  it  as  long  as  he 
pleased. 


1  Dictator  leqlbux  srntxnrli*  ft  reipnMir.i  c<,n*tit»f)i>lfr.  \.  e.,  dictator  for  the 
of  laws  and  (he  regulating  qf  the  commonwealth.  Sulla  in  some  mea-u're  observed  the 
forms  of  the  constitution  in  licinsr  appointed  dictator.  A-  a  con-nl  only  could  nominate 
a  dictator  and  both  cnn-.nl-  wove  dead,  Sulla  retired  from  Rome  and  the  senate  elected  an 
'•.  who  appointed  Sulla  dictator.  The  dictator  wa-  formerly  aptwinted  for  a  par- 
ticular purpose  and  for  a  definite  time  :  Sulla'-  dictator-hip  wa<  Unlimited  in  both  the^e 
re-pert-.  Legally  the  iir-t  int.  ,-n.r  could  not  appoint  a  dictator,  and  constitutionally  the 
dictator  wa-  appointed  under  the  Ir.r  ,1,  <it,-t<:tllr.  creeauto;  but  Sulla  wa-  appointed 
nnder  the  lex  Valeria.  He  appeared  with  twice  as  many  lietors  (twenty-four)  as  the 
dictator  in  former  times.  Tin'  Valerian  law  was  carried  November,  B.  c.  82. 


B.  C.  82-80.]  THE   SULLAN   CONSTITUTION.  257 

3.  Changes  in  the  Constitution.1 — He  immediately  set 
about  carrying  a  series  of  laws  to  reconstruct  the  government 
in  the  interest  of  his  own  order : 

1.  The  tribunes  were  deprived  of  all  their  prerogatives 
except  that  of    intercession.      In  order  to  make  the  office 
dependent  on  the  senate,  it  was  enacted  that  only  senators 
could  become  tribunes,  and  whoever  had  been  elected  to  the 
tribunate  was  ineligible  to  any  curule  office. 

2.  In  regard  to  other  magistrates,  the  regulation  of  the  lex 
annalis  was  enforced,  that  no  one  should  be  praetor  before  he 
had  been  quaestor,  nor  consul  before  he  had  been  praetor.    Can- 
didates for  the  qusestorship  must  be  at  least  thirty  years  of  age; 
the  law  of  B.  c.  151,  which  forbade  re-election  to  the  consulship, 
was  repealed,  and  that  of  B.  c.  342  re-enacted,  by  which  ten 
years  must  elapse  before  the  same  office  could  be  held  a  second 
time. 

3.  The  number  of  praetors  was  increased  from  six  to  eight 
and  the  quaestors  from  twelve  to  twenty.    It  was  definitely 2  set- 
tled that  the  consuls  and  praetors  during  the  first  year  of  office 
should  devote  themselves  to  civil  dudes  in  the  city,  but  dur- 
ing the  second  year,  as  proconsuls  and  propraetors,  undertake 
the  government  of  one  of  the  provinces.3    There  were  at  this 
time  nine  provinces:  Sicilia,*  Sardinia,  Hi spania  citerior,  His- 
pania  ulterior,  Macedonia  (with  Achaja),  Africa,  Asia,  Gattia 
Narbonensis,   Cilicia,   and    Sulla  probably   organized    Gallia 
Cixalpiiia  as  the  tenth.4    Sulla  undertook  the  rebuilding  of  the 
Capitoline   temple,   which  had    been  burnt    during  Carbo's 
absence  from  Rome,  July  6,  B.  c.  83,  and  the  reconstruction  of 
the  senate  house.    It  was  at  this  time  that  the  pornerium,  the 


1  Lex  Cornelia  de  Iribiinicia  potentate.  The  risrht  to  impeach  before  the  people  was 
made  dependent  on  tlie  will  of  the  senate.  According  to  Mommsen  <].  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  382) 
the  tribunes  still  had  the  right,  on  the  previous  permission  of  the  senate,  to  carry  laws 
in  the  assembly  of  tribes  This  view  is  contradicted  in  the  most  positive  manner  by 
the  authorities  especially  by  O-ar  <b.  c.  i..  7>.  who  expre-^ly  says  that  all  the  prerog- 
atives of  the  tribune-;  except  that  of  intercession  were  taken  away. 

"  Seep.  183;  tliis.  as  many  other  pn>vi>ions  of  the  constitution,  had  long  been  the 
custom ;  now  it  became  a  le<jal  enactment. 

3  Every  magistrate  was  to  leave  his  province  within  thirty  days  after  the  arrival  of 
his  successor.  *  Seu  map,  p.  486-7. 

*  See  Mommsen.  1.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  387  and  note.  The  northern  boundary  of  Italy  was 
Changed  from  the  ^Esis  to  the  Rubicon,  and  about  B.  c.  42.  to  the  Alps 


258  THE    SI  I. LAN    (  ()N>TH  TTION.  [fl.  C.  82-80. 

dividing  line  between  the  chil  and  the  military  authority,  \vas 
extended  to  embrace  all  Italy,  which  was  henceforth  tc  be 
exempt  from  military  authority,1  the  aim  being  to  bring  about 
a  complete  separation  bet  ween  the  civil  authority  which  gov- 
erned in  districts  inhabited  by  Roman  citizens,  and  the  mili- 
tary authority  which  governed  in  other  districts. 

4.  The  senate,  which  had  been  greatly  reduced  during  the 
Civil  war,  was  filled  up  with  three  hundred  new  members,  elected 
by  the    comitia    tribnta,   from    the    equestrian    order.     The 
rension  of  the  roll  of  the  senate  by  the  censor  was  abolished, 
and  all  who  had  been  quaestors  were  eligible  to  a  seat  in  the 
senate.    The  office  of  jurymen  was  restored  to  the  senate,  and 
the  revival  of  the  old  regulation  by  which  the  senate  had  the 
initiative  in  legislation,  kept  the  public  assemblies  under  its 
control. 

5.  The  foundation  of  the  power  of  the  nobility  had  been  in 
the  priestly  colleges.     Sulla   repealed   the   Domitian   law  of 
B.  c.  104,  which  bestowed  upon  the  people  the  right  of  electing 
the  members  of  these  colleges,  and  restored  that  of  co-optatio 
or  self -election.      The   number  of   pontiffs  and  augurs  was 
increased  to  fifteen  respectively.2 

6.  The  judicial  system  was   reorganized,   and   permanent 
courts 3  were  established  for  the  trial  of  criminal  cases.     Al- 
ready as  early  as  B.  c.  149,  by  the  Calpurnian  law,  a  criminal 
court 4  had  been  organized  for  the  trial  of  provincial  governors 
in  cases  of  extortion.    Sulla  established  several  new  ones,  and 
henceforth  there  were  separate  courts  for  exactions,5  for  mur- 
der, for  high  treason,6  for  adultery,7  for  forging  of  wills,8  for 


1  Imperiiirn  tni': 

'Theter  Cornelia  de  j/rovripfionf  has  already  been  mentioned.  For  executing  the 
provision;-  of  the  law  more  than  10.0U)  -hive-  were  freed  and  enrolled  as  a  bodv-irnard. 
The  work  of  conti-eation  was  interrupted  Jan.  27,  B.C.  81.  by  the  celebration  of  Sulla's 
magnificent  triumph  over  Mifhridate-.  Hi-  soldiers  were  then  provided  for.  They  were 
(*ettled  in  all  part-  of  Italy,  whole  districts  were  depopulated  to  srive  place  for  them.  The 
towns.  -nch  a<  Nola  and  VoUterra,  that  refn-ed  to  receive  rlie  new  -Htlors  were  reduced 
and  compelled  to  Mibmit.  and  in  place  of  citizen-hip  received  the  ./'"*  /."//'/ 

/* //»/ii, r.  '  Quot&o rtrvm rfpgtundanm. 

•  Lt .,  !iitn. 

•  Le,r  Com* />n  >!•  ;/«</'. .-•/,//,  •>.  (..  treason  a<*ain-t  the  greatness  [majestas]  of  the  state) 
took  the  place  of  the  lex  Appulqa  of  B.  c.  100. 

/;     ,,.,,.. 

f<Usi*. 


B.  C.  82-80.  THE   SULLAX  CONSTITUTION.  250 

injuries1  to  persons,  and  for  the  disturbance  of  the  public 
peace. 

7.  One  of  the  eight  praetors  presided  in  each  of  these  courts, 
while  the  civil  jurisdiction  was  left  as  before  to  the  praetor 
peregrinus  and  the  prcetor  urbanus.  Sulla  first  established  the 
distinction  between  the  trial  of  civil  cases  before  a  single  judge, 
and  of  criminal  cases  before  a  bench  of  jurymen.  The  jurymen 
were  to  be  taken  exclusively  from  the  senators.  As  only  the 
people  could  pronounce  sentence  of  death  or  imprisonment, 
and  as  Sulla  had  transferred  the  trial  of  all  cases  of  treason 
from  the  popular  assembly  to  the  courts,  it  followed  that  such 
cases  could  no  longer  be  capitally  punished.  This  arrangement 
took  from  the  hands  of  the  popular  leaders  one  weapon  which 
they  had  for  many  years  wielded  effectively. 

The    Sumptuary   laws,2   probably   issued    this    year,  were 
intended  in  place  of  the  censors  to  restrain  luxury  by  limiting 
the  amount  that  could  be  expended  at  banquets.8    A  special, 
law  restrained  the  extravagance  at  funerals. 

These  laws  were  submitted  to  the  people  in  due  form  and 
carried.4 

4.  Effects  of  His  Legislation. — Sulla's  work  had  been 
thorough,  and  he  hoped  that  his  constitution  would  be  per- 
manent. It  was  a  great  mistake,  however,  to  suppose  that  the 
old  soldiers  whom  he  settled  on  the  confiscated  lands  of  the 
Italians  could  become  industrious  and  sober-minded  citizens. 
It  was  a  still  greater  one,  to  expect  that  the  political  ferment  of 


1  De  injuriis.    It  was  under  this  last  law  that  Cicero  in  B.  c.  80  defended  Sex.  Roscius. 
(See  p.  28!),) 

a  Lex  Cornelia  sumptuaria. 

3  These  law*  enacted  fhat  on  the  Kalendce,  None?.  Ides,  and  on  the  days  of  the  games 
(ludi)  and  of  certain  holidays  (Fence,*),  three  hundred  sesterces  could  be  expended  upon 
entertainments,  but  upon  other  days  only  thirty.    The  month  was  divided  by  the  Romans 
by  the  Id'*  into  two  portions :    the  Ides  in  March.  May.  July,  and  October  fell  on  the 
fifteenth,  and  in  the  other  months  on  the  thirteenth.    The  eighth  day  before  the  Ides 
was  termed  the  Nonce  (the  Romans  included  the  day  from  which  they  counted).    The 
first  of  each  month  was  called  Kalendce. 

4  It  is  impossible  to  fix  the  date  accurately  for  the  legislation  of  Sulla.    The  first  five 
laws  were  probably  issued  before  Jan.  27,  B.C.  81.  perhaps  in  November,  B.  c.  82  ;  the 
triumph  was  celebrated  Jan.  27,  B.  c.  81  ;   from  that  time  until  June  1,  B.  c.  81.  was  the 
time  of  the  proscription  and  the  settlement  of  the  soldiers  in  varion*  parts  of  Italy. 
The  other  laws  were  issued  before  the  end  of  B.C.  81.  and  the  constitution  went  into 
effect  at  the  beginning  of  B.  c.  80.    See  Appian,  b.  c.  i.  99  ft".;  I  ivy.  ep.  80  :  C'c.  Rose. 
Am.  8,  •£!,  45  ;   this  case  was  tried  in  the  summer  of  B.  c.  80  (Gell.  15,  £8),  a:.d  was  the 
first  that  came  before  the  new  jurymen.— Lange,  1.  c.  157. 


THE   SULLAN    CONSTITUTION.  [fi.  C.  82-80. 

the  capital,  for  the  moment  hushed,  would  remain  forever 
quiet  When  agitation  began  airaiu.  party  leaders  found  no- 
where stronger  adherents  than  in  these  military  colonies  of 
Sulla. 

5.  He  Resigns  the  Dictatorship  (B.C.  79).— For  the 
space  of  nearly  three  years,  Sulla,  as  dictator,  had  ruled  the 
Roman  world,  when,  to  the  astonishment  of  all,  he  resigned 
the  regency  and  declared  himself  ready  to  render  account  to 
any  one  for  his  conduct.  lie  retired  to  Puteoli  that  he  might 
give  himself  up  to  that  pleasure  and  rest  which  had  ever  been 
the  chief  aim  of  his  lite.  Still  he  could  not  wholly  withdraw 
his  attention  from  public  atTairs.  Only  ten  days  before  his 
death  he  reconciled  the  contending  parties  in  Puteoli,  and 
regulated  their  police  laws.  The  very  day  before  he  died  lie 
had  the  quaestor  Granius  strangled  by  his  bedside  because  lie 
attempted  to  withhold  the  money  due  the  state,  hoping  that 
Sulla's  death  would  relieve  him  altogether  of  regulating  his 
accounts.  After  a  brief  illness — he  tinished  the  twenty-second 
book  of  his  autobiography  two  days  before  his  death — he  died 
in  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age.  Many  of  his  enemies  combined 
to  prevent  his  having  the  usual  honors  of  burial,  but  his  name 
was  too  powerful,  and  the  senate  decreed  him  a  public  funeral, 
the  most  .magnificent  Rome  had  ever  seen.  His  soldiers  came 
from  all  parts  of  Italy  to  do  honor  to  the  old  hero  who  had  led 
them  so  often  to  victory.  The  magnificent  procession,  headed 
by  the  senate  and  the  magistrates,  the  priests  and  the  vestal 
virgins,  and  followed  by  the  army,  legion  by  legion,  reached  the 
Campus  Martins,  where  the  funeral  pile  was  erected.1  Here, 
according  to  the  wish  of  Sulla  himself,  the  body  was  bftrned 
and  the  ashes  were  deposited  beside  the  tomb  of  the  kings.  His 
monument  was  erected  in  the  Campus  Martins,  bearing  an 
inscription  composed  by  himself:  "  Xo  friend  ever  did  me  a 
kindness,  no  enemy  a  wrong,  without  receiving  full  requital."2 

1  Sulla,  although  crnel,  seems  to  have  been  a  grreat  favorite  with  the  Roman  ladies. 
At  hi*  fnneral  tliey  attended  in  srroat  number-.  bringing  such  a  quantity  of  aromatic*, 
that  beside*  tho^e  "which  were  contained  in  210  baskets,  there  \va-  enough  cinnamon  and 
other  precious  spire*  to  form  a  statue  of  Sulla  of  tUe  size  of  life,  aud  another  of  a  licior 
bearing  'he  f.-i-ce>  before  him. 

*  Plat.  Soil.  40. 


B.C.  70.]        SCANDALOUS   KULE   OF  THE   OLIGARCHY.  261 


XL. 

THE  SCANDALOUS  RULE  OF  THE  OLIGARCHY. 

1.  The   Opposition. — When  Sulla  delivered  the  Roman 
state  over  to  the  consuls,  it  was  under  the  absolute  sway  of  the 
oligarchy.     Still   there  were  many  discordant  elements — the 
jurists  who  resented  the  violation  of  constitutional  law,  the 
moderate  aristocracy  who  were  inclined  to  compromise,  the 
offended  capitalists,  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  proscribed, 
the  large  class  of  men  who  had  been  ruined  by  the  civil  war, 
and  finally  the  remnant  of  the  popular  party,  the  populares, 
who  only  waited  for  an  opportunity  and  a  leader  to  overthrow 
the  fabric  which  Sulla  had  reared.1 

2.  The  Condition  of  Italy  and  the  Provinces.  —  The 
condition  of  Italy  since  the  Social  and  the  Civil  wars  was  inde- 
scribably wretched.     The  soldiers,  too  indolent  to  cultivate  the 
land  Sulla  had  given  them,  had  squandered  their  fortunes  and 
either  returned  to  the  capital  or  re-entered  the  military  service. 
The  lands  were  once  more  swallowed  up  in  great  estates,  and 
devouring  slavery  made  the  free  population  disappear.     Half  of 
Italy  was  a  desert,  and  in  Samnium  there  was  scarcely  a  town 
that  was  not  in  ruins.     The  soldiers  had  expelled  the  former 
population,  which  wandered  in  beggary  ( r  labored  on  their  for' 
mer  farms  as  servants.    In  the  provinces,  all  the  old  abuses  had 
returned — violence,  outrage,  plunder,  robberies,  the  seizing  of 
free  men  as  slaves — and  were  practiced  to  such  a  degree  as 
no  mnn  could  have  conceived  of,  had  not  the  prosecution  of 

,Yrres  unveiled  the  merciless  rule  of  the  oligarchy  in  Sicily.8 

3.  The   Increase    of    Luxury. — The  great  aim  of  the 
Romans  was  the  acquisition  of  vast  wealth  ;  and  by  systematic 
plunder  and  rapine,  immense   riches  were  accumulated  and 
squandered  on  brutal  pleasures.     At  the  public  festivals,  animal 


•  Mommgen,  vol.  iv.,  p.  8.  '  See  p.  869. 


262  SCANDALOUS   RULE  OF  THE   OLIGARCHY.      [B.  C.  78. 

hunts  and  gladiatorial  combats  met  with  enthusiastic  favor. 
Immense  sums  were  squandered  on  funeral  games.1  At  this 
time  every  man  of  the  ruling  oligarchy,  the  principes,  or 
optimates,  or  boni  viri?  as  they  called  themselves,  thought  it 
necessary  to  have  a  beautiful  city  house,  adorned  with  fine  gar- 
dens, ornamented  within  with  statue.-?,  paintings,  and  a  library, 
and  a  number  of  villas  scattered  over  the  most  beautiful  part  of 
Italy.  It  was  particularly  at  Bajse  and  the  district  around  the 
bay  of  Naples,  the  Baden-Baden  of  the  ancients,  that  this 
fashionable  rural  life  found  its  centre.  To  give  some  idea  of 
the  extravagance  and  luxury  of  this  period  among  the  higher 
classes,3  it  is  only  necessary  to  mention  that  Lucullus  had 
mountains  and  rock  cut  through  for  the  purpose  of  conducting 
salt  water  to  the  tanks  at  his  villa  near  Naples  and  Bajas,  that 
he  might  be  provided  with  marine  fish  at  any  time  fresh  for  the 
table.  When,  therefore,  Cicero  and  Atticus  at  one  time  came 
to  supper  with  him,  they  found  a  meal  prepared  that  cost  one 
hundred  and  seventy  thousand  *f*fercex,*  although  Lucullus 
only  had  time  to  designate  the  room  in  which  the  meal  should 
be  served.5 

4.  The  Insurrection  of  Lepidus.  —  The  oligarchy, 
sunk  in  indolence  and  luxury,  was  p.nverless  to  maintain  its 
position.  Accordingly  Sulla  was  scarcely  dead  before  the  con- 


Lepidus  ordered  that  not  more  than  1,000,000  asses  (120,000)  should  be  ex- 
pended on  his  funeral. 

1  That  is>,  the  chief*  ;  the  be*t  t>if,n  ;  the  f/ood  men. 

*  The  house  of  Crassus,  with  its  flue  garden  and  trees,  was  valued  (B.  c.  ill)  at  6.000,000 
ftesterces  ($30.1,0)0).  an  ordinary  hou-e  wa*  worth  about  one-tenth  as  much.    The  Mi.-cn- 
ian  villa  of  Cornelia,  the  mother  of  the  Gracchi,  cost  75,000  sesterces  ($3,750),  but  L.  Lu- 
cullus at  this  time  paid  thirty-three  time~  a-  much  for  it.  *  $7,500. 

•  A  villa  with  its  land  was  Mild  for  4i),00.).ooO  -  -   «K),000),  ou  account  of  its 
fi-h-pomK   Tne  plunder  of  Verres  in  Sicily  is  estimated  at  40.(«0,000  sesterce*  ($2,000,000>. 

when  he  departed  for^pain  u-  prietor.  needed  25,000,000  ttgterce*  to  pay  his  debts  ; 
in  B.  c.  50  he  i  I'anllns  with  30,000.000  *estercex  ($1.500.000)  and  Curio  the 

tribune  with  >>  A  moderate  senatorial  fortune  wa-  8,000,000  Mfltfrw*,  an 

equesni.  .I'l-ty  of  P.  Crassus,  opnaa]  in  B.  r.  Til.  wa~  estimated  at 

100,000.0  H>  tetttrc  *  ($6,000,000),  and  that  of  V,  1  711.000  o  HI  sesterces  ($$,900,000), 

although  he  had  expended  enormou*  -urns  in  providing  free  corn  for  the  people.  We 
mii^t.  however,  remember  that  the~e  are  exceptional  ca<e*.  that  the  large  ma-~  of  the 
people  were  far  from  being  rich  ;  that  many  men,  as  Roth-child,  Stewart,  and  others  in 
modern  times,  have  left  at  their  deaths  many  times  as  much,  after  making  due  allowance 
for  the  ditlVrei-.re  of  value  in  gold.  The  excuses  of  the  banquets  consisted  also  largely 
in  the  decoration-,  presents  to  the  guest-;.  A;c. 

Men  like  Lucullus,  C;esir.  Pompeju-.  Cras-n*  and  others  were  compelled  to  expend 
enormous  sums  for  political  purpose-.  It  is  >aid  that  Scanrns  exhausted  his  fortune  in 
this  way.  Cra>^u~.  although  the  richest  man  in  the  time  of  the  republic,  was  not  so  rich 
as  many  freedmen  under  the  empire—  Pallas  Calistus  and  Narcissus,  fur  in-tance  .—  PAny, 
H.  N.  xsxiii.,  134. 


B.  C.   79.]      SCANDALOUS   RULE  OF  THE  OLIGARCHY.  263 

sul  Lepidus  attempted  to  rescind  his  laws;  but  the  other 
consul,  Catulus,  was  a  firm  friend  of  the  oligarchy,  and  urged 
decisive  measures.^  The  senate  adopted  a  temporizing  policy, 
and  in  order  to  quiet  the  agitation  in  the  capital,  bribed  the 
people  with  new  distributions  of  corn,  and  when  this  did  not 
satisfy,  it  thought  that  the  disturbance  would  cease  if  the  two 
consuls  left  Rome.  The  consuls  Avere  accordingly  sent  to 
their  provinces,1  bound  by  an  oath  not  to  turn  their  arms 
against  each  other.  Lepidus,  however,  interpreting  the  oath 
as  binding  only  for  his  year  of  office,  collected  an  army  in 
Etruria  and  marched  upon  Some.  The  senate  recalled  Catulus, 
placed  the  city  under  his  protection,  and  directed  Pompejus 
to  proceed  against  Lepidus'  legate,  Marcus  Brutus  in  Cis- 
alpine Gaul.  Brutus  was  overpowered  and  killed  at  Mutina,* 
and  Catulus  defeated  Lepidus  near  the  Campus  Martius.  In 
his  retreat  Lepidus  was  met  by  Pompejus  at  Cosa  in  Etruria, 
and  being  unable  to  maintain  his  position,  sailed  with  his  army 
to  Sardinia,  where  he  soon  after  died. 

5.  The  War  with  Sertorius  (B.  c.  79-72). — In  Spain 
the  Marian  party  was  more  successful  under  Sertorius,  who  had 
the  address  to  unite  his  cause  with  that  of  the  national  inde- 
pendence.    He  obtained  such  influence  over  the  natives  that 
he  found  no  difficulty  in  raising  a  powerful  army.     He  defeated 
several  Roman  armies,  and  even  Metellus  Pius  was  unable  to 
make  head  against  him.    In  B.  c.  78  he  was  reinforced  by  Per- 
perna  with  a  large  army.     This  made  his  power  so  formidable 
that  the  senate  feared  an  invasion  of  Italy. 

6.  The  Rise  of  Pompejus. — Pompejus  took  advantage 
of  the  situation  to  compel  the  senate  to  send  him  to  Spain, 
at  the  head  of  the  army  with  which  he  had  defeated  Lepi- 
dus, to  conduct  the  war  against  Sertorius.    Pompejus  was 
born  in  B.C.  106,  in  the  same  year  as  Cicero.    As  a  young 
man  he,  like  other  noble  Romans,  took  his  first  lessons  in 
war  in  the  tent  of  his  father,  Cn.  Pompejus  Strabo  in  the 

1  Mommsen  0-  c.  vol.  iv.,  p.  25,  note),  relying  on  a  fragment  of  Granius  Licinianaa, 
says  that  both  consuls  were  sent  to  Etruria.  "  This  contradicts  Appian  (1.  c.  vol.  i.,  107) 
and  Philippus  (Suil.  Hist,  i.,  48  ;  iv.,  5  D).— See  Peter,  1.  c.  vol.  ii.,  p.  140,  and  Lange,  1.  c. 
vol.  iii.,  p.  174.  *  See  map  No.  6. 


264  SCANDALOUS   RULE   OF  THE   OLK,. \nriM.       [B.  C.  73. 

Social  war.  When  Sulla  returned  from  Asia,  ho  nii.-t-d.  a-  \\v 
have  already  seen,  an  army  at  his  own  expense,  was  piv.-eut  at 
the  battle  of  the  Colline  gate,  and  afterwards  drove  the  rem- 
nants of  the  Marian  party  out  of  Sicily  and  Africa.  On  his 
return  the  dictator  greeted  him  with  the  surname  of  Magnus, 
and  carried  a  law l  allowing  him  to  triumph,  although  he  had 
been  neither  consul  nor  pragtor  (B.C.  80).  In  B. c»  79  Pompejus 
exerted  his  influence  to  secure  the  election  of  Lepidus  to  the 
consulship,  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  Sulla.  Sulla,  in  hi.s 
retirement,  contented  himself  with  this  warning:  "Young  man, 
it  is  time  for  you  not  to  slumber,  for  you  have  strengthened 
your  rival  against  yourself."2  In  the  war  that  followed,  Pom- 
pejus  did  not  deliberate  which  side  he  should  take,  but  declared 
immediately  against  Lepidus.  After  the  war  was  ended,  as  he 
was  anxious  for  the  command  against  Sertorius,  he  found 
various  excuses  for  disobeying  the  order  of  the  senate  to  dis- 
band his  army.  At  length  the  senate  was  compelled  to  yield, 
and  appointed  Pompejus  and  Metellus  Pius  to  the  command 
in  Spain. 

7.  The  End  of  the  War  in  Spain. — At  the  close  of  the 
year  B.  c.  77,  Pompejus  set  out  for  his  province,  marching  over 
the  Alps 3  and  Pyrenees.     At  first  he  was  defeated  at  Lauron  and 
was  afterward  near  being  annihilated  on  the  river  Sucro  (Xucar), 
when  Metellus,  after  winning  the  battle  of  Italica  (Seviffc), 
came  to  his  assistance.     The  war  continued  without  any  decided 
success  on  either  side  until  B.C.  72,  when  Sertorius  was  assas- 
sinated by  Paperna,  who  hoped  to  succeed  him  in  command. 
In  the  first  collision  with  Pompejus,  his  incompetency  to  suc- 
ceed a  soldier  and  general  like  Sertorius  was  evident.     His 
army  was  scattered  to  the  winds  and  Paperna  himself  was  taken 
prisoner. 

8.  The  War  with  the  Gladiators  (B.  c.  73-71).— While 
the  war  was  going  on  in  Spain,  the  enemies  of  Rome  rose 
everywhere.    The  proletarians  could  hardly  be  kept  from  insur- 
rection, brigands  haunted  every  corner  of  Italy,  and  pirates 

1  Lex  Cornelia  de  reditu  Cn.  Pompfji.  '  Plat.  Pomp.;  15. 

1  Over  Mt.  Genevre;  see  maps,  p.  I3tj ;  p.  175. 


B.  C.  72.  J  SCANDALOUS    RULE   OF  THE   OLIGARCHY.  265 

swarmed  on  all  the  seas.  The  war  in  Macedonia  against  the 
mountain  tribes  in  the  north  was  far  from  being  ended  either 
by  C.  Claudius  or  Scribonius  Curio.  The  pirates  became  so 
troublesome  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  send  P.  Servilius 
Vatia  to  carry  on  the  war  against  the  Isaurians,  In  the  East 
Lucullus  had  been  sent  to  conduct  the  war  against  Mithridates, 
who  had  long  and  eagerly  been  watching  the  course  of  the  revo- 
lution, had  promised  Sertorius  ships  and  money  to  wrage  war 
against  Eome  if  in  case  of  victory  Asia  should  be  restored  to 
him,  and  now,  that  the  favorable  moment  had  come,  had  invaded 
the  Roman  province.  The  contest  of  parties  in  the  capital, 
however,  was  hushed  for  a  time  by  the  bursting  out  of  the  war 
with  the  gladiators.  There  was  no  army  at  hand.  The  war  in 
Spain  was  not  yet  ended,  and  Lucullus  had  already  departed  to 
conduct  the  war  against  Mithridates  (B.C.  74).  The  gladia- 
torial shows  had  for  a  long  time  held  the  first  place  at  the  pub- 
lic games.  Daring  late  years,  whole  bands  had  been  bought 
by  speculators  from  the  vast  supply  of  prisoners,  and  trained  by 
proper  persons 1  in  the  gladiatorial  schools 2  for  the  arena.  Rich 
men  kept  some  of  these  to  fight  on  public  occasions  to  please 
the  people,  hired  some  on  speculation  to  the  aediles  to  fight  at 
the  public  games,  and  sometimes  to  the  party  leaders,  who 
let  them  loose  like  furious  bloodhounds  against  the  opposing 
faction. 

9.  Victories  of  Spartacus.—  In  one  of  these  schools 
at  Capua*  there  was  a  number  of  gladiators,  most  of  whom 
were  Celts  und  Thraciaus  who,  under  Spartacus  as  a  leader, 
escaped  from  the  town  and  fled  to  the  crater  of  Mount  Vesu- 
vius. The  slaves  flocked  to  him  from  the  slave-pens3  in 
Campania,  and  he  was  soon  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  one 
hundred  thousand  men.  A  successful  battle  furnished  the 
insurgents  arms.  The  consuls  of  B.  c.  72  were  defeated,  and 
the  power  of  Spartacus  grew  daily  more  formidable.  He,  how- 
ever, never  overrated  his  own  power  nor  hoped  to  conquer  the 
Romans.  He  wished  to  cross  the  Alps  and  dismiss  his  troops, 
and  let  them  return  to  their  Celtic  or  Thracian  homes.  He 


Lanist(K.  *  Ludi.  '  Ki-inttula.  *  See  map,  pp.  346-7. 


x!GG  S<  AM'ALOIS    RULE    OF  THE    OLIGAKCin.         |  li.  «  .   <1. 

would  have  attained  his  object  after  defeating  both  consuls 
again,  had  not  his  followers,  elated  by  success,  refused  to 
listen  to  his  proposal.  They  preferred  to  tra\er>e  and  plunder 
Italy. 

10.  Crassus  Defeats  the  Gladiators. — In  B.  c.  71  the 
praetor  Crassus  took  the  command.  After  restoring  discipline 
in  the  army  by  decimating  the  soldiers,  he  ported  himself  in 
Picenum,  and  drove  the  insurgents  to  the  southern  part  of  Italy. 
Here  Spartacus  happened  to  iind  a  number  of  vessels  belonging 
to  the  Cilician  pirates.  With  these  he  resolved  to  escape  to 
Sicily  and  rekindle  the  servile  war  then-.  Accordingly  he  entered 
into  an  agreement  with  the  pirates,  but  they  had  no  sooner 
taken  his  money  than  they  broke  their  engagements  and  sailed 
away.  All  hope  of  escape  in  this  quarter  was  taken  away,  and 
Spartacus  intrenched  himself  at  Rhegium.  When  ( 'ra.-sus  came 
up,  and  attempted  to  hem  him  in  by  building  an  intrenched  wall 
across  the  isthmus,  Spartacus,  in  a  dark,  stormy  night  in  win- 
ter, broke  through  the  line  and  encamped  in  Lucauia.  Crassus 
overtook  him  on  the  Silarus,  and  after  a  desperate  battle  in 
which  Spartacus  fought  with  the,  courage  of  a  lion,  and  twelve 
thousand  of  his  followers  fell  all  with  their  wounds  in  front, 
gained  the  victory.1  Before  the  battle,  when  they  brought 
Spartacus  his  horse,  he  drew  his  sword  and  killed  him.  saying: 
"  If  I  am  victorious,  I  shall  have  horses  enough  ;  if  I  am 
defeated,  I  shall  have  no  need  of  this."  A  body  of  five  thousand 
of  the  insurgents  escaped  from  the  battle  and  were  cut  to  pieces 
in  Cisalpine  Gaul  by  Pompejus  as  he  was  returning  from  Spain. 
On  account  of  this  Pompejus  took  to  himself  the  credit  of 
finishing  the  war,  and  wrote  to  the  senate,  "that  Crassus  had 
defeated  the  enemy  in  battle,  but  that  he  had  cut  up  the  war 
by  its  roots.2 


1  After  the  dearly-boucrht  victory  CB.  c.  71V  the  troops  who  had  achieved  it.  and  those 
of  Pompejus  that  hart  mean  while. 'after  conquering  the  Sertorians.  arrived  from  Spain, 
instituted  throughout  Apulia  and   Lucauia  a  man-limit.  Mich  n<  there  had   never  been 
before,  to  crush  out   the  la-t   spark*  of  the  miirhty  conflagration.    AlonLC  the  road 
from  Capua  to  Some,  the  six  tho'i-and  en>—e-  bearing  captured  slaves,  testified  to  the 
ro-estahlishment  of  order,  and  to  the  renewed  victory  of  acknowledged  right  over  its 
livins.'  property  that  had  rebelled.—  Jlommsen,  vol  iv.,  p.  88  f. 

2  Pint.  Crass.,  8-13. 


B.  0.  70.]      THE   CONSULSHIP  OF   POHPEJUS  AKD   CRASSUS.      26? 


CHAPTER,    XLI. 

THE  CONSULSHIP  OF  POMPEJUS  AND  CKASSUS   (B.  C.  70). 

1.  Pompejus  and  the  Popular  Party.  —  Pompejus 
and  Orassus  now  approached  the  city  at  the  head  of  their 
armies,  and  claimed  the  consulship  as  the  reward  of  their  ser- 
vices. Neither  of  them  was  legally  eligible,  as  Pompejus  was 


POMPEJUS  MAGNUS. 


only  thirty-five  years  old  and  had  never  been  quaestor,  while 
Crassns  was  still  praetor,  and  two  years  ought  to  elapse  before 
be  could  be  consul.  In  order  to  attain  their  end,  they  entered 
into  a  coalition  with  the  popular  party  and  promised  them  the 
restoration  of  the  tribunitian  power.  Crassus,  on  account  of 
his  wealth,  had  great  influence  among  the  capitalists,  and  both 
he  and  Pompejus,  supported  by  the  popular  party,  were  elected 


268         Till     •  uN-t'LSHIP   OP   POMPEJUS   AND   CRASS  US.    [B.C.  t<>. 

consuls  for  the  year  B.  c.  70,  and  after  receiving  permission 
from  the  people,1  entered  the  city  on  the  last  day  of  December 
B.C.  71,  Pompejus  in  triumph,  while  Crassus  was  entitled  only 
to  a  lesser  triumph,  an  ovation. 

2.  Fall  of  the   Oligarchy.— Pompejus,   as  soon  as  he 
entered  upon  his  consulship,  carried  his  promised  law  restoring 
the  power  of  the  tribunes.2     This  struck  away  one  of  the  chief 
foundations  of  the  Sullan  constitution.     The  other,  the  <  !<•(•- 
tion  of  jurymen,  Pompejus  did  not  venture  himself  to  attack, 
but  hoped  by  a  purification  of  the  senate  to  relieve  the  courts 
of  the  distrust  which  the  corruption  of  the  jurymen  had  created. 
But  before  the  censors  who  were  elected  for  this  purpose  could 
enter  upon  their  duty,  the  wanton  outrages  and  cruelty  of 
Verres,  the  governor  of  Sicily,  who  openly  boasted  that  should 
he  devote   two-thirds  of  his   plunder   to   bribe   his  powerful 
friends  at  Rome  and  the  judge-,  he  would  still  have  enough 
left  for  his  own  desires,3  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  people 
against  the  courts.     In  order  to  understand  how  a  provincial 
governor  could  so  abuse  his  power,  it  is  nee<  •>.-,•!  ry  to  review 
briefly  the  manner  in  which  the  Romans  managed  the  provinces. 

3.  The    Administration   in   the   Provinces. —  In  the 
provinces  the  Roman  government  had  taken  the  place  of  the 
former  rulers,   and  for  many  centuries  it    was   so    mild  and 
equable,  and  the  Roman  governors  performed  their  duties  with 
so  much  honesty  and  frugality,  that  the  change  was  felt  to  be 
a  real  gain.     The  Romans  imposed  taxes  not  to  enrich  them- 
selves,  but  simply  to   cover   the  cost  of  administration  and 
defence.     The  governor  himself  served  without  pay,  and  the 
state  defrayed   from  the   taxes  collected   the  cost  of  main- 
taining the  army,4  and  provided  the  governor  with  the  means 
nf    transport   and  all  ot her  requisites.     The  provincials  had  to 
furnish,  free  of  cost,  a  house  for  the  governor,  shelter  for  the 
army,    wood.  hay.  and  similar  articles.      If  at  any  time  the 
governor  needed  for  the  defence  of  the  province,  grain,  ships, 

1  That  i*.  they  were  exempted  from  the  lex  annatts  and  from  the  lex  Cornelia  tie  magis- 

trati'oi*  :  see.  pp.  1H'>.  11.  4  ;  -i',:.  §  2. 

'*  Lfi'  Pomp  /  3  Cie.  in  Vcrr.  nccu-*.,  i.,  14. 

'  The  provinci  ils  in  the  Roman  annio-  wen1  paid  and  equipped  by  their  own  state. 


B.  C.  70.  J  CICERO'S   PROSECUTION    OF   VERRES.  269 

slaves  to  man  the  ships,  or  aught  else,  he  had  the  right  to 
demand  them  from  his  province  at  a  fair  price. 

4.  The  Abuses  in  the  Provinces. — At  first  this  was 
managed  with  great  justice,  and  the  governor  even  restrained 
the  cupidity  of  the  Roman  contractors  who  farmed  the  taxes. 
But  gradually  the  Roman  rule  relaxed,  and  it  had  already 
become  a  rare  thing  for  a  Roman  governor  to  return  home  from 
his  province  with  clean  hands.     Soon  it  became  the  custom  for 
the  governor  to  determine  the  value  of  the  supplies  in  a  man- 
ner to  suit  his  own  interest,  and  to  impose  exactions  whenever 
he  pleased.     Sulla  compelled  the  provincials  in  Asia  Minor  to 
furnish  every  common  soldier  quartered  among  them  fortyfold 
pay.1    Soon  the  governors  were  not  satisfied  with  these  exactions, 
but  seized  with  cruel  rapacity  objects  of  art,  as  statues,  pictures, 
marble  columns,  gold  and  silver  gems,  and  whatever  else  pleased 
their  fancy,  from  the  houses  and  temples,  and  carried  them  off 
to  Rome.     In  time  this  became  so  scandalous  that  courts  were 
organized  to  punish  the  plundering  official  on  his  return  to 
Rome.     But  unless  the  misgovernment  had  been  glaring  and 
infamous  there  was  but  little  prospect  of  conviction,  for  the 
case  came  before  judges  and  jurymen  often  involved  in  similar 
guilt  and  belonging  to  the  same  order  as  the  accused. 

5.  The  ^Scandalous   Abuses  of  Verres. — In   Cicero'p 
orations2  against  Verres,  the  shameless  rule  of  a  provincial 
governor  is  pictured  in  graphic  colors.     For  three  years  Verres 
had  been  governor  of  Sicily,  and  his  career  there  furnished  the 
most  astounding  proofs  of  the  corruption  of  the  governing 
class.     His  sole  aim  was  to  make  money,  and  he  was  determined 
to  rob  enough  to  secure  his  acquittal.    In  fact,  he  boasted  before 
leaving  the  province  that  he  had  not  robbed  for  himself  alone ; 
that  he  should  be  very  well  contented  to  retain  one  year's  gain 
for  himself;3  that  he  had  intended  another  for  his  advocates 
and  defenders,  and  reserved  the  third,  which  was  the  richest, 
for  his  judges.4    During  these  three  years  he  disregarded  the 

1  Per  day  10  denarii  =  about  35  cents.  *  See  Hist,  of  Lit.,  p.  — . 

*  Cic.  in  VeiT.  accns..  i.,  14. 

•  All  the  cities  in  Sicily  except  Syracuse,  the  place  of  his  residence,  and  Messana,  the 
repository  of  his  plunder,  concurred  in  the  impeachment. 


'.Co  CICERO'S    PROSECL'TION    <U     VKKRF.S.  [B.  C.  70. 

laws,  sold  his  decisions,  sold  every  office  at  his  disposal  to  the 
highest  bidder,  exacted  enormous  contributions,  and  set  at 
naught  the  religion,  fortunes  and  lives  of  the  subjects.. 

6.  His  Exactions. — His  exactions1  of  grain  were  most 
ruinous.  He  issued  an  edict  that  the  farmers  should  pay 
whatever  the  collector  demanded  ;  but  if  he  exacted 
more  than  his  due,  that  he  should  be  liable  to  a  fine 
of  eight  times  its  value.  Under  this  edict  Verres's  minions 
seized  the  whole  crop  of  every  town  and  compelled  the  owners 
to  give  whatever  share  of  it  they  thought  fit.  or  a  composition 
in  money,  on  pain  of  being  plundered  of  all  tlu-ir  g-tnds.  When 
this  grain  was  collected,  Verres  sold  it  and  put  the  whole  money 
into  his  own  pocket,  and  bragged  that  he  had  got  enough  from 
this  single  article  to  screen  him  from  justice.  The  result  was 
that  the  poor  husbandmen  deserted  their  farms  and  refused  to 
till  the  soil  when  Verres  alone  reaped  the  harvest.2  Verres  had 
a  taste  for  pictures,  fine  tapestry  and  statuary,  and  kept  with 
him  all  the  time  a  painter  and  a  sculptor  on  whose  judgments 
he  relied  in  his  choice  of  pictures  and  statues.  Wherever  he 
travelled  through  the  island  he  plundered  the  temples,  carried 
away  the  statues  of  the  gods — the  Juno  of  Samos,  the  Ceres  of 
Enna,  the  Hercules  of  Agrigeutum — and  whatever  else  pleased 
his  fancy.  He  employed  his  emissaries  to  hunt  out  everything 
that  was  curious  or  valuable  in  the  island — pictures,  tapestry, 
vases,  trinkets,  antiques,  gems,  ornaments  in  gold  or  silver — 
all  these  he  seized  and  sent  away  to  Italy  to  adorn  his  villa. 
Antiochus,3  the  king  of  Syria,  while  on  his  way  through 
Sicily,  was  robbed  of  a  magnificent  candelabrum  intended  as 
an  offering  to  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  of  goblets  of  gold,  stud- 
ded with  precious  jewels,  and  of  a  sacrificial  ladle  hollowed 
out  from  one  single  precious  stone.  When  any  vessel  richly 
laden  happened  to  arrive  in  the  ports  of  Sicily,  it  was  seized 
and  the  goods  were  confiscated.  He  crowned  his  iniquities 
by  imprisoning  Roman  citizens,  and  finally,  by  crucifying  a 

1  Cicero  estimated  the  damages  of  the  Sicilians  at  $2,000,000.—  Cicero  Ccec..  i.,  18. 

2  Of  the  778  farms  445  were  deserted.  '  Cic.  in  Verr.  accus.,  iv.,  28. 


B.  C.  70.]  THE  AURELIAN   LAW.  271 

Roman  trader1  in  sight  of  the  shores  of  Italy,  in  sight  of  its 
laws  and  liberty,  that  he  might  address  to  them  the  ineffectual 
cry:  "I  am  a  Roman  citizen." 

7.  Verres  Brought  to  Trial. — To  the  rapacity  of  this 
provincial  tyrant  must  be  added  the  financial  oppression  exer- 
cised by  the  Italian  merchants  and  brokers.     As  the  farmers 
of  the  revenue  showed  no  mercy  in  levying  taxes,  whole  cities 
were   sometimes   compelled  to  pledge   their  revenues  to  the 
Roman  money-lenders,  who  often  collected  their  dues  by  the 
severest  processes.2    Cicero  painted  in  glowing  colors  the  mis- 
management and  robberies  of  the  provincial  governors.     "  There 
is  no  place,"  said  he,  "  this  side  of  the  ocean  so  remote  or  retired 
where  the  caprice  and  oppression  of  the  Romans  have  not 
entered."    The  mass  of  testimony  was  so  overwhelming  against 
Verres,  that  lie  went  into  voluntary  exile  before  the  trial  was 
ended.     Similar  prosecutions  were  brought  against  other  mem- 
bers of  the  aristocracy  by  popular  leaders  and  orators  who 
desired  to  imitate  Cicero  in  winning  the  favor  of  the  people, 
but  they  generally  produced  no  result.     The  discontent  of  the 
people  increased,  and  they  openly  demanded  the  restoration  of 
the  tribunitian  power,  and,' on  account  of  the  scandalous  be- 
havior of  the  judges,  the  transferrence  of  the  judicature  to  the 
equestrian  order. 

8.  The  Aurelian  Law. — In  answer  to  the  demand  of  the 
people  the  praetor,  L.  Aurelius  Cotta,  carried  a  law3  enacting 
that  the  jurymen  should  be  selected  equally  from  the  senators, 
knights,  and  tribuni  cerariit     When  these  measures  were  car- 
ried Pompejus  and  Crassus  in  no  way  intermitted  their  efforts 
to  win  the  popular  favor.     It  had  long  been  the  custom  for  the 
censors,  after  discharging  their  duty,5  to  hold  a  lustrum,  where 
it  was  usual  for  the  Roman  knight  to  appear  before  the  censors 
leading  his  horse,  and,  after  giving  an  account  of  the  generals 
under  whom  he  had  served  his  campaigns,  and  of  his  own 
exploits,  to  deliver  up  his  horse.     When  Pompejus  appeared 

1  Cic.  in  Verr.  accus..  v.,  66.  *  See  p.  223.  '  Lex  Aurella  judicarla. 

'  Thu  wealthiest  class  of  citizen;!  below  the  equestrian  rank  :  see  also  p.  58,  n.  1. 
•  They  purified  the  senate  by  expelling  sixty-four  member-. 


272  POMPEJUS   CLEARS   THE   SEA    OF    PIRATES.       [B.C.  70. 

leading  his  horse,  decorated  with  the  insignia  of  his  office,  and 
ordered  his  lictors  to  make  room  for  him  to  advance  to  the 
tribunal,  the  people  were  struck  with  admiration.  "Have 
you  "—so  the  censor  addressed  him,  amid  the  profound  silence — 
"  have  you,  Pompejus  the  Great,  served  all  the  campaigns  re- 
quired bylaw?"  "Yes,"  said  he,  "I  have  served  them  all, 
and  all  under  myself  as  general."  This  answer  charmed  the 
people,  and  there  was  no  end  of  their  acclamation.1 

9.  The  Popularity  of  Pompejus  and  Crassus. — Pom- 
pejus retired  from  the  consulship  in  great  favor  with  the  peo- 
ple, and  without  completely  breaking  with  the  aristocracy. 
He  declined  to  accept  a  consular  province,  and  declared  that 
he' wished  to  live  only  as  a  quiet  citizen.  The  extraordinary 
liberality  of  Crassus — he  dedicated  a  tenth  of  his  colossal  for- 
tune to  Hercules,  and  spread  a  feast  for  the  people  on  ten 
thousand  tables  and  distributed  corn  enough  to  supply  their 
families  for  three  months — had  won  for  him  also  the  good  will 
of  the  people,  and  his  influence  with  the  senate  was  unshaken. 


CHAPTER    XLII. 
POMPEJUS  CLEARS  THE  SEA  OF  PIRATKS. 

1.  The  Wretched  State  of  Roman  Affairs. — The  Ro- 
mans had  let  the  navy  which  they  had  created  during  the  wars 
with  Carthage  go  to  decay,  and  had  not  even  retained  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  vessels  to  protect  their  commerce  on  the 
Mediterranean.  The  measures  taken  against  the  pirates  by  M. 
Antonius,  the  celebrated  orator,  in  B.  c.  103,  and  in  B.C.  78  by 
P.  Servilius  Vatia,2  in  a  three  years'  war  in  Isauria.  had  pro- 
duced no  permanent  effect.  During  the  Social,  Mithridatic, 
and  Civil  wars  the  corsairs  had  become  masters  of  the  whole 


Plut.  Pomp..  23.         *  On  bis  return  he  triumphed  as  P.  Servilius  Vatia  Isauricus. 


B.C.  07.]        POMPEJUS    CLEARS  THE    SEA   OF   PIRATES.  273 

Mediterranean,  from  the  coast  of  Syria  to  the  pillars  of  Her- 
cules.1 

2.  The  Empire  of  the  Pirates. — Even  the  coast  of  Italy 
was  not  safe  from  the  incursions  of  the  pirates  ;  they  infested 
the  great  roads,  plundered  the  villas  on  the  coast,  and  even 
seized  on  the  Appian  Way  and  carried  off  two  praetors  with 
their  lictors.     Distinguished  men,  as  Caesar  and  Claudius,  were 
captured  and  compelled  to  pay  large  ransoms.     They  possessed 
a  regularly  organized  government,  and  are  said  to  have  had 
more  than   one  thousand   ships  and  four  hundred  fortified 
places  in  their  possession.     They  were  refugees  from  many 
nations,  and  the  seat  of  their  power  was  in  Cilicia.     It  was  a 
vengeance  and  a  reaction  of  the  East,  which  had  been  devas- 
tated by  the  soldiers  of  Italy,  by  her  usurers  and  publicans,  and 
by  her  slave-merchants.     But  the  most  contemptuous  circum- 
stance of  all  was,  that  when  the  pirates  had  taken  a  prisoner, 
and  he  had  cried  that  he  was  a  Koman  citizen  and  told  his 
name,  they  pretended  to  be  struck  with  terror,  and  fell  upon 
their  knees  to  ask  his  pardon.     The  poor  man  thought  that  they 
were  in  earnest,  and  said  that  he  would  forgive  them.   Some  put 
on  his  shoes  and  others  helped  him  on  with  his  toga,  that  his 
rank  might  no  longer  be  mistaken.     When  they  had  carried  on 
this  farce  and  enjoyed  it  for  some  time,  they  let  a  ladder  down 
into  the  sea  and  bade  him  go  in  peace  ;   if  he  refused  they 
pushed  him  from  the  deck  and  drowned  him.2 

3.  The  Gabinian  Law. — The  Romans  found  that  their 
trade  and  navigation  were  cut  off,  and  famine  began  to  threaten 
the  city.    Just  at  this  time  news  of  the  disasters  which  had 
overtaken  Lucullus  in  the  East3  reached  Rome.     The  price  of 
corn  rose  enormously,  and  once  more  the  course  of  events 
brought  the  power  into  the  hands  of  Pompejus.     For  more 
than  two  years  he  had  lived  as  a  private  citizen.     He  seldom 

1  All  the  enemies  of  the  empire— Sertorins,  Mithridatep.  and  Spartacus,  the  proscribed 
Romans,  the  dispossessed  Italian-,  insurgent  provincials,  men  reduced  to  slavery — could 
all  communicate  by  medium  of  the  fugitive*,  who  were  spread  on  all  the  seas,  and  who 
infested  them  witli  their  piracies.    Liberty  had  erected  against  the  tyranny  of  the  Roman 
empire  another  empire  on  the  water— a  wandering  Carthage,  which  uo  one  knew  whera 
to  seize,  and  which  floated  from  Spain  to  Asia.— JrictaM,  p.  303. 

2  Pint.  Pomp.,  24  ••  S-'f  p.  279. 


274  POMPEJUS   CLEARS  THE   SEA    OF    PIRATES.       [B.  r.  f,7. 

appeared  in  public,  and  when  he  did  a  great  train  of  friends 
and  attendants  accompanied  him.  The  tribune  Gabinius  car- 
ried  a  law  for  the  recall  of  Lucullus,  and  proposed  l  that  a  gen- 
eral should  be  named  by  the  senate  from  the  consular*,  ami 
invested  with  proconsular  power  to  have  command  for  three 
years  over  the  whole  Mediterranean  Sea  and  the  adjacent  coasts 
for  fifty  Roman  miles  inland.  He  was  to  have  a  staff  of 
twenty-four  legates,2  five  hundred  ships,  a  military  chest  of  six 
thousand  talents,3  and  as  many  soldiers  as  he  might  require.4 
Pompejus'  name  was  not  mentioned  in  the  bill,  but  in  the 
scarcity  of  great  men  all  eyes  were  turned  to  him.  When  the 
tribune  in  due  form  brought  the  proposal  before  the  senate  for 
discussion,  the  indignation  was  so  great  that  he  was  near  being 
killed  in  the  senate-chamber.  When  it  came  before  the  people 
it  was  received  with  great  delight. 

4.  The  Law  Carried  (B.C.  67).— *Gajus  Julius  Caesar,  who 
was  now  the  leader  of  the  democratic  party  and  had  just  re- 
turned from  Spain  as  quaestor,  warmly  supported  the  measure. 
It  was  exactly  in  accordance  with  his  ambitious  plans  to  alien- 
ate Pompejus,  whose  relative  he  had  married,  from  the  senato- 
rial party  and  to  weaken  the  republican  organization.  Catulus, 
and  Hortensius  the  celebrated  orator,  spoke  against  the  bill 
with  great  power  and  effect.  When  Catulus  rose  to  speak  the 
murmurs  of  the  multitude,  in  reverence  for  the  man,  ceased. 
After  bestowing  due  praise  upon  Pompejus,  he  advised  the 
people  not  to  expose  him  to  so  many  dangers  ;  "  for  where  will 
you  find  another,"  said  he,  "if  you  lose  him?"  They  an- 
swered with  one  voice,  "Yourself."  When  one  of  the  consuls, 
Calpurnius  Piso,  attacked  Pompejus  and  charged  him  with 
aiming  at  royal  power,  "  If  you  emulate  Romulus  you  will 
not  escape  the  end  of  Romulus,"3  he  was  in  danger  of  being 
torn  to  pieces  by  the  populace.  The  law  was  passed,  and  on  the 
same  day  the  price  of  corn  fell  so  much  that  the  people  said, 
"The  very  name  of  Pompejus  lias  terminated  the  war."6 

Lex  Gabinia  rle  >ino  imperatore  contra  pradone.g  con#titvendo.—  Cic.  Man,  xvii.,  52. 

A"  amended  in  the  senate  after  its  adoption  by  the  people.  *  $7,000,000. 

He  rai-orl  i-jo.nfl-i  infantry  and  7000  cavalry. 

Accorrlin<r  to  a  It-tjend  Romulus  \va-  torn  to  pu.-c?.*  by  the  senators. 

Pint.  Pomp,  i" 


B.  C.  CG.]  POMPEJUS  CONQUERS  THE  EAST.  275 


5.  War  with  the  Pirates  (B.  c.  G(i). — In  the  execution  of 
hi.s  task  Pompejus  more  than  fulfilled  the  popular  expectation. 
jle  divided  the  whole  Mediterranean  Sea  into  thirteen  parts, 
each  under  a  legate  who  had  charge  of  hunting  the  pirates  out 
of  their  chief  haunts,  while  he  swept  the  western  part  of  the 
Mediterranean  with  the  main  fleet.  )Iu  forty  days  he  cleared  the 
sea  west  of  Italy,  opened  communication  with  Sicily,  Africa,  and 
Sardinia,  and  re-established  the  supply  of  corn.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded with  sixty  of  his  vessels  from  Brundisium  to  the  original 
seat  of  piracy,  the  Cilician  waters.  He  destroyed  the  fleet 
of  the  pirates  in  a  great  battle,1  hunted  them  in  creeks, 
captured  their  castles,  and  took  more  than  twenty  thousand  of 
them  prisoners,  many  of  whom,  he  settled  in  the  depopulated 
cities  of  Cilicia,  on  the  deserted  lauds  in  Achaja,  and  especially 
at  Soli,3  which  henceforth  was  called  Pompejopolis.  This  part 
of  the  campaign  Avas  finished  in  forty-nine  days,  but  Pompejus 
remained  during  the  rest  of  the  year  in  the  East,  settling  the 
affairs  of  Cilicia  and  Pamphylia.3  So  rapid  had  been  the  sub- 
jugation of  the  pirates,  that  Cicero  summed  up  the  campaign 
by  saying  "that  Pompejus  had  made  his  preparations  for  the 
war  at  the  end  of  winter,  began  it  at  the  commencement  of 
spring,  and  finished  it  in  the  middle  of  summer." 4 


XLIII. 
POMPEJUS  CONQUERS  THE  EAST  (B.  C.  74-61). 

1.  Roman  Power  in  the  East. — The  war  with  Mithri- 
dates  had  been  renewed  by  Murena,5  whom  Sulla  had  left  as 
propraetor  in  Asia  witli  the  two  legions  of  Fimbria.  On  the 

1  Off  Coracesium.  »  Our  word  solecism  comes  from  Soli. 

5  Crete,  which  next  to  Cilicia  wa<  the  greatest  resort  of  the  pirates,  had  been  assigned 
to  Metellus  us  his  province.  Metellus  had  nearly  subdued  the  island,  when  the  Cretans, 
preferring  to  surrender  to  Pompejus.  addressed  themselves  to  him  as  suppliants,  and 
invited  him,  since  Crete  lay  within  the  limits  of  his  command,  to  take  possession  of  the 
island.  Pompejus -ent  letters  ordering  Metellus  to  desist  from  the  siege,  and  when  he 
failed  to  obey,  even  sent  troops  to  fight  against  him.  Metellus,  however,  persevered, 
took  the  pirates,  and  put  them  to  death.  See  map  No.  4. 

*  Cic.  Man.  12.  T>  5  §ee  pp.  850  and  -.351. 


276  POMPEJUS   CONQUERS  THE    EAST.  [fi.  C.  73 

pretext  that  Mithridates  was  tardy  in  evacuating  Caj)padocia, 
Murena  crossed  the  Halys  and  ravaged  Cappadocia.  where 
Mithridates  met  him  with  a  large  army  and  routed  his  forces 
in  battle.  Sulla  interfered,  renewed  the  peace,  and  ended  what 
is  sometimes  called  the  Nm>//7  Mithridatic  \\'ar  (B.C.  83-82). 

2.  Preparations  of  Mithridates. — After  this  the  Romans 
took  various  measures  to  strengthen  their  power  in  the  Kast. 
An  expedition  was  sent  against  the  pirates,  and  when  Nico- 
medes  (B.C.  75),  who  had  bequeathed  his  kingdom,  consisting 
of  Bithynia  and  Paphlagonia,  to  the  Romans,  died,  they  imme- 
diately took  possession  of  it  and  made  it  a  Roman  province. 
About  the  same  time  Gyrene*  was  converted  into  a  province 
and  a  governor  sent  there.    These  measures  excited  the  appre- 
hension of  Mithridates,  who  had  all  the  t;me  been  aware  that 
the  peace  was  only  a  suspension  of  hostilities,  that  the  fire  wa< 
not  extinguished,  it  only  slept   in  embers,1  and  hence  had 
directed  his  efforts  to  strengthen  his  army  and  to  prepare  in 
every  way  for  the  final  conflict.     Aided  by  the  Roman  refugees 
and  the  officers  whom  Sertorius  sent  him,2  he  introduced  the 
Roman  arms  and   discipline.      When  the   Romans  converted 
Bithynia  into  a  province  it  seemed  a  favorable  moment  to 
strike.     His  army3  was  powerful  and  well  disciplined.     The 
pirates,  who  had  created  an  empire  on  the  sea,  sent  assistance, 
and  Sertorius,  with  whom  he  had  formed  a  treaty,  seemed  on 
the  point  of  invading  Italy  from  Spain.     The  king  therefore 
took  the  initiative,  and  advanced,  in  B.C.  74,  into  Paphlagonia 
and  Bithynia  with  his  army,  supported  by  a  powerful  fleet. 

3.  Defeat  of  Mithridates  (B.  c.  73). — Of  the  two  Roman 
consuls  L.  Licinius  Luctillus  and   M.  Aurelius  Cotta  who  were 
selected  for  the  conduct  of  the  war,  the  latter  was  already  in 
Asia,  but  on  the  approach  of  Mithridates  retreated  to  Chalce- 
don,  where  he  was  defeated  both  by  land  and  sea.  /  Mithridates 
now  proceeded  to  invest  Cyzicusf  with  his  army  and  fleet,  and, 
as  in  B.C.  88,  hoped  to  make  himself  master  of  all  Asia,  where 
the  outrage,  violence,  and  extortion  of  the  tax-gatherers  and 

1  Pint.  Lncull.    *  See  map  No.  7.         "  Lncin«  Maeius  and  Lucius  Fannins. 
'  Ilis  army  consist. -d  of  1^0.000  foot  and  16.000  horse,  and  a  fleet  of  400  sail. 
map  No.  4. 


B.  C.  73.]  POMPEJUS  CONQUERS  THE  EAST.  277 

the  Roman  merchants  had  produced  the  deepest  discontent,  be- 
fore the  Romans  could  send  sufficient  force  to  oppose  him.  This 
place  offered  a  stubborn  resistance,  and  while  Mithridates  was 
detained  here  Lucullus  advanced  from  Phrygia  with  only  five 
legions  to  its  relief.  Early  in  B.  c.  73  Mithridates  was  com- 
pelled to  raise  the  siege,  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  supply- 
ing his  army.  In  the  retreat  he  was  attacked  by  the  Romans 
between  the  ^Esepus  and  Granicus,  and  defeated,  while  his  fleet 
was  destroyed,  partly  by  the  Romans  at  Tenedos,  and  partly  by 
a  storm  which  overtook  it  on  its  return.  The  king  arrived 
almost  alone  at  his  capital,  Sinope,  his  army  of  nearly  200,000 
men  having  been  annihilated.  While  Mithridates  was  collect- 
ing a  fresh  army,  Lucullus  sent  his  legate  through  Bithynia 
and  Paphlagonia  to  Heraclea,  to  which  Cotta  had  already  laid 
siege  with  the  fleet. 

4.  Mithridates  Retires  to  Armenia. — Lucullus  himself 
entered  Pontus,  followed  Mithridates,  who  had  collected  an 
army  of  over  forty  thousand  men,  from  Sinope  to  Amisus, 
and  thence  to  Cabira  on  the  Lycns.  Mithridates  drew  Lu- 
enllus  on  farther  and  farther,  until  finally  a  superstitious 
dread  came  over  his  soldiers,  and  they  murmured  at  their  long 
and  tedious  marches.  "  You  leave,"  said  they,  "  the  rich  and 
flourishing  city  of  Amisus,  which  might  be  easily  taken,  to 
drag  us  away  to  Chaldaea."1  At  Cabira  the  army  of  the  king 
was  again  defeated,  and  the  king  himself  would  have  been 
captured  had  the  Roman  soldiers  been  able  to  restrain  their 
eagerness  for  spoil.  Despairing  of  successfully  opposing  the 
Romans,  Mithridates  fled  with  a  few  attendants  to  Armenia  to 
take  refuge  with  Tigranes,  his  son-in-law.  Lucullus  sent  Appius 
Claudius  to  Tigranes  to  demand  the  surrender  of  Mithridates, 
while  he  returned  himself  to  besiege  Amisus.  Tigranes  was 
at  this  time  one  of  the  most  powerful  monarchs  in  the  East,2 
but  still  he  seemed  inclined  to  avoid  a  contest  with  Rome. 
He  granted  his  father-in-law  a  refuge,  but  refused  to  receive 
him  at  court  until  the  arrogance  of  Lucullus'  envoy  drove 

1  Pint.  Lucull. 
Hi-  •  mpire  embraced  Armenia.  Mesopotamia.  Syria,  apart  of  Cilicia.  and  Oappadocia. 


278  POMPEJUS   CONQUERS  THE   EAST.  [B.  C.  69. 

him  to  adopt  a  different  policy.     He  not  only  refused  to  sur- 
render Mitliridut.es,  but  prepared  for  war. 

5.  The  Unpopularity  of  Lucullus. — Lucullus  in  the  mean- 
time had  returned  to  the  province  of  Asia,  where  he  devoted  him- 
self to  restoring  order  and  dispensing  justice.     Desolated  and 
enslaved  by  the  tax-gatherers  and  usurers,  unspeakable  misfor- 
tunes had  overwhelmed  the  unhappy  country.     To  satisfy  their 
creditors,  the  inhabitants  were  forced  to  sell  their  children,  their 
ornaments  and  offerings  in  the  temples,  their  fine  paintings  and 
statues  of  the  gods,  and  finally,  when  these  failed,  to  serve  their 
creditors  as  slaves.     Lucullus  relieved  the  people  by  regulating 
the  rate  of  interest,  by  abolishing  that  which  exceeded   the 
principal,1  and  by  compelling  the  creditors  to  leave   a  small 
proportion  of  the  debtor's  income  for  his  support.     The  popu- 
lar orators  and  friends  of  the  tax-collectors  and  merchants  at 
Rome  raised  a  storm  of  indignation  against  Lucullus,  and  their 
influence  was  felt  in  the  action  of  the  government.     When  the 
time  came  to  open  the  next  campaign,  Lucullus'  army  of  thirty 
thousand  men  was  far  from  sufficient  to  conduct  the  war  against 
the  Armenian  and  Pontic  kings.     The  government  at  Rome  left 
Lucullus  to  manage  the  war  as  he  could,  without  troubling  itself 
about  sending  reinforcements.    Lucullus  was  a  strict  disciplina- 
rian, and  far  from  popular  with  his  soldiers,  whom  he  restrained 
from  pillage,  while  appropriating  a  liberal  share  of  the  spoils 
for  himself. 

6.  The  Battle  of  Tigranocerta  (B.  c.  69). — To  undertake 
a  war  in  a  distant  and  unknown  land  with  an  army  of  only 
twelve  thousand  men — for  this  was  all  he  could  muster  after 
protecting  his  communications  with  Pontus — and  almost  in  di- 
rect opposition  to  the  government  at  Rome,  was  far  from  wise 
Still  Lucullus.  in   the  hopes  of  anticipating  Tigranes.  set  out 
in  B.C.  69  frum  Si  nope,  crossed  the  Euphrates  at  Melite,  and 
advanced  directly  towards  the  capital,  Tigranocerta,  where  he 
defeated  the  vast  host  of  the  Armenian  king.2 

7.  Mithridates  Returns  to  Pontus. — During  the  win- 

1  The  fine  which  Sulla  had  imposed  had  been  twice  paid  in  interest,  and  yet  by  inter- 
est on  interest  still  amounted  to  four  times  the  original  principal. 
•  Titrraiu-;-  bad  an  army  of  150.000  foot  and  55.000  liorr-r. 


B.C.  G8.J  POMPEJUS   CONQUERS  THE   EAST.  279 

ter  Tigranes  collected  aDother  formidable  army,  and  as  the  last 
defeat  had  been  exactly  in  accordance  with  whatMithridates  had 
predicted,  Tigranes  committed  the  entire  management  of  the  war 
to  him.  The  next  spring  (B.C.  68)  Lucullus,  in  hopes  of  end- 
ing the  war,  crossed  the  Taurus  and,  pressing  forward  to 
the  high  lands  of  Armenia,  gained  a  victory  over  the  enemy's 
savalry  on  the  Arsanias.  But  long  before  he  could  reach 
Artaxata,  the  capital,  the  mutiny  of  his  soldiers  compelled  him 
to  retreat.  He  turned  aside  to  Nisibis,  the  Mesopotamian  capi- 
tal, captured  the  city  by  storm  and  took  up  his  wrinter  quarters 
there.  In  the  meantime  Mithridates  had  collected  a  large  force, 
and  penetrated  into  his  own  kingdom,  defeated  Lucullus'  two 
lieutenants,  Fannius  and  Triarius,  one  at  Cabira,  and  the  other 
at  Zela.  When  this  news  reached  Lucullus,  he  hastened  back 
to  Pontus,  but  Mithridates  avoided  a  battle  and  withdrew  to 
Lesser  Armenia  to  await  the  approach  of  Tigranes.  Lucullus, 
hoping  to  engage  the  Armenian  king  before  he  united  his 
forces  with  Mithridates,  hastened  to  seek  him,  but  the  soldiers 
rose  in  mutiny,  and  checked  his  farther  advance.  The  Eomans 
were  now  exactly  where  they  were  in  B.  c.  75,  Pontus  and 
Cappadocia  were  overrun  by  Mithridates,  and  the  results  of 
eight  years'  warfare  were  lost. 

8.  Insubordination  in  the  Army. — The  opposition  to 
Lucullus  in  the  capital  had  reached  the  soldiers.  He  was 
accused  of  protracting  the  war  from  the  love  of  command  and 
the  wealth  it  procured  him.  The  opposition  in  his  camp  was 
led  by  P.  Clodius  Pulcher,1  whose  sister  Lucullus  had  married. 
He  insinuated  himself  into  favor  with  the  Fimbrian  troops,2 
who  had  been  in  Asia  ten  years  and  had  continually  demanded 
their  discharge.3  "Were  they  to  wear  out  their  lives  in 
wandering  over  the  world  in  wars  and  toils  ?  Was  there  no 
other  reward  for  them  than  to  guard  the  wagons  and  camels  of 
Lucullus,  loaded  with  the  spoils  of  war  ?  If  they  must  forever 
wage  war,  let  them  reserve  their  swords  for  a  general  who 
thinks  that  the  enriching  of  his  soldiers  is  his  greatest  pleasure." 

1  The  brother  of  A.  Claudius,  the  envoy  to  Tizranes. 

*  See  page  950.  •  Their  twenty  years  military  service  had  nearly  expired. 


POMPEJUS  CONQUERS  THE  EAST.  [fi.  C.  66. 


With  such  complaints  Clodius  stirred  up  the  soldiers  against 
Lucullus,  and  as,  just  at  this  time,  IK-US  arrived  that  the  people 
at  Rome  had  granted  a  discharge  to  the  soldiers  whose  term  of 
service  had  expired,  and  that  AP  Acilius  Glabrio,1  Lucullus' 
successor,  had  arrived  in  Asia,  the  Fimbrians  rose  in  mutiny 
and  deserted  the  standard.  This  was  the  situation  of  affairs 
when  ten  commissioners  arrived  to  settle  the  condition  of  Asia 
and  reduce  Poutus  to  a  Roman  province.  Glabrio  was  utterly 
incompetent  for  the  difficult  and  hazardous  task  before  him, 
and  therefore  never  attempted  to  assume  command. 

9.  The  Manilian  Law  (B.  c.  6G). — It  was  plain  that  the 
war  must  be  undertaken  again  from  the  beginning,  under  a  capa- 
ble leader.  Who  else  could  this  be  but  Pompejus,  who  had  just 
at  this  time  won  new  laurels  by  quickly  and  successfully  end- 
ing the  war  with  the  pirates?  The  tribune,  G.  Manilius,  had 
lost  favor  with  both  parties  by  proposing  to  allow  the  freedmen 
to  vote  in  all  the  tribes.  He  sought  to  regain  it  by  moving  a 
rogation  to  entrust  Pompejus  with  the  provim  < •>  of  Asia,  Bithy- 
nia,  and  Cilicia,  with  the  sole  charge  ot  the  war  in  the  East,  and 
with  full  authority  to  conclude  peace  and  alliance.  The  opti- 
mates  objected  to  this,  as  to  the  Gabinian  law,  because  it 
had  not  first  received  the  approval  of  the  senate.  Catulus 
and  Hortentius  opposed  it  vehemently,  declaring  it  unconstitu- 
tional, and  aptly  characterizing  the  situation  by  saying 
that  it  was  time  for  the  optimates  to  secede  to  the  fSaeivd 
Mount.  It  was  supported  by  the  moderate  party  of  the 
optimates,  by  Caasar  and  particularly  by  Cicero,  who,  by 
his  successful  prosecution  of  Verres,  by  the  manner  in  which  he 
had  discharged  his  duties  while  curule  redile,  and  by  the  fre- 
quency with  which  his  voice  had  been  heard  in  defence  of  the 
oppressed,  had  raised  his  popularity  to  equal  that  of  Crassus  or 
of  Pompejus.  In  a  masterly  oration2  which  has  been  preserved 
to  us,  he  now  brought  all  the  force  of  his  eloquence  to  the 
support  of  Pompejus.  The  law  was  earned,  and  Pompejus 
was  invested  with  powers  such  as  no  one  before  him  ever  had. 

1  By  the  lex  Gabinia.  »  De  imperio  GncA  Pompqi. 


B.  C.  CG.]  POMPEJUS  CONQUERS  THE  EAST.  281 

10.  Fompejus  takes  Command  against  Mithridates. 

—"When  Pompejus  received  the  letters  notifying  him  of  his  ap- 
pointment, he  is  said  to  have  expressed  his  displeasure  to  his 
friends,  and  to  have  said  that  he  was  wearied  by  the  weight 
of  power.  "  Is  there  no  end  of  my  conflicts  ?  "  exclaimed 
he.  "How  much  better  would  it  be  to  live  and  die  as  a 
quiet  citizen  in  the  enjoyment  of  domestic  happiness!" 
Even  his  friends  were  unable  to  bear  the  dissimulation  of  this 
speech,  for  they  knew  his  unbounded  ambition  and  love  ot 
power.1  Immediately  on  receiving  the  news  of  his  appoint- 
ment, Pompejus  crossed  from  Cilicia  and  assumed  command  oi 
Lucullus'  army.2  On  his  way  he  annulled  the  acts  of  Lucullus, 
and  thus  re-established  the  financial  tyranny  of  the  capitalists 
and  tax-gatherers.  One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  form  a  treaty  of 
friendship  and  alliance  with  Phraates,  the  Parthian  king, 
whom  he  encouraged  to  make  incursions  into  the  teiritory  of 
Tigraues.  This  compelled  Tigranes  to  look  to  the  safety  of  his 
own  frontier. 

11.  Battle  at  Nicopolis  (B.  c.  66).— When  Pompejus  had 
completed  his  preparations,  he  set  out  to  seek  Mithridates  in  his 
own  kingdom.    Deserted  by  his  ally  Tigranes,  Mithridates  at 
first  attempted  to  procure  peace,  but  as  Pompejus  would  hear  of 
nothing  but  unqualified  submission,  he  broke  off  the  negotia- 
tions.   The  Pontic  king  retired  slowly,  followed  by  the  Romans, 
until  he  was  overtaken  in  a  narrow  pass  on  the  Lycus,  where 
the  city  of  Nicopolis  was  afterward  built,  and  most  of  his  army 
cut  to  pieces.    Mithridates  himself  escaped  with  a  few  horsemen ; 
but  as  Tigranes  refused  to  receive  him,  there  was  no  alternative 
left  but  to  take  refuge  in  his  kingdom  on  the  Cimmerian  Bos- 
porus.3    Pompejus  gave  up  the  pursuit  and  turned  against 
Tigranes,  whose  son   had  already  revolted  and   had   entered 
into  communication  with    the    Romans.     As  Pompejus  ap- 
proached Artaxata,  the  king  rode  out  to  meet  him  and  threw 
himself  before  him  as  a  suppliant.     Pompejus  received  him 

1  Pint.  Pomp.,  30. 

*  He  met  Lucnllns  in  Galatia  and  allowed  him  to  retain  1600  men  for  his  triumph. 

'  See  colored  map  No.  7. 


282  POMPEJUS   CONQUERS   THE    EAST.  [B-  c-  G5- 

kindly,  restored  to  him  his  kingdom,  except  Syria,  Phoenicia, 
Galatia,  Cappadoeia.  and  a  part  of  Cilicia,  which  Lucullus  had 
taken  from  him,  on  condition  that  he  should  pay  six  thousand 
taients.1  His  son  was  made  king  of  Sophene. 

12.  Pompejus  Pursues  Mithridates.  —  After  settling 
the  affairs  of  Armenia,  Pompejus  advanced  in  pursuit  of  -Mith- 
ridates northward  as  fur  as  the  river  Cyrus  (Kour),  where  lie 
took  up  his  winter  quarters.  Early  the  next  spring  (B.  c.  65) 
he  resumed  his  march  through  the  mountains  of  Iberia  and 
Albania,  fighting  his  way  at  every  step  with  the  native  trilx 
far  as  the  river  Phasis,  which  he  followed  down  to  its  mouth, 
to  meet  the  fleet  which  he  had  ordered  to  await  him  there.  The 
difficulties  of  the  pursuit,  the  constant  contests  with  the  native 
tribes,  and  the  impossibility  of  crossing  the  Caucasus,  which, 
in  former  times,  had  set  an  impassable  bound  to  the  Persian 
and  Hellenic  conquests,  caused  him  to  turn  back  to  Pontus, 
where  he  passed  the  winter  in  organizing1  it  as  a  Roman  province. 
13.  He  Subdues  Syria,  Phoenicia  and  Palestine.— In 
the  summer  of  B.  c.  64,  he  departed  for  Syria,  and  without 
recognizing  the  claim  of  Antiochus,  the  former  king,  to  the 
country,  he  took  possession  of  it  and  constituted  it  as  a  Roman 
province.  After  settling  the  condition  of  the  country  and 
regulating  the  relation  of  the  princes  who  were  to  remain  inde- 
pendent, he  pursued  his  march  southward  (B.  c.  G3),  and 
annexed  Phoenicia  and  Ccele-Syria  to  the  new  Syrian  province,  y 
In  Palestine  he  met  with  a  desperate  resistance  on  account  of 
the  civil  war  that  was  raging  between  the  two  princes,  Hyrcanus 
and  Aristobulus.  Both  appealed  to  Pompejus,  but  he  refused 
to  decide  between  them  until  he  reached  Jerusalem.  Aristobu- 
lus seemed  at  one  time  inclined  to  submit  to  Pompejus ;  at 
another,  he  seemed  on  the  point  of  raking  arms  and  opposing  the 
advance  of  the  Romans.  He  succeeded  in  capturing  Jerusalem, 
but  when  Pompejus  came  up,  the  city,  after  a  siege  of  three 
months,  was  compelled  to  surrender.  Hyrcanus  was  restored 
without  the  royal  title  to  the  high -priesthood,  under  condition 
of  paying  an  annual  tribute  to  Rome. 

1  $r.ooo,ooo. 


B.C.  61.]  POMPEJUS   CONQUERS  THE   EAST.  283 

13.  Death  of  Mithridates  (B.  c.  63). — In  the  meantime 
Mithridates  had  been  making  great  preparations  to  renew  the 
war  with  Rome.     He  even  thought  of  invading  Italy  with  an 
army  of  Scythians;  but  before  he  could  carry  this  plan  into 
execution  his  fate  had  been  sealed  by  the  revolt  of  his  son 
Pharnaces,  who  had  been  proclaimed  king  at  Panticapaeum. 
The  only  escape  of  the  old  king  from  being  delivered  up  to  the 
Romans  was  suicide.     He  tried  poison,  but  according  to  the 
popular  account  his  frame  was  so  inured  to  this,  that  he  was 
obliged  to  call  in  the  sword  of  one  of  his  Gallic  mercenaries. 
Thus  perished  in  the  year  B.  c.  63,  after  a  reign  of  fifty-seven 
years,  the  giant  monarch  of  the  East,  over  whose  death  the  Ro- 
mans rejoiced  as  if  ten  thousand  of  their  enemies  had  been  slain.1 

14.  Settlement  of  the  East. — Pompejus  entrusted  ^Emil- 
ius  Scaurus,  the  son  of  the  president  of  the  senate,  with  the 
government  of  Syria,  recognized  Pharnaces  as  king  of  Bosporus, 
and  then  returned  from  Palestine  to  Pontus.    After  regulating 
tlio  relations  of  the  kings2  and  tetrarchs3  on  the  west  of  the 
Euphrates  and  rewarding  his  army,  he  set  out  on  his  return  by 
the  way  of  Lesbus,  Ephesus,  Rhodes  and  Athens,  to  Rome, 
where  he  arrived  January  1,  B.C.  61. 


CHAPTER 

THE  INTERNAL   HISTORY  DURING  POMPEJUS'  ABSENCE. 

1.  Condition  of  Italy. — After  the  departure  of  Pompejus 
to  assume  command  of  the  army  in  the  East,  great  confusion 
reigned  at  Rome.  Every  one  expected  a  general  insurrection. 
Liberty  had  perished  long  ago ;  property  was  now  thought  to 

1  Pint.  Pomp.,  42.  »  He  founded  or  peopled  39  cities. 

*  The  new  provinces  were  that  of  Cilicia.  which,  enlarged  bv  Pamphylia  and  Isauria. 
was  reorganized  ;  that  of  Pontus  to  which  Bithynia  was  united  ;  that  of  Syria,  and  that 
of  Crete.  Dejotama  still  occupied  as  a  vassal  the  throne  of  Galatia  ;  'Ariobarznnes 
ruled  in  Cappadocia,  which  was  enlarged  by  Lesser  Armenia;  and  Attains  ruled  in 
Paphlagonia. 


284  CONSPIRACY   OF  CATILINE.  [B.  C.  66. 


be  in  danger.  The  old  soldiers  of  Sulla  had  squandered  their 
possessions  and  only  waited  the  signal  for  civil  war.  The  hinds 
in  Italy  had  once  more  been  converted  into  pasturage;  Etruria, 
which  had  long  escaped  the  scourge  of  the  Roman  speculator, 
had  in  late  years  suffered  this  cruel  transformation.  In  every 
part  of  Italy  wandered  bands  of  proletarian— the  dispose 
land-holders,  the  soldiers  of  Sulla,  the  impoverished  Italians, 
the  ambitions  and  ruined  Eoman  nobles — all  waiting  for  an 
opportunity  to  restore  their  own  fortunes,  even  if  it  cost  the 
ruin  of  the  state.  The  equestrian  party,  disarmed  by  the 
absence  of  their  general,  had  nothing  to  oppose  to  the  storm 
that  menaced  the  state.  The  senate,  weak  and  powerless, 
carried  on  a  desultory  warfare  against  the  varied  elements  of 
opposition. 

2.  The  Contest  of  Parties. — The  tribunes  renewed  their 
attacks  with  all  their  old  fierceness.  The  nobility  replied  with 
all  the  means  at  their  disposal.  They  impeached  tribunes  after 
the  expiration  of  their  term  of  office  ;  the  consuls,  as  presiding 
officers  in  the  comitia,  prevented  the  election  of  dangerous 
candidates  by  refusing  to  announce  the  election  ;  the  senate 
even  ventured  to  annul  certain  laws.  There  were,  as  Catiline 
said,  two  states  in  Rome,  the  nobility,  weak  and  powerless,  yet 
proud  and  arrogant  as  ever,  and  the  people,  rising  into  power, 
but  destitute  of  a  leader,  without  plan  or  purpose  and  swaj-ed  by 
the  most  diverse  impulses.  Laws  were  carried  to  check  the 
corruption  of  the  senate  by  forbidding  loans  from  foreign 
ambassadors;  the  penalties  were  strengthened  against  bribery 
at  elections;  and  finally  the  right  of  the  senate  to  grant  dis- 
pensation in  certain  cases  from  the  laws 1  was  restricted.2  This 
was  merely  an  aimless  agitation.  Parties  at  Rome  were  watching 
the  movements  of  Pompejus,  and  waiting  with  anxiety  or  dread 
the  return  of  the  victorious  general.  The  democrats  hoped  before 


1  Rogatio,  ne  yi/is  niti  nerpopulum  legibvs  tolrerffur :  the  law  was  amended  and 
pa--(d.  .\-  i/u'<,<;,  CCaffuissent;  neve  quis,  cum  solutus 

esset,  Interceaeret,  CUM  ti>  tan  ad popuhtmferntvr. 

'2  Tht'  inllii'-nce  of  the  equestrian  order  wa-  manifested  in  the  law  carried  by  the 
tribune  Roscius  Otho,  which  gave  to  the  equltes  the  fourteen  rows  of  seats  in  the 
orchestra  next  to  the  senators. 


B.  C.  65.]  CONSPIRACY   OF  CATILINE.  285 

the  decisive  day  came,  to  strengthen  their  power,  and  perhaps 
gain  control  of  the  government.  In  that  case  they  could 
entrust  one  of  their  leaders  with  an  extraordinary  command, 
and  find  in  him  a  counterpoise  to  the  power  of  Pompejus.  It 
was  for  this  object  that  they  unveiled  the  scandalous  rule  of 
the  senate,  and  proposed  laws  to  overthrow  its  power. 

3.  The  History  of  Catiline. — In  the  meantime  an  insur- 
rection, instigated  by  one  of  the  most  daring  profligates,  had 
nearly  subverted  the  government.     The  condition  of  society 
furnished  ample  materials  for  such  an  effort.     There  were  too 
many  who  sighed  for  the  times  of  Cinna,  with  its  proscriptions 
and  cancelling  of  debtors'  claims.      They  waited  only  for  a 
leader  to  fall  upon  society  like  a  gang  of  robbers.     That  leader 
was    found  in    L.    Sergius    Catilina,    who  possessed  all  the 
qualities  necessary  to  make  him  a  great  man  in  such  a  time. 
He  was  descended  from  a  patrician  family,1  and  was  a  man  of 
great  courage  and  gigantic  strength  of  mind  and  body.     He 
hud  proved  his  courage  in  the  wars  of  Marius  and  Sulla.     His 
ferocity  was  displayed  in  hunting  down  and  killing  the  pro- 
scribed.   He  is  said  to  have  killed  his  brother-in-law  with  his 
own  hands.     These  crimes,  however,  did  not  prevent  his  pro- 
motion.  He  was  elected  prater  for  B.  c.  68,  and  obtained  Africa 
the  following  year  as  his  province.     Here  he  spent  two  years 
in  the  practice,  it  is  said,  of  every  crime  imputed  to  the  pro- 
vincial governors  of  that  period.     He  returned  in  B.  c.  66,  to 
sue  for  the  consulship.     A  charge  of  extortion  was  raised 
against  him  which  disqualified  him  to  appear  as  a  candidate.2 

4.  First  Conspiracy  of  Catiline  (B.  c.  65). — Stung  by 
disappointment3  he  determined  to  get  possession  of  the  gov- 
ernment by  force.      All  the  needy  Romans,  the  dispossessed 
Italians,  all  who  were  lost  in  misery  and  crime,  flocked  to 
Catiline.     He  entered  into  a  conspiracy  with  Autronius  Paetus, 

1  Sallust  Cat.  c.  5. 

*  The  consul  Volcatius  Tullus,  who  presided  at  the  comltia,  refused  to  receive  votes 
for  him. 

'  P.  Autronius  Paetns  and  P.  Cornelius  Sulla  were  declared  elected,  but  they  were  set 
a*idc  on  account  of  bribery,  and  L.  Atirelins  Cotta  and  L.  Manlius  Torquatus  were 
elected  in  their  place.  A  law  was  carried  at  this  time  (lex  Fabia  de  nwnero  secfatorvm) 
to  limit  the  number  in  the  retinue  of  the  candidates. 


286  CONSPIRACY    OP   CATILINE.  [B.C.  63. 

the  late  rejected  consul,  and  Cn.  Calpurm'us  Piso,  a  profligate 
young  noble,  to  murder  the  new  consuls  on  the  first  day  of 
their  office,  and  seize  the  government.  The  plot,  however, 
became  known  and  its  execution  was  postponed  until  the  ides 
of  February;  on  this  day  it  failed  also,  because  Catiline  gave 
the  signal  before  a  sufficient  number  of  the  conspirators  had 
assembled.  Catiline  plunged  still  deeper  into  crime.  His 
guilty  mind,  at  peace  with  neither  gods  nor  men,  found  no  rest 
by  night  nor  day.  His  countenance  was  pale  and  disquieted, 
his  eyes  were  haggard,  his  step  was  sometimes  quick,  sometimes 
slow  ;  and  distraction  was  written  in  every  feature  and  look,  so 
effectually  did  conscience  desolate  his  tortured  mind. 

5.  Catiline  Matures  His  Plot — The  government  took 
no  active  measures  to  crush  the  conspiracy.     "When  the  trial  for 
extortion  came  on,  Catiline  was  acquitted  through  the  influence 
of  the  consul,  L.  Manilas  Torquatus,1  and  by  means  of  the  most 
shameless  bribery  of  the  judges.     From  this  time  he  arranged 
his  plans  more  systematically,  and  enlisted  a  numerous  body  of 
adherents,  among  whom  were  the  senators  G.  Lentulus  Sura 
and  G.  Cornelius  Cethegas.     In  the  summer  of  B.  c.  64  he  sum- 
moned his  followers,  all  who  were  ruined  in  fortune  or  lost  in 
misery  and  crime,  all  the  depraved  and  audacious,  to  a  noc- 
turnal mooting.     After  comparing  their  own   degraded  and 
infamous  life  with  that  of  the  favored  few  who  were  in  posses- 
sion of  the  government  and  of  all  the  wealth,  he  promised  his 
confederates,  as  consul,  abolition  of  debts,2  new  proscriptions, 
and,  finally,  all  the  license  and  gratification  which  war  and 
plunder  bring.     Some  say  that  at  this  meeting  the  conspirators 
confirmed  their  oaths  by  drinking  blood  mixed  with  wine.3 

6.  The  Second  Conspiracy. — When  the  time  for  the 
consular  elections  of  B.  c.  63  approached,  the  conspirators  set  up 
as  candidates  Catiline  and  G.  Antonius,  a  plebeian  noble,  a  man 
without  character  and  ruined  in  fortune.     Meanwhile  rumors 
concerning  the  conspiracy  got  abroad  among  the  people,  while 
more  accurate  and  definite  information  was  obtained  from 

1  Cic.  SulL  29.  •  Tahiti*  nova.  '  Sail  Cat.  30  ff. 


B.  C.  106.]  CICEKO'S   EARLY  LIFE.  287 

Fulvia,  the  mistress  of  Q.  Curius,  one  of  Catiline's  intimate 
associates.  Catiline,  it  was  said,  intended  to  murder  the  sena- 
tors, and  to  set  fire  to  the  four  corners  of  the  city.  The  public 
terror  compelled  the  senators  to  overcome  their  scruples  against 
"new  men"1  and  cast  their  votes  and  influence  for  Marcus 
Tullius  Cicero,  who,  supported  by  the  nobility,  the  friends  of 
Pompejus,  and  the  large  number  of  persons  in  the  capital  and 
country  towns  to  whom  he  was  favorably  known,  on  account  of 
his  services  as  an  advocate,  was  elected  instead  of  Catiline,  with 
G.  Antonius  as  his  colleague.  Cicero  detached  Antonius  from 
the  conspiracy  by  voluntarily  resigning  to  him  the  lucrative 
province  of  Macedonia,  which  had  fallen  to  himself  by  lot. 
While  the  intrigues  of  Catiline  are  ripening,  we  must  turn  to 
trace  the  career  of  Cicero,  because  it  is  so  intimately  connected 
with  this  period  of  our  history. 


CHAPTER    XI/V. 

THE  CONSULSHIP  OF  M.  TULLIUS  CICEKO  (B.  C.  63). 

1.  His  Birth  and  Education. — Cicero2  had  now  attained 
the  summit  of  his  ambition ;  he  was  consul  at  Home.  Through 
him  the  senate  had  triumphed  once  more,  and  this  was  wholly 
due  to  Cicero's  great  popularity  and  splendid  oratorical  powers. 
As  Cicero  now  steps  on  the  stage  on  which  he  is  to  act  a  promi- 

1  Since  the  time  of  G.  Marius  only  two  new  men  (homines  nori),  T.  Didius,  B.  c.  98 
and  G.  Cselius,  94,  bad  attained  to  the  consulship. 

1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 
MABCUS  TULLIUS  CICERO. 


M.  T.  Cicero  m.  (1)  TERENTIA. 

(2)  PtJBLILIA.  QOTNTU9  CiCEKO  m.  PoMPONIA. 

TTTLLIA  m.  ~f1)  Piso  FIU-CI.          \~ 

(2)  CUASSIPKS.      MABCUS. 

(3)  DOLABKLLA...  Q.  T.  ClCEBO, 

LEXTULUS, 


288  CICERO'S  EARLY    LIFE.  [B.  C.  10G. 

nent  part,  it  is  necessary  to  preface  the  history  of  his  consulship 
with  a  short  account  of  his  life.  He  was  born  among  the  Vol- 
scian  hills  at  Arpinum,  from  a  plebeian  family,  on  the  third  of 
January  in  the  year  B.  c.  106.  Quintus,  his  brother,  was  four  years 
younger.  Both  brothers  gave  such  early  promise  of  great  ability 
that  their  father  sent  them  to  Rome,  that  they  might  have  all 
the  opportunities  for  an  education  which  the  capital  could  afford. 
Crassus,  the  great  orator,  superintended  their  education;  and 
their  first  and  chief  instructor  was  the  poet  Archias,  in  whose 


MARCUS  TULLIUS  CICEKO.' 

defence  Cicero  afterwards  pronounced  that  oration  which  so 
nobly  defends  the  liberal  studies.  From  the  time  he  had 
assumed  the  toga  virilis*  he  lost  no  opportunity  of  hearing 
the  most  famous  orators  in  the  forum,  and  he  was  in  constant 
attendance  on  the  greatest  master  of  jurisprudence,  Mucius 
Sca-vola,  the  celebrated  lawyer  and  president  of  the  senate,  and 
also  he  watched  eagerly  the  gestures  of  ^Esopus  and  Roscius, 

1  From  a  bronze  medal  struck  by  tho  town  of  Masrncsia.  in  Lydia. 

3  It  was  customary  for  a  Roman  youth,  when  about  10  years  of  age.  to  appear  before 
tlie  pnetor  in  the  forum  and  lay  asid'e  the  foffft  pr&'frfft.  Die  dress  of  boys,  and  assume 
the  for/a  pura  or  Tirttis,  which  indicated  that  he  had  reached  the  age  when  he  might 
0'..Lra«;e  in  the  active  business  of  life  ;  see  p.  404. 


B.  c.  81.]        CICERO'S  APPEARANCE  AT  THE  BAR.  289 

the  great  actors.     At  the  age  of  nineteen  he  served  his  first 
campaign  1  in  the  Social  war,  under  Pompejus  Strabo. 

3.  His  First  Appearance  at  the  Bar. —  In  the  troubled 
times  that  followed,  during  the  coalition  between  Marius  and 
China,  Cicero  not  only  devoted  himself  with  energy  and  zeal  to 
the  study  of  law,  but  also  became  acquainted  with  the  principles 
of  the  three  great  schools  of  Grecian  philosophy,  from  their  most 
eminent  leaders  who  were  then  at  Rome:  Phsedrus  the  Epicu- 
rean, Diodorus  the  Stoic,   and  Philo  the  chief  of   the   New 
Academy.     By  constant  practice  in  declamation,  by  thorough 
study  of  Roman  jurisprudence,  added  to  his  love  for  Greek 
literature  and  philosophy,  he  sought,  with  indefatigable  zeal, 
to  lay  the  foundation  for  his  future  success  as  a  lawyer  and 
orator.     When  quieter  times  returned  he  undertook,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-six  (B.  c.  81),  his  first  case,  a  civil  suit  for  P. 
Quintius.     His  first   appearance  at   a  criminal  trial  was  the 
next  year,  in  defence  of  Sextius  Roscius  of  Ameria,  accused 
of  parricide  by  Chrysogonus,  one  of  Sulla's  freedmen,  who  was 
himself  implicated  in  the  murder.3    Cicero's  courage  in  under- 
taking this  case  against  the  favorite  freedman  of  Sulla  was 
applauded  by  the  whole  city,  and  secured  him  the  reputation  of 
a  fearless  and  zealous  advocate. 

4.  Student  at  Athens. — After  this  he  took  a  journey  to 
Greece,  not,  as  Plutarch 4  asserts,  from  fear  of  Sulla,  for  his 
defence  of  Roscius  is  proof  against  that,  but  in  order  to  perfect 
himself  in  his  art  and  to   strengthen  his  constitution.     He 
devoted  himself  with  renewed  zeal  and  energy  at  Athens,  then 
the  great  university  of  the  world,  to  the  study  of  philosophy 
under  the  most  eminent  teachers,  in  company  with  his  brother 
and  cousin  Titus  Pomponius,  whom  the  civil  discords  at  Rome 
had  caused  to  retire  to  his  estate5  in  Epirus,  that  he  might, 
unhindered,   devote   himself  there  and  at  Athens  to  those 


1  Tirocinium. 

•  Causa  privata:  these  were  tried  either  before  the  praetor  or  before  the  centumviral 
court. 

3  It  was  a  CatuameltUca  to  be  tried  in  the  court  for  murder  (qucestio  inter  secario«\ 
before  the  praetor  M.  Fannius,  established  by  the  lex  Cornelia  de  secariis  et  veneficis. 
The  jurymen  were  .selected  from  the  senators.  See  p.  258. 

'  Tim.  Cic.,  3.  *  Near  Buthrotum. 


;J90  CICERO    IMI'KK  HES   VERRES.  [B.  C.  75. 

literary  pursuits  in  which  his  proficiency  gained  for  him  the 
surname  of  Atticus.  It  was  to  this  intimacy  that  we  owe  those 
letters1  so  charming  and  interesting  in  style,  which  Cicero  ad- 
dressed to  his  friend  Atticus,  and  of  which,  in  regard  to  their 
record  of  contemporary  events,  Nepos  says  that  he  who  reads 
them  will  hardly  require  a  regular  hi>tury  oi'  these  times.2  After 
studying  for  six  mouths  at  Athens  under  Autiochus,  the  m»st 
eminent  teacher  of  the  old  Academy,  and  at  the  same  time  prac- 
ticing oratory  under  Syrius,  he  repaired  to  Asia  Minor,  to  heal- 
th e  famous  rhetoricians 3  in  the  chief  Greek  cities.  After  two 
years  of  study  and  travel  he  returned  to  Rome,  completely 
changed,  physically  as  well  as  mentally,  and  prepared  to  devote 
himself  to  the  duties  of  an  advocate,  for  which  the  state  of 
society  furnished  ample  opportunity.  At  this  time  Cotta  and 
Hortensius  were  the  great  orators  and  undisputed  leaders  of 
the  bar  at  Rome.  Cicero  delivered  several  orations,  one  of 
which — his  defence  of  Roscius  the  comedian,  from  whom  he 
had  taken  lessons — is  still  extant. 

5.  Impeachment  of  Verres. — In  the  year  B.  c.  75  Cicero 
was  elected  quaestor.  Lot  assigned  to  him  Lilybaeum  (Marsala), 
one  of  the  two  provinces  into  which  Sicily  was  divided.  His 
equitable  administration,  his  upright  and  honorable  conduct — 
qualities  in  those  days  very  rare  in  a  Roman  official — won  for 
him  the  favor  of  the  Sicilians,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  that 
great  forensic  success  which  he  achieved  five  years  after,  when 
his  popularity  had  raised  him  to  the  curule  n-dileslrip.  Shortly 
after  his  return  an  opportunity  occurred  for  him  to  undertake 
a  case  whjch  attracted  the  eyes  of  all  classes  to  him.  Sulla  had 
restored  to  the  senate  the  judicial  power  which  assured  the 
nobility  impunity  in  their  provincial  administration.  The 
plunder,  robbery  and  desolation  of  the  provinces  would  hardly 
be  believed,  had  not  the  prosecution  of  Verres  brought  them  to 
light.  During  his  administration  of  three  years  Verres  had 

1  There  wore  only  eleven  letters  written  before  Cicero's  consulship.    The  first  one  was 
written  B.  c.  66. 
1  Nepos  Att.,  16. 

Merippus  of  Stratonice,  Dionysius  at  Magnesia.  ^Eschylns  at  Cnidn«.  Molo  anr)  Po^i- 
t  Rhodes. 


B.  C.  03.]  CICERO'S   POLITICAL  CONSISTENCY.  291 


desolated  the  island  of  Sicily  more  than  both  Servile  wars.  As 
scon  as  he  left  the  island  the  provincials  determined  to  bring 
him  to  justice,1  and  applied  to  Cicero  to  conduct  the  prosecu- 
tion. Verres  had  noble  friends  at  Rome — the  Metelli,  the  Scipios, 
and  Hortensius,  the  master  of  the  forum,  who  undertook  his 
defence.  Bribes,  threats,  devices  for  delay 2  were  devised,  but 
:11  were  of  no  avail.  The  jurors  condemned  Verres,  and  the 
eloquent  invectives  which  Cicero  had  prepared,  although  not 
delivered,  were  published  and  circulated,  and  read  with  great 
avidity. 

6.  Cicero's  Political  Consistency. —  Cicero  was  now  the 
undisputed  leader  in  his  profession.     In  B.  c.  66  he  was  elected 
prastor,3  and  earnestly  co-operated  in  the  popular  movement  that 
invested  Pompcjus  with  the  extraordinary  command  in  the  East. 
The  action  which  Cicero  had  taken  in  the  condemnation  of 
Verres,  which  was  really  that  of  the  nobility,  and  his  ardent 
support  of  the  Manilian  law,  have  generally  been  considered 
sufficient  evidence  that  he  had  deserted  the   senatorial  and 
joined  the  popular  party.    It  must  be  remembered  that  Cicero 
had  grown  up  under  the  instructions  of  such  great  statesmen 
as  Crassus  and  the  Scasvolas,  whose  aim  had  been  to  conciliate 
the  people  and  to  restore  the  good  old  time  when  unity  prevailed 
in  the  state.     There  was  still  a  strong  conservative  party  in  the 
senate  that  wished  to  restore  that  time;  with  this  party  Cicero 
acted,  and  hence  his  sympathy  with  Pompejus,  who  still  counted 
himself  a  member  of  the  conservative  party,  and  hence  the  sup- 
port of  the  senate,  which  raised  him  to  the  consulship. 

7.  Cicero  as  Consul. —  On  the  1st  of  January,  B.  c.  63, 
Cicero  entered  upon  his  duties  as  consul,  and  one  of  his  first 

1  The  trial  was  in  the  piTinanent  jury  court  for  exactions  (qucestlo  perpetua  cle 
reiirfi'/iili.*-),  before  the  pnetor  M'Acilius  Glabrio.  See  p.  238. 

*  An  attempt  was  made  to  take  the  case  out  of  Cicero's  hand*  by  setting  up  a  eharn 
prosecutor  in  Q.  Cajcilius  Niger,  Verres's  qurestor.  A  preliminary  trial  (dMnaflo)  was 
necessary  to  decide  whether  he  or  Cicero  should  be  the  accuser.  The  oration  that  Cicero 
delivered  on  this  occasion  is  also  called  dirinatio.  Cicero  was  allowed  115  days  to  col- 
lect evidence  in  Sicily;  he  returned  in  50.  contenting  himself  with  a  brief  outline  of  the 
case.  Cicero  called  the  witne-^-s  at  once;  their  f'-timony  was  overwhelming.  Hor- 
tentius  i_;;i\r  up  the  ca^e.  and  Verres  went  into  exile.  The  following  is  a  list  of  the 
orations:  I.  (1)  Divinatio  in  Canlium  ;  (2)  </<'/io  /nimti  hi  Verrem  ;  H.  Actio  seoinda; 
(31  'If  pr&fnra  nrhana :  (4)  dejudlciis  sive  deprcetura  Siciliensi ;  (5)  oratiofrumentaria  ; 
(6)  de  *i.<inl>i  ;  (71  <1e  mippli'-ii*. 

'  Cicero  presided  in  this  court  (quceetio  perpetua  repetundarum). 


292  THE   CONSULSHIP  OF   M.  TULLIUS   CICERO.        [B.  C.  63. 

acts  was  to  oppose  and  defeat  the  agrarian  law  of  the  tribune 
Servilius  Rullus,  which  was  tin-  nu>>t  sweeping  measure  that 
had  yet  been  proposed  for  dividing  the  public  land,  and  which 
was  intended,  no  doubt,  to  give  one  of  the  popular  leaders,  an 
extraordinary  command,  like  that  of  Pompejus.1 

8.  Defence  of  Rabirius.— The  next  opportunity  that 
Cicero  had  to  display  his  abilities  was  when  Caesar  induced  the 
tribune  Labienus  to  accuse  an  aged  senator,  Rabirius,  of  the 
murder2  of  Saturninus,  a  popular  leader  in  the  tumult  in  the  year 
B.  c.  100.8  This  was  an  attack  upon  the  prerogatives  of  the  .-en- 
ate — their  right  to  invest  the  consul  with  supreme  power.  If 
Rabirius  was  condemned,  the  people  then  had  the  right  to  nul- 
lify the  action  of  the  senate,  and  no  tribune  need  in  future  fear 
the  fate  of  Saturninus.  Cicero  no  doubt  looked  forward  to  the 
day  when  he  should  need  a  similar  decree  against  Catiline,  and 
therefore  defended  Rabirius  with  all  his  energy  and  power.4  In 
the  meantime  Cicero  had  defeated  another  scheme — the  repeal 
of  the  law  of  Roscius  Otho.  which  gave  to  the  cquites  and  all  those 
who  possessed  the  equestrian  census  the  fourteen  rows  of  seats 
in  the  orchestra,  behind  the  senators — proposed  by  Caesar,  to 
still  further  widen  the  breach  between  the  senatorial  and  eques- 
trian parties.  When  Otho  entered  the  theatre  he  was  received 
with  a  storm  of  hisses  from  the  people;  the  knights  applauded ;  a 
fearful  riot  ensued,  and  Cicero  was  summoned.  He  invited  the 
people  to  meet  in  the  temple  of  IV'llona,  and  addressed  them  in 
such  a  manner  that  he  completely  restored  their  good  humor.s 
When  Caesar,  shortly  after,  proposed  that  civil  rights  should 
be  restored  to  those  who  had  been  proscribed  by  Sulla  —  a 
measure  eminently  just  in  itself,  but  not  considered  at  ihis 
time  expedient,  the  eloquence  of  Cicero  persuaded6  the  tribunes 


1  (1)  Oratio  in  stnatu  Kal.  Jan.  de  lege  agrarin ;  (2)  ad  Qitirites  contra  P.  Ruttum. 
1  See  p.  229. 

*  Reus perdnellvmte  (i.e.,  accused  of  hi'.'h-treasonX 

•The  trial  came  first  before  the  I)>minriii.{\.  (';i-<ar  and  the  consular  L.  Caesar. 
Rabirius  was  convicted  and  appealed  TO  the  people.  It  N  uncertain  what  the  result  was. 
Dio  Cassias  relates  that  Babirms  would  have  hem  condemned  had  not  Metelhis  Celer. 
during  the  voting,  lowered  the  flag  which  always  waved  upon  the  Janiculus.  This  broke 
up  the  comitia.  See  p.  40. 

*  Pro  Rwcio  Othont.  has  been  lo?t. 

*  De  proscriptorum  flliis  also  lost. 


B.  C.  G3.]      THE  CONSULSHIP  OF  M.  TULLIUS  CICEEO.  293 

to  abandon  the  measure  before  it  came  before  the  senate.    Caesar 
saw  that  the  revolution  was  not  ripe,  and  waited  in  silence. 

9.  Catiline  Prepares  for  War.  —  These  skirmishes  were, 
however,  merely  preliminary  to  the  great  contest  with  Catiline 
which  was  approaching.    Catiline,  while  waiting  for  the  consular 
elections  for  the  next  year,  at  which  he  himself  was  to  be  a 
candidate.  \vas  secretly  laying  his  plans  for  civil  war,  and  had 
selected  Faesulse  as  his  headquarters.     Cicero  contented  himself 
with  keeping  a  constant  watch  on  the  progress  of  the  conspiracy, 
as  he  received  accurate  information  from  Fulvia  and  Curius. 
The  time  for  holding  the  comitia  was  postponed,  on  account  of 
fear  of  Catiline,  and  the  laws  against  bribery  at  elections  were 
strengthened.1    In  the  meantime  Cicero  received  definite  infor- 
mation in  regard  to  the  plans  of  the  conspirators,2  and  assem- 
bled the  senators  on  the  21st  of  September  and  laid  before  them 
an  account  of  the  conspiracy,  how  imminent  the  danger  was,  that 
arms  were  collected,  preparations  completed,  and  the  day  fixed 
for  the  rising.     Catiline  himself  was  present  and  engaged  in  the 
debate  ;  and  believing  that  there  were  many  in  the  senate  who 
wanted  a  change,  he  boldly  avowed  his  design,  and  added  to 
his  expression  in  regard  to  the  senate  without  power  and  the 
people  without  a  head,3  that  he  would  be  the  head  that  was 
wanting.     A  few  days  before  he  had  said  to  Cato,4  who  threat- 
ened him  with  a  prosecution,  that  if  a  fire  were  kindled  against 
him  he  would  extinguish  it,  not  with  water,  but  by  the  general 
ruin.    The  election  was  held  soon  after,5  and  Cicero,  in  a  breast- 
plate of  glittering  steel  under  his  toga  and  with  a  body  of  armed 
attendants,  went  to  the  Campus  Martins.     Junius  Silanus  and 
Licinius  Murena  were  elected  consuls. 

10.  The  Consuls  Invested  with  Dictatorial  Powers.  — 
Tliis  repulse  made  Catiline  furious.     He  planned  the  destruc- 
tion  of    the  city,    the  murder  of   the   consuls,   and  as    the 
preparations  of  G.  Manlius  at   Faesulae  were  completed,  the 


1  Lex  TuU'ut  '/-  fiinltUn  threatened  punishment  a<rainst  the  (tirisore*  (the  ward-dis- 
tributors (if  bribes  to  voters);  forbade  a  candidate  to  give  gladiatorial  shows  for  two  years 
before  election.  &c. 

'  See  Suet.  Atu:.,  94;  Lange  1.  c.  vol.  iii.,  p.  847.  •  See  p.  284. 

*  Cic..  p.  Mur.  25.  •  At  the  beginning  of  Oct. 


Tin:    CONM-Lsim-   OF    M.    TfLLIfS    CICKHO.       [fi.  C.  <i3. 

28th1  of  October  was  set  for  the  insurrection.  Cicero,  in- 
formed of  all  his  plans,  summoned  the  senate  October  \!lst. 
which  now,  thoroughly  alarmed,  invested  the  consuls  with 
dictatorial  power.2  In  the  meantime,  letters  from  Fsesulse 
said  that  Manlius  had  collected  a  formidable  army,  and  that  an 
insurrection  was  threatened  in  Capua  and  Apulia.  By  good 
fortune  the  two  proconsuls,  Marcius  Rex  and  Metellus  Creticus, 
were  waiting  at  the  gates  for  the  triumph  which  they  de- 
manded. The  senate  sent  the  former  to  Faesulse,  and  Metel- 
lus was  ordered  to  proceed  against  the  insurgents  in  Apulia. 
The  gladiators  were  removed  from  Capua  and  rewards  Avere 
proclaimed  for  information  concerning  the  conspiracy.  In 
Rome,  citizens  were  enrolled,  guards  posted  at  the  gates,  and 
watches  patrolled  the  streets. 

11.  The  First  Catilinarian  Oration. — At  this  juncture, 
Catiline  called  a  meeting3  of  the  conspirators  at  the  house  of 
M.  Porcius  Laeca,  and  told  them  that  he  was  ready  to  depart 
to  the  army  if  Cicero  was  first  disposed  of.  A  knight,  G. 
Cornelius,  and  a  senator,  L.  Varguntejus,  undertook  to  ;i 
sinate  the  consul  in  his  own  house  the  next  morning.  A 
timely  warning  caused  Cicero  to  close  his  doors  to  visitors, 
and  on  the  same  day  he  summoned  the  senate  in  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Stator.4  Catiline  was  present,  but  his 
fellow-senators  shrank  from  him,  and  left  the  benches  vacant 
where  he  sat.  Then  Cicero  arose  and  poured  forth  the  first  of 
the  four  celebrated  Catilinarian  orations,  which  begins  with  the 
well-known  words  :  "  How  long,  Catiline,  will  you  abuse  our 
patience?"  He  showed  him  that  he  knew  what  he  had  done, 
what  he  intended,  that  he  was  informed  of  all  his  plans,  and 
called  upon  him  to  relieve  the  city  of  his  hated  presence,  and 
to  take  his  companions  in  crime  with  him.  Catiline,  with 


1  The  second  day  of  the  l»di  rifforitt  fi>iUana>,  a  day  on  which  the  comifia  could  not 
be  held  ;  it  could  not,  therefore,  have  been  postponed'until  this  day,  as  is  usually  sup- 
posed to  have  been  the  ca~c. 

*  Videant  con .«///»•>•/,«  yuid retptMlea  detrtmentl  'V///;<//. 

3  The  conspirators  :i"onibled  on  the  ide<  of  November,  and  the  murder  of  Cicero 
was  to  take  place  on  the  next  day.  tin-  fith  of  November  :  but  a."  the  assembly  broke  up 
too  late  for  that,  it  was  deferred  until  the  morning  of  the  7th. 

•  For  position  of  this  temple  see  colored  map  No.  2. 


B.  C.  63.]      THE   CONSULSHIP  OF   M.   TULLIUS  CICERO.  295 

downcast  eyes  and  faltering  voice,  begged  the  senate  not  to 
judge  him  harshly,  nor  to  think  that  he,  a  patrician,  would 
attempt  to  ruin  the  republic  that  a  man  like  Cicero,  sprung 
from  the  dregs  of  the  people,  might  save  it.  Here  his  voice 
was  drowned  with  the  cry,  "Traitor!"  "  Parricide ! "  He 
rushed  from  the  senate  chamber,  and  after  conferring  with 
the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy  and  assuring  them  that  he 
would  soon  return  with  an  army,  he  left  the  city  at  nightfall, 
accompanied  by  a  few  associates,  and  hastened  to  the  camp  of 
Manlius.  He  left  instructions  for  Lentulus  and  Cethegus  and 
others  in  the  city  not  to  quit  their  posts,  but  to  take  measures 
to  assassinate  the  consul  and  to  prepare  for  an  outbreak  as 
soon  as  he  should  appear  with  an  army. 

12.  The  Conspirators  Betrayed  and  Arrested. — On 
the  next  day,  Nov.  8,  Cicero  addressed  the  second  Catilinarian 
oration  to  the  people  in  the  forum.  He  defended  himself  from 
the  charge  of  acting  harshly  against  Catiline,  denied  that  he  had 
driven  him  into  banishment,  prophesied  that  Catiline  would  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  army  in  Etruria,  and  finally 
declared  that  the  consul  and  senate  were  prepared  to  crush  his 
nefarious  schemes.  The  senate  declared  Catiline  and  Marlius 
public  enemies,  and  ordered  Antonius  to  proceed  against  them 
with  an  army,  while  Cicero  remained  to  guard  the  city.  No 
steps  were  taken  against  the  conspirators  who  remained  in  the 
city,  from  lack  of  sufficient  legal  proof  to  convict  them.  This, 
however,  their  own  imprudence  furnished.  They  ventured  to 
tamper  with  the  envoys  of  the  Allobroges,  who  had  come 
from  Gaul  to  petition  the  senate  against  the  tyranny  of  the 
Roman  governors.  The  envoys  had  met  with  no  success,  and 
were  returning  home  in  ill-humor  at  their  reception.  The 
adherents  of  Catiline  thought  it  a  favorable  time  to  kindle  the 
flames  of  civil  war  in  Gaul  and  to  create  a  diversion  there  in 
their  favor.  The  Allobroges,  however,  revealed  the  plot  to 
their  patron,1  Q.  Fabius  Sanga,  who  communicated  it  to  Cicero. 
At  Cicero's  directions  the  envoys  feigned  great  zeal  in  the 

1  Whole  communities  were  often  clients  of  some  distinguished  man. 


29G  THE   CONSULSHIP  OF   M.   TULLIUS  CICERO.       [fi.  C.  63. 

undertaking  and  obtained  letters  from  the  chief  conspirators 
as  credentials  to  their  nation.  A.s  the  en\o\s  were  leaving 
Rome  by  the  Milvian  bridge1  they  were  anvsted  l»y  per>ons 
who  had  been  stationed  there  in  ambush  for  that  purpose  and 
taken  to  Cicero's  house.  The  next  morning  Cicero  sent  lor  the 
chief  conspirators.  Ignorant  of  what  had  happened,  they  came 
and  were  immediately  arrested  and  led  before  the  senate.  The 
letters  were  opened;  the  conspirators  acknowledged  their  guilt. 
Lentulus  was  compelled  to  resign  the  prajtorship,  and  was 
delivered  with  four  of  his  associates  to  the  custody  of  certain 
senators,  who  were  made  answerable  for  their  appearance. 

13.  Effort  to  Implicate  Crassus. — Cicero  related  these 
events  to  the  people  the  same  evening,  December  3d,  in  the 
third  Catilinarian  oration.     He  urged  them  to  return  thanks 
with  the  senate  to  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  whose  statue  by  a  singular 
coincidence  had  been  erected  in  the  capitol  that  morning,  and 
looking   down  upon    his   people   in  the    forum,  had    grained 
them  favor  and  protection.     An  effort  was  made  to  implicate 
Crassus  as  well  as  Caesar  in  the  conspiracy,  in  the  hope  that 
either  their  great  influence  with  the  senate  would  screen  the 
culprits  from  justice  or  if  they  defended  the  conspirators  they 
would    criminate    themselves.     The  senators  refused  unani- 
mously to    believe  the   insinuations,   and   decreed  that    the 
informer  should  be  imprisoned  until  he  disclosed  the  name 
of  the  person  who  had  instigated  him  to  give  such  evidence. 

14.  The  Conspirators  Condemned  by  the  Senate. — 
On  the  5th  day  of  December,  Cicero  convened  the  senate  to 
decide  on  the  fate  of  the  conspirators.     The  question  was  one 
of  great  difficulty.     The  senate  had  invested  the  consuls  with 
dictatorial  power,  but  this  the  people  maintained  did  not  give 
them  authority  to  inflict  capital  punishment.     So  far  Cicero 
had  proceeded   strictly  according  to  the  forms  of  law.      The 
conspirators  had  been  declared   public  enemies  in  order  that 
they  might  be  deprived  of  citizenship.     He  now  brought  the 
matter  before  the  senate*  and,  according  to  the  usual  custom, 

1  J'nntt  3Iotte,  se<>  map,  p.  4. 


B.  C.  G3.J      THE   CONSULSHIP  OF  M.    TULLIUS   CICERO.  297 

called  on  Silamis,  the  consul-elect,  for  his  opinion  first.  Sila- 
nus  declared  that  the  conspirators  should  suffer  the  extreme 
penalty  of  the  law,  and  all  the  consulars  agreed  with  him. 
When  the  turn  came  to  Caesar,  who  was  prsetor-elect,  he  recom- 
mended that  their  goods  be  confiscated  and  that  they  be 
imprisoned  for  life  in  different  Italian  cities.  With  this  opin- 
ion, Quintus,  Cicero's  brother,  agreed,  and  a  large  number  of 
senators,  from  fear  of  the  people,  inclined  to  the  same  opinion. 
Even  Silanus  retracted  and  explained  his  opinion  by  declaring 
that  imprisonment  was  the  extreme  penalty  that  a  citizen  could 
suffer  at  Rome.  When  the  turn  came  to  Marcus  Portius  Cato, 
he  rose  and  in  tones  of  deep  conviction  and  unflinching  courage 
demanded  the  execution  of  the  criminals  ;  he  attacked  Caesar  and 
charged  him  with  attempting  to  rescue  from  justice  the  enemies 
of  the  state.  This  decided  the  question.  Cicero  in  the  fourth 
Catilinarian  oration  1  summed  up  the  arguments  on  both  sides, 
and  called  upon  the  senators  to  have  no  regard  for  his  personal 
safety ;  that  whatever  happened  to  himself  he  cared  not,  he 
would  execute  the  decree  of  the  senate  whatever  it  might  be. 
15.  The  Execution  of  the  Conspirators.  —The  senate 
voted  for  the  death  of  the  conspirators.  The  charge  raised 
against  Ctesar  by  Piso  and  Catulus  had  been  industriously 
circulated,  and  the  knights  who  guarded  the  doors  of  the 
temple  of  Concord,  where  the  senate  sat,  and  were  impa- 
tiently awaiting  the  result,  threatened  Caesar  with  their  swords 
as  he  came  out.  Cicero  took  care  to  have  the  sentence  exe- 
cuted at  once.  Lentulus  with  four  others8  was  strangled 
in  the  vault  of  the  Tnllianum.  The  people  thronged  round 
Cicero  as  he  descended  to  the  forum,  and  hailed  him  the 
savior  and  second  founder  of  Rome.  The  streets  were  illu- 
minated, and  each  in  the  train  of  citizens  that  accompanied 


Pint.  Cat.  Min.,  23;  this  speech  was  reported  by  the  stenographers  and  published. 
The  following  are  the  n«nal  dates  of  the  four  Catilinarian  orations  with  the  corrections, 
on  account  of  the  disorder  of  the  calendar  : 

I.  A'/  X>-HH'I>I».  :\.  (I.  VI.,    Id.  Nov.  =  Nov.  8,  B.  c.  63  =  Jan.  12,  B.C.  62. 
II.  A  (I /''->/)iif'/itt.  a.  d.    V..    Id.Nov.-Nov.il.    "     "  =  Jan.  13,    "     " 
III.  Ail  Pnivilmii.  a.  d.  III..  Non.  Dec.  =  Dec.  3,     "     "  =  Feb.   5,     "      " 
1111.  Ad  Xf/ttitiiM.  Nouis  Dec.  =  Dec.  5,    "     "  =  Feb.  7,    "      " 

"  The  other  four  had  escaped. 


298  Tin:  « ONM -Lsiiii1  OF  M.  TULI.H-S  CICKRO.      |_ij.  r. »;:;. 

Cicero  home,  acknowledged  that  Borne  owed  its  safety  to 
Cicero  alone.1 

16.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Catiline. — While  these  events 
were  going  on  in  the  city,  Catiline  and  Maulius  had  collected 
two  legions,  mostly  from  the  veterans  of  Sulla.     When  news 
reached  them  that  the  plot  had  failed  at  Home,  many  of  the 
soldiers  deserted,  and  Catiline  endeavored  to  retreat  into  Cis- 
alpine Gaul.    But  Metellus  Celer  occupied  the  passes  of  the 
Apennines,  while  Catiline  was  closely  followed  hy  Autonius. 
Catiline,  hemmed  in  between  the  two  armies,  turned  upon 
Antonius,  who,  ashamed  to  fight  against  his  old  friend,  feigned 
sickness.    The  command  fell   into  the  hands  of  Petrejus,  an 
old  and  skillful  soldier.     The  armies  met  near  Pistoria  (Pistoja); 
the  struggle  was  desperate  and  bloody.     Catiline  fell  in  the 
thick  of  the  Roman  army,  to  which  he  had  cut  his  way,  sword 
in  hand.    His  two  lieutenants  were  killed.     Kot  a  single  free- 
man was  taken  prisoner;  they  covered  with  their  bodies  the 
places  where  they  fought.2 

17.  The  Position  of  Cicero. — The  conspiracy  had  been 
crushed  and  the  republic  saved  from  great  danger,  yet  there 
was  a  deep  undercurrent  of  discontent,  und  C'a'.-ar's  warning 
against  trifling  with  the  constitutional  .-acivdiu-ss  of  a  Roman 
citizen's  life,  began  to  be  felt.     At  the  head  of  this  faction 
were  the  magistrates   of  the  following  year,  L.  Caesar,  and  the 
tribunes   Metellus  and    Bestia.     When   Cicero,   according  to 
custom,  ascended  the  rostra  on  the  last  day  of  the  year,  to  give 
an  account  to   the  people  of  the  events  of  his  consulship, 
Metellus  forbade  him  to  speak.     "  The  man,"  said  he,  "  who 


1  Mommsen  ([.  c.  vol.  iii..  p.  188  f.)  considers  the  execution  as  unconstitutional. 
There  can,  however,  be  no  doubt,  that  from  the  patrician  standpoint,  the  law  of  the 
republic  invested  the  consuls  with  the  power  of  lire  and  death  as  soon  as  the  senate 
had  issued  i:s  final  decree.  In  support  of  this  view  we  have  theopinion  of  Cassar (B.  c.  7) 
and  of  Sallust  (Cat.  20>,  both  of  the  popular  party,  who  rccounixe  it  as  an  existing 
riirht  of  the  i-enaK  nuihn  imi',, 

maxima  jwrmittthir.  exercilum  paniri,  helium  genre,  rorcn'  <,//<//;>„/>•  modit  focion 
atquf  (Avis  domi  milif-rr/"  /»  fniiiii»iin  Lahore :  d/'it*r  tine  populi 

jufgu  ntiUius  earuii'  -ilijufeft.    Ceaar  admits  it ;  with  certain  limitations.it 

is  true,  but  still  he  recoinii/es  the  riirhf  a-  helon-jiiiL'  to  the  senate.  The  people  had 
often  questioned  this  prerogative,  and  />f*>,i>-rita  had  declared  it  null  and  void  ;  but  the 
nobility  by  no  means  reco<rni/ed  the  validirv  of  ihese  enactments. 

'  The  battle  took  place  in  March  B.  c.  G2. 


B.  C.  G2.]       RETURK   OP  POMPEJUS   FROM  THE   EAST.  299 

cpndernned  our  fellow-citizens  unheard,  shall  not  himself  be 
listened  to."  Then  Cicero  raised  his  voice  and  said,  "I 
swear  that  I  have  saved  the  republic  and  the  city  from  ruin." 
The  people  applauded,  and  with  one  voice  responded  that  he 
had  spoken  the  truth. 


CKLA.PTER  XL VI. 

RETURN  OF  POMPEJUS  FROM  THE  EAST — CAESAR  PROPRIETOR 

IN  SPAIN. 

1.  The  Position  of  Parties. — The  attempt  of  the  insur- 
gents to  get  control  of  the  government  had  failed.  The  efforts 
to  incriminate  the  leaders  of  the  democratic  party  in  the  con- 
spiracy, although  they  may  have  watched  its  progress  with 
satisfaction,  were  futile.  Even  the  people  had  been  alarmed 
and  alienated  by  the  incendiary  schemes  of  the  conspirators, 
and  the  optimates  were  able  to  resume  in  a  measure  their  old 
position  at  the  head  of  the  government.  Their  recent  suc- 
cess encouraged  them  in  their  opposition  to  Pompejus,  and 
in  the  belief  that  the  old  powers  of  the  senate  could  be 
restored.  The  day,  however,  was  drawing  near  when  Pompe- 
jus would  return.  He  had  already  sent  his  legate  Metellus 
Nepos  to  be  elected  tribune  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  for 
him  the  consulship  and  the  conduct  of  the  war  against 
Catiline.1  To  combat  these  proposals,  Cato,  the  leader  of 
the  radical  senatorial  party,  declared  himself  a  candidate  for 
the  tribunate.  There  was  also  an  influential  party  in  the 
senate  headed  by  Lucullus,  Metellus  Creticus,  and  M.  Crassus, 
who  were  opposed  to  Pompojus,  from  personal  motives.2  The 
consequence  was  that  when  Nepos  found  the  whole  strength 

1  When  Nepos  proposed  these  rotations,  a  terrible  tumult  ensued.  Nepos  fled  to 
Pompr-jiis  :  the  senate  suspended  Ciesar  from  his  pr.vtorship  :  his  firmness  compelled 
the  -etiate  TO  recall  (lie  penalty  ;  the  senate  declared  all  who  questioned  the  justice  of 
the  executions  of  the  conspirators,  public  enemies.  '  See  pp.  273,  n.  3  ;  281. 


300 


TRIUMPH  OP  POMPEJUS. 


[B.C.  62. 


of  the  senatorial  party  arrayed  against  him,  he  made  ad- 
vances to  the  democrats,  who,  yielding  to  necessity,  conceded 
the  demands  of  Pompejus.  Nepos  in  return  accepted  the 
democratic  view  of  the  execution  of  the  conspirators.  Caesar 
sought  in  various  ways  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  Pompejus 


TEMPLE  OF  .JUPITER  CAPITOLI.M>.  ' 
(Restored  by  Cauina.) 

and  to  bring  him  in  collision  with  the  aristocracy.  He  pro- 
posed to  have  the  superintendence  of  rebuilding  the  Capitoline 
temple  transferred  from  Catulus  to  Pompejus. 

2.  Triumph  of  Pompejus. — In  B.  c.  G2,  Pompejus  reached 
Italy,  and  instead  of  marching  with  his  army  to  Rome  as 
Crassus  had  expected,2  immediately  dismissed  his  soldiers  until 

1  The  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolintis  was  built  by  Tarriuinius  Sujierbus  in  B.  c.  535. 
It  was  nearly  square,  being  900  Roman  feet  in  length,  and  185  in  width  (Vitr.  iv.,  7,  1). 
The  figure  of  Jupiter  WM  the  mort  prominent  object  within  the  temple.  In  his  right 
hand  was  a  thunderbolt,  and  in  lii-^  left  a  spear.  The  L'ates  \\-ere  of  <rjlt  bronze,  and  the 
pavement  of  mosaic.  It  was  burned  in  B.  c.  83  but  soon  rebuilt  and  adorned  with 
columns  of  Pentelic  marble  taken  from  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Olympus  at  Athens.  This 
temple  (see  p.  Is.  n  U  lasted  until  it  was  burnt  by  the  soldiers  of  Vitellins  in  A.  D.  69. 
The  temple  was  rebuilt  bv  Vespa-ian  in  exact  likeness  of  its  predecessor,  only  higher, 
because  the  h:mispices  >aid  the  irods  would  not  a'low  Hie  plan  to  be  altered  (Tac.  Hist., 
iv..53).  It  \va<  finally,  in  A.  i>.  45o.  plundered  by  the  Vandals  and  the  work*  of  art 
carried  off  to  Africa.  "  Plut.  Pomp.,  43. 


B.  C.  100.]  THE  RISE  OF  CLESAR.  301 

it  was  time  for  them  to  attend  his  triumph.  He  set  out  him- 
self for  Rome,  and  asked  permission  of  the  senate  to  enter  the 
city  without  forfeiting  his  claim  to  a  triumph.  Cato  opposed  the 
request,  and  it  was  refused.  He  remained  outside  the  walls 
until  his  triumph  took  place.  It  lasted  two  days  and  was  the 
most  splendid  that  Rome  had  ever  seen.  He  had  conquered 
fifteen  nations,  and  three  hundred  and  twenty-four  princes 
walked  before  his  triumphal  car.  Pompejus  acted  with  great 
moderation ;  he  simply  demanded  of  the  senate  allotments  of 


GAJUS  JULIUS  CJSSAR. 

land  for  his  soldiers,  and  confirmation  of  his  acts  in  the  East 
The  senate,  influenced  by  Lucullus  and  Cato,  refused  these 
requests,  and  Pompejus  had  no  alternative  but  to  fall  back  on 
the  popular  party. 

3.  The  Rise  of  Caesar. — Just  at  this  time  Ca?sar  returned 
from  Spain,  where  he  had  achieved  brilliant  success  and  laid 
the  foundation  of  his  military  career.  From  this  time  the 
power  fell  more  and  more  into  the  hands  of  prominent  men. 
Fortune  had  given  Pompejus  power  which  he  did  not  know  how 


THE  RISE  OF  C/ESAR.  [B.  C.  70. 

to  use.  It  was  snatched  from  him  by  a  man  who  was  worthy 
of  it.  Gajus  Julius  Caesar  was  born  July  12,  B.  c.  100,1  and 
therefore  was  six  years  younger  than  Pompejus  or  Cicero.  He 
sprang  from  an  old  patrician  family,  but  the  circumstances  of 
his  early  life  brought  him  in  close  connection  witli  the  Marian 
party.  His  aunt  had  married  Marius,  and  he  himself,  when 
seventeen  years  old,  had  taken  the  daughter  of  Cinna,  one  of 
the  Marian  leaders,  for  his  wife.  He  refused,  at  the  bidding 
of  Sulla  when  dictator,  to  divorce  his  wife,  as  Pompejus  had 
done.  His  name  was  placed  on  the  list  of  the  proscribed ;  but  he 
concealed  himself  among  the  Sabine  hills  until  the  intercession 
of  the  vestal  virgins  and  nobility  obtained  his  pardon.  "  You 
wish  it,"  said  Sulla  ;  "I  grant  it;  but  in  this  boy  there 
are  more  than  one  Marius."  Caesar,  however,  would  not 
accept  pardon,  but  so  long  as  Sulla  lived  he  avoided  the  capital. 
He  went  to  Asia  Minor,  and  in  the  siege  of  Mitylene  he  won  the 
civic  crown  for  saving  the  life  of  a  citizen.  On  his  return  to 
Rome  he  took  advantage  of  the  popular  dissatisfaction  with 
Sulla's  arrangements  to  win  the  favor  of  the  people.  He 
impeached  Cn.  Dolabella  and  Gr.  Antonius.for  extortion  in  their 
provinces.  Although  they  were  acquitted  by  the  senatorial 
judges,  still  his  success  was  such  as  to  stimulate  his  ambition. 
To  render  himself  still  more  proficient  he  determined  to  retire 
to  Rhodes,  then  celebrated  for  its  rhetoricians.  At  this  time 
Servilius  Isauricus  was  conducting  the  war  against  the  pirates, 
and  Caesar,  while  on  his  way  to  Rhodes,  was  taken  prisoner  by 
the  pirates.  They  demanded  twenty  talents  for  his  ransom. 
"It  is  too  little,"  said  he;  "you  shall  have  fifty;  but  once 
free,  I  will  crucify  you."  And  he  kept  his  word. 

4.  He  Restores  the  Trophies  of  Marius. —  In  B.  c.  70  he 
supported  the  claims  of  Pompejus  for  the  consulship  and  the 
laws  he  proposed,  because  they  admirably  accorded  with  his  own 
plans.  In  B.  c.  69  Caesar  was  quaestor.  In  this  year  his  aunt 

1  Mommscn  set  the  date  B.  c.  103,  because  he  obtained  the  Eedile^hipin  B.  c.  05.  praetor 
(•hip  B.  c.  62,  and  consulship  59.  while  according  to  the  leg  ex  annrile*  these  offices  could 
not  be  held  before  the  37-38th,  40-41st  and  43-44th  years  of  age.  Caesar  was  no  doubt 
exempted,  bv  a  special  law,  like  Pompeju*  M:I<|  ninny  others,  from  the  law.  though  this  is 
nowhere  meiitnnod  in  our  authorities. 


B.  C.  CO.]  THE  FIRST  TRIUMVIRATE.  303 

Julia,  and  wife  Cornelia,  died.  In  pronouncing,  according  to 
custom,  their  eulogy,  he  said:  "My  aunt  Julia  derived  her 
descent  by  her  mother  from  a  race  of  kings,  and  by  her  father 
from  the  immortal  gods.  In  our  family  are  the  sacred  majesty 
of  kings,  who  are  masters  of  the  world,  and  the  divine  majesty 
of  gods,  who  are  the  masters  of  kings." *  Three  years  later  he 
dared  to  restore  the  trophies  of  Marius.  When  these  glittered 
once  more  in  gold  and  marble  in  their  old  place,  the  veterans 
crowded  round  the  statue  of  their  beloved  leader,  with  tears  in 
their  eyes.  As  aedile  he  not  only  embellished  the  comitium  and 
the  rest  of  the  forum,  and  exhibited  three  hundred  and  twenty 
pairs  of  gladiators  equipped  in  silver,  but  in  the  diversions  of 
the  theatre,  in  the  processions  and  public  tables,  he  far  outshone 
the  most  ambitious  of  his  predecessors.2  His  prodigality  was 
frightful ;  his  debts  enormous.  He  owed  one  hundred  million 
sesterces.3  His  liberality,  his  magnanimity,  made  him  the 
favorite  of  the  people.  Even  his  vices  endeared  him  to  them. 
Cicero4  says  that  genius,  method,  memory,  literature,  prudence, 
deliberation  and  industry  were  combined  in  him.  When  the 
chief  pontiff  died,  the  most  illustrious  men  of  the  State  solicited 
the  office.  Caesar,  however,  did  not  give  place  to  them.  On 
the  morning  of  the  election  he  said  :  "  I  shall  this  day  be  either 
chief  pontiff  <>r  an  exile." 

5.  Caesar  the  Greatest  Man  of  Antiquity. — Until 
Caesar  was  forty  years  of  age  his  military  experience  was  of  the 
most  limited  kind.  Then  he  became  the  greatest  general  of  his 
age.  It  must  have  been  a  strange  sight  to  see  that  profligate 
spendthrift,  that  elegant  debauchee,  his  countenance  pale  and 
white,  withered  before  its  time  by  the  excesses  of  the  capital,  that 
delicate  and  epileptic  man,  walking  at  the  head  of  his  legions 
under  the  rains  of  Gaul,  swimming  its  rivers,  climbing  its  mount- 
ains on  foot,  and  making  his  bed  among  rains  and  snows  in  its 
forests  and  morasses.5  When  carried  in  his  litter  he  read  and 
wrote,  and  dictated  to  four  and  sometimes  to  seven  amanuen- 
ses at  once.  He  could  be  reading,  writing,  dictating  and  listen- 

>  Snet.  6.  *  Pint.  Caes.  J  $5,000,000 

*  2  Phill ,  •£.  '  Michelet,  p.  336  ;  Suetonius  Caes.;  Plut.  Cses. 


304  FIRST  CONSULSHIP  OF   r.i;s\K.  [B.  f. 


ing  all  at  the  same  time.  At  the  most  perilous  moments  he  knew 
how  to  seize  a  shield  and  fight  in  the  ranks  of  his  soldiers.  "He 
was,"  says  Drumann,  "great  in  everything  he  undertook;  a.-  a 
captain,  a  statesman,  a  lawgiver,  a  jurist,  an  orator,  a  poet,  an 
historian,  a  grammarian,  a  mathematician,  and  an  architect.1'' 

6.  The  First  Triumvirate  (B.  r.  GO).  —  As  propraetor  lie 
received  the  province  of  Spain.     Even  before  his  departure  his 
old  friend  Crassus  had  to  relieve  him  of  a  portion  of  his  debt. 
He  returned  to  Rome  before  the  consular  elections  of  B.  c.  60, 
and  found  Pompejus  at  variance  with  the  senate.     Caesar  made 
overtures  to  him,  and  promised  to  secure  the  ratification  of  his 
acts  in  the  East  and  the  assignment  of  lands  for  his  soldiers.     In 
return  Pompejus  was  to  support  Caesar  for  the  consulship.    The 
success  of  the  coalition  2  was  secured  by  Caesar's  (raining  over 
Crassus,  whose  great  wealth  gave  him  prominent  influence  in 
the  senate.     This  was  the  master  stroke  of  Cesar's  policy;  to 
overcome  the  bitter  jealousy  between  Pompejus  and  Crassus, 
and  effect  a  reconciliation. 

7.  The  First  Consulship  of  Caesar  (B.  c.  59).  —  Caesar 
was  elected  consul  with  M.  Bihulus,  a  narrow  minded  optimate, 
as  his  colleague.    He  immediately  brought  forward  his  prop<  »als 
—  the  agrarian  law,8  the  ratification  of  Pompejus'  acts4  in  the 
East,  and  a  bill  for  granting  the  petition  of  the  knights5  to  be 
relieved  from  the  terms  on  which  they  had  agreed  to  farm  the 
taxes  in  Asia.     After  the  most  obstinate  resistance  on  the  part 
of  the  optimates  the  laws  were  carried.     Twenty  commissioners, 
with  Pompejus  and  Crassus  at  their  head,  were  appointed  to 
superintend  the  distribution  of  the  land.     At  the  close  of  his 

•consulship  C.Tsar  was  invested6  with  the  government  of  Cisal- 


s,  vol.  iii..  p.  74H. 
"  This  private  league  was  afterwards  known  as  the  Fir.--/  Tri>nnnr«t>  . 

*  The  Itjr  Julia  ayrariti  proposed  the  division  of  the  o^er  pud&ru*  in  Italy.    The  sec- 
ond lex  agraria  included  the  «//•/•  <  <///•/<•///*/.*'  and  the  ctiin/i>/.*  *t<i!,iti*.  wl.icli  were  to 
be  divided  among:  the  poor  citizens.  *  The  //./•  Jtili'i  <l<  <ti-fi.--  I'm/ipqi. 

*  The  Ux  Julia  ij*  in/f>!ir<i/ti«.  to  conciliate  Crassus.    Cato's  severity  in  refusing  to 
release  the  lessees  of  the  taxo-  in  A-ia  Minor  from  the  term-  on  which  they  1  a'l  agreed  to 
farm  the  revenue  there,  alienated  the  equestrian  order,  and  made  them  eager  to  transfer 
their  allegiance  to  the  triumvir-,  who  promised  to  procure  for  them  the  remission  of  one- 
third  of  the  sum  they  hud  promised  to  pay. 

*  The  fej-  Vatinia  de  ///  in  connection  with  thi*  wa-  the  ,'•  /•  Vafinia 
de  colonia  La/inn  Comma  dfrliicendu.    (\e-ar  had  already  advocated  the  granting  of  citi- 
zenship to  the  Transpadane  Gauls.      Thi-  wa-  a  step  in  that  direction,  and  th-^  5000  colo- 
nists assured  him  of  their  fidelity.    Comum  from  this  time  was  called  Novum  Comma. 


B.C.  58.]  FIRST  CONSULSHIP  OF   CAESAR.  305 

pine  and  Transalpine  Gaul  and  Illyricum,  with  eight  legions, 
for  the  space  of  live  years.1  The  main  object  of  his  consulship 
had  been  attaiiied.  He  had  bound  Pompejus  and  Crassus  to 
himself  and  to  the  popular  party  more  closely,  and  as  proconsul 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  he  could  watch  the  progress  of  affairs  in  the 
capital.  The  threatening  movements  of  the  tribes  in  Transal- 
pine Gaul  opened  to  him  a  wide  field  for  the  exercise  of  his 
military  genius,  and  gave  him  time  to  form  a  powerful  army 
devoted  to  his  interests.  Pompejus  undertook,  in  the  mean- 
time, to  watch  over  Italy  and  carry  into  execution  the  agrarian 
law. 

8.  Publius  Clodius. — The  success  of  the  triumvirs  seemed 
complete,  and  the  power  of  the  senate  completely  broken.  Still 
the  people  were  fickle,  and  there  were  symptoms  of  discontent. 
Some  of  the  optimates  were  rash  enough  to  propose  the  annul- 
ling of  the  Julian  laws.  It  was  evident  that  the  senate  bore  with 
inward  rage  the  yoke  which  Caesar  had  laid  upon  it.  Even 
Pompejus  felt  that  his  present  position  hardly  accorded  with  his 
aristocratic  notions,  and  he  repented  of  the  step  he  had  taken.2 
There  was  danger  then  that  during  Caesar's  absence  a  reconcil- 
iation would  take  place  between  him  and  the  senate,  and  that 
he  would  succeed  once  more  in  winning  the  support  of  the 
popular  party.  To  prevent  this,  Caesar  made  use  of  Publius 
Clodius  Pulcher,  who  had  for  a  long  time  been  attempting  to 
procure  his  adoption  into  a  plebeian  house,  that  he  might  be 
elected  to  the  tribunate.  Clodius  procured  his  adoption  8  with  the 
aid  of  Caesar,  who  henceforth  found  in  him  an  apt  instrument 
for  humbling  the  power  of  the  senate,  and,  in  case  of  need,  to 
act  against  Pompejus.  Clodius  was  exasperated  against  the  sen- 
atorial party,  and  particularly  against  Cicero.  The  consuls  for 
the  following  year  were  L.  Calpurnius  Piso,  Caesar's  father-in- 

1  Gattla  Trangalpina  was  added  by  the  senate  and  no  time  mentioned.  The  CfaUia  deal- 
mna  wa*  cmiffrri'd  until  March  1st  ,"B.  c.  54,  instead  of  January  1st.  on  which  day,  accorr'  • 
ing  to  the  le.i-  Cornelia  de  prm-inciit,  the  consuls  and  praetors  were  accustomed  to  enter 
on  their  province*. 

5  Cic.  ad  Atticum  ii.,  889, (written  Aug.,  B.  c.  591:  "In  the  first  place,  then,  I  would 
have  you  know  that  our  friend  Sainp-icerainns  (i.e.,  Pompejn-^  i«  heartily  sick  of  his  sit- 
uation, aii'l  wishos  hi'  could  be  restored  to  that  place  from  which  he  ha* "fallen." 

1  The  lex  curiata  de  arrogatione ;  C^ar,  as  pontifex  maximum,  managed  the  affair  for 
Clodius. 


306  LEGISLATION    OF   CLOW  US.  [fi.  C.  58 

law,  and  A.  Gabinius,  an  adherent  of  Pompejus,  while  P.  Clo- 
dius1  was  elected  tribune  of  the  people.  The  personal  bonds 
between  Caesar  and  Poinpejus  were  drawn  still  more  closely  by 
the  marriage  of  Pompejus  with  Julia,  Caesar's  only  daughter, 
then  twenty  years  of  age. 

9.  Clodius'  Legislation. —  Caesar  still  lay  with  his  legions 
before  the  walls  of  Home,  ready  to  support  his  party,  if  neces- 
sary. Clodius,  agreeably  to  his  instructions,  immediately  on 
entering  the  tribunate  proposed  and  carried  four  rogations 
at  the  same  time. 

The  first 2  was  intended  to  secure  the  favor  of  the  peo- 
ple by  providing  that  they  should  be  supplied  with  corn 
gratuitously. 

The  second3  was  directed  against  the  very  citadel  of  the  sena- 
torial power  ;  it  forbade  the  consuls  to  hinder  legislation  under 
pretence  of  observing  the  heavens.4 

1  This"  was  the  same  Clodins  who  had  attempted  to  incite  an  insurrection  in  the  army 
of  Lucullus,  in  B.  c.  Ii7.  In  B.  c.  62,  while  the  Roman  matrons  were  met  in  C;e-:ir'-  huii-e 
to  celebrate,  according  to  custom,  the  mysteries  of  tin:  Good  Qoddew  (Bonn  Dea),  in 
which  it ,  was  considered  the  greatest  profanation  for  any  male  creature  to  b>-  present, 
Clodius  entered.  rti-'ui-ed  a.s  a  female  musician.  He  was  detected  and  the  mysteries  ha~ 
tily  veiled,  hut  Clodius  made  his  e-eape.  The  scandal  created  great  excitement, 
was  compromised.  He  divorced  his  wife  Pompeja.  The  case  wa>-  brought  before  the 
senate.  The  trial  la-ted  tlmm-h  B.  r.  83  and  til.  Clodius  bribed  -.tie  judges  and  procured 
hi-  acquittal.  He  was  deeply  embittered  against  the  sena'e,  a':d  particularly  against 
Cicero,  who  h  ul  app«-an-d  against  him  as  a  \\itness.  He  vn  n-f.  vei  -peance.  aim  for  this 
purpose  procured  his  adoption  into  a  plebeian  family,  and  tx-came  a  candidate  for  the 
tribunate.  Caesar  found  in  him  a  suitable  instrument  f  \r  accomplishing  his  designs 
against  Cicero  and  the  senatorial  jwrty. 

GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 
APFIUS  CLAUDU  s  *  PULCHEB. 


AP.CL.  PULCITCR          C.  CL.  Pt  T.CHEB.  P.  CLOWUS 


-.  r>4. 


pnct.  B.  c.  56.  trib.  pleb.  B.  c.  58. 


CLAUDIA  m.  CLAUDIA  m. 

CN.  POWEJUS.  M.  BRUTUS. 


P.  CLODIUS.          CLODIA  m.  Octarlus. 

•  Sometimes  called  Claudius  and  sometimes  <  lodiu-  (c.  f.  caudtx  and  coder,  davxtrum 
and  ,-w/v/ //i):  it  became  the  custom,  in  later  times  of  the  republic,  for  several  of  the 
Claudii  to  call  themselve-  Clodii. 

1  The  I'. r  frinii'  i': 

8  The  lex 'r/«>/i<i  */'•  )>irf  et  tonpare  leovm  rooandarwn,  I.  f.,  that  it  should  !>'  legal  w 
*ropo-c  r..-;iii'».!-  to  the  people  on  all  •!>.  ifattf,  rhatK  on  all  die*  fa*U  non  cormtialex. 

*  8oe  naire  40. 


B.  C.  58.]  BANISHMENT   OF   CICERO.  307 

The  third  re-established  the  ancieut  guilds,1  which  the  sen- 
ate had  recently  suppressed. 

The  fourth'2'  annulled  the  most  despotic  prerogative  of  the 
censors,  by  forbidding  them  to  deny  admittance  to  any  magis- 
trate to  the  senate  who  was  legally  entitled  to  a  seat  there. 

10.  The  Banishment  of  Cicero. — The  next  and  most 
important  service  which  Clodius  performed  for  the  triumvirs 
was  to  deprive  the  senate  of  its  two  ablest  and  most  influen- 
tial members.  Although  Clodius  was  a  bitter  enemy  of  Cicero, 
and  would  gladly  have  driven  him  from  the  state,  yet  he  could 
do  nothing  without  the  consent  of  the  triumvirs.  Agreeably 
to  his  instructions,  he  proposed  a  bill  to  entrust  Cato  with  the 
government  of  Cyprus,  which  was  to  be  converted  into  a  prov- 
ince, and  to  interdict  from  fire  and  water  any  magistrate  who 
had  put  Roman  citizens  to  death  without  a  trial.  Cicero's  name 
was  not  mentioned.  He,  however,  saw  his  peril,  dressed  him- 
self in  mourning,  and  went  round  the  forum  soliciting  the  com- 
passion of  the  people.  The  senators  and  knights  assembled  on 
the  capitol  to  consult  concerning  the  threatened  danger.  A 
deputation,  headed  by  Hortensius  and  Scribonius  Curio,  was 
sent  to  implore  the  assistance  of  the  consuls.3  Deputations 
from  the  Italian  towns  flocked  to  Rome  to  offer  their  sympathy. 
Cicero  appealed  personally  to  Pompejus,  and  prostrated  himself 
before  him  as  a  suppliant.  Pompejus  repelled  him  coldly,  with 
the  answer  that  he  could  do  nothing  without  Caesar's  consent. 
As  for  Caesar,  he  expressed  his  opinion  plainly  in  an  assembly4  of 
the  people  convened  by  Clodius 5  in  the  circus  of  Flaminius,  be- 
yond the  walls.  Here  Caesar  could  be  present,  for  as  proconsul  at- 
the  head  of  the  legions  it  was  not  lawful  for  him  to  enter  the  city. 
The  two  consuls  spoke  against  Cicero,  and  Caesar  repeated  the 
opinion  which  he  had  maintained  from  the  first  in  the  senate — 
that  the  execution  of  the  conspirators  was  illegal,  but  that,  in  a 

These  as^ir'anon-  (collegia  c0m]ri(alicia)  were  originally  organized  to  conduct  the 
sacred  rites  of  ih  •  compita  (erois-roads).  Although  nominally  religious,  they  had  been 
turned  into  "  street  clubs,"  controlled  by  ward  politicians,  and'  on  that  account  had  been 
suppressed  by  the  senate  in  B.  c.  M  ;  they  were  now  revived  by  Clodius  (lex  Clodia  de 
COUeffUs).  *  The/#r  Clodia  de  cenxoria  notiome. 

3  They  dared  not  offend  Clodius,  for  as  tribune  lie  could  procure  for  them  a  rich 
province.  «  Contio. 

•  Clodiup  openly  boasted  that  he  acted  in  understanding  with  Ciesar,  Pompejus  and 
MS.    Cic.  Sest.  17,  yj  f.  ;  Har.  Resp.  82,  47. 


308  THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE   "WEST.  [  15.  C.  58-51. 

matter  so  long  passed,  he  deprecated  severe  measures.  All 
availed  nothing.  The  armed  bands  of  Clodius  kept  posses-ion 
of  the  forum.  Cicero  thought  it  best  to  yield  to  the  storm,  and 
after  dedicating  in  the  capitol  a  small  statue  of  .Minerva,  the 
tutelary  deity  of  Rome  as  well  as  of  Athens,  withdrew  from  the 
city.1  Clodius  then  carried  a  bill  interdicting  Cicero  by  name 
from  fire  and  water  within  400  miles  of  Rome.  His  property 
was  confiscated,  and  his  house  on  the  Palatine  was  burnt. 
Caesar's  measures  in  the  capital  had  been  satisfactorily  accom- 
plished, and  he  was  now  ready  to  set  out  for  his  province.2  It 
was  time,  for  the  threatening  movements  of  the  Celtic  tribes 
demanded  his  presence. 


CHAJPTKR 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE  WEST  (B.  C.  58-51). 

1.  The  Condition  of  Gaul. — The  Romans  had  already 
come  in  contact  with  the  Celts  in  Gaul,  and  had  converted  the 
strip  of  land  on  the  seaboard  between  the  Alps  and  Pyrenees 
into  a  Roman  province  (B.  c.  118).  The  Romans  had  for  a  long 
time  regarded  the  Celtic  province  as  very  important,  still  they 
had  made  no  systematic  effort  to  extend  their  dominion  in  that 
quarter.  The  climate  was  healthy,  the  soil  rich  and  fertile,  and 
the  intercourse  with  Italy,  by  land  and  sea.  easy.  Roman  mer- 
chants and  farmers  had  already  resorted  in  great  numbers  to 
Gaul,  and  had  disseminated  there  Roman  civilization.  The 
centre  of  this  civilization  was  the  old  Greek  city,  Massilia, 
from  which  articles  of  luxury  found  their  way  up  the  Rhone  and 
Soaue,  and  thence,  by  land,  to  the  Seine  and  Loire,  in  exchange 
for  the  products  of  Gaul. 

1  Cato  left  Rome  about  tbe  same  time.  '  Towards  thn  end  of  March,  B.  c.  53. 


B.  C.  58-51.]  THE   CONQUEST  OF  THE   WEST. 


309 


2.  Defeat  of  the  Helvetians  (B.C.  58). — About  this  time 
the  Helvetians,  a  Celtic  tribe,  becoming  restless  in  their  narrow 
territories,  hemmed  in  as  they  were  between  the  Jura,  the 
Rhine  and  the  Alps,  on  account  of  their  scanty  means  of  sub- 
sistence, determined  to  abandon  their  territories  and  seek  larger 
ind  more  fertile  abodes  to  the  west  of  the  Jura  mountains.    As 
Caesar  was  waiting  before  the  gates  of  Rome,  in  the  beginning 
of  B.  c.  58,  he  heard  that  the  Helvetians  had  already  assembled 
on  the  Rhone  for  the  purpose  of  crossing  and  settling  in  the 
\\Vst.     Thinking  that  this  would  endanger  the  safety  of  the 
province  he  hastened   to   Gaul,  reached  the  Rhone  in  eight 
days,  and  by  skillful  negotiations  delayed  the  advance  of  the 
Helvetians  until  he  had  constructed  a  line  of  iiitrenchments 

from  the  lake  of  Geneva  to  the  Jura     

mountains.   This  defeated  the  attempt 

of  the  Helvetians  to  cross  the  river  in 
this  direction,  and  they  were  com- 
pelled to  take  their  way  along  its  right 
bank,  and  thus  make  their  journey 
westward  by  a  more  northerly  route.1 
Caesar  hastily  collected  his  forces,2  fol- 
lowed up  the  left  bank  of  the  Soane, 
cut  to  pieces  a  part  of  the  Helvetian 
army  and  pursued  the  remainder  to 
[Bibracte,3"  where  he  defeated  them  4  in 
a  terrible  battle  and  compelled  them  to 
return  to  their  own  country. 

3.  War  with  Ariovistus  (B.  c.  58). —  Next,  Caesar  advanced 
porthward  to  Vesontio  (Besangon),  drove5  back  the  Suevi,  who 
had  crossed  the  Rhine  in  great  numbers6  under  their  chief  Ario- 
vistus, for  the  purpose  of  reconciling  the  contending  factions 


THE  FORTIFICATIONS 


FROM  LAKE  GENEVA 
TO  THE  JURA  MX. 


1  Through  the  pass  de  1'Ecluse. 

"    *  He  went  to  his  other  province  and  brought  up  the  three  legions  there,  as  well  as 
the  two  of  newly  enrolled  recruits.    He  had  in  all  6  legions  and  -JOIX)  Gallic  horsemen. 

•  Bibracte  was,  according  to  GOler,  on  the  site  of  the  modern  Autun;  according  to 
napoleon,  some  distance  from  Autun,  on  Mt.  Bonvray. 

'  The  Helvetians  had  set  out  with  868,000,  their  whole  population,  of  which  92,000 
were  armed  ;  only  110.000  returned. 

'  The  battle  was  fought  near  Czernay  and  Lower  AspacU. 

•  130,000  had  already  crossed. 


310  THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE    UEST.  [B.  C.  58-51. 

and  forming  alliances  in  Gaul.  The  next  year  (B.  c.  57)  Caesar 
conquered  the  Belgic  tribes,  one  of  the  three  great  nations  that 
occupied  Gaul.  It  was  in  this  campaign  that,  the  Romans 
being  surprised  by  the  Nervii.  while  pitching  their  camp,  the 
line  was  restored  by  Caesar's  seizing  a  shield  and  fighting  in  the 
ranks.  During  this  year,  Caesar's  lieutenant,  1*.  Cra>Mi.-.  subju- 
gated the  tribes  in  Brittany  and  Normandy,  so  that  at  the  end  of 
the  second  year  two  of  the  three  great  divisions  of  Gaul  were  in 
the  power  of  the  Romans.  In  the  third  year  Caesar  advanced 
against  the  Veneti,  wholiad  revolted,  and  succeeded  in  captur- 
ing their  towns  and  defeating  their  fleet  in  the  first  great  naval 
battle  fought  in  the  Atlantic  ocean.  The  Morini  and  Menapii 
submitted,  and  Caesar  seemed  to  have  fully  attained  one  of  the 
great  objects  which  he  set  out  to  accomplish — the  subjugation 
of  Gaul. 

4.  The  Invasion  of  Grermany  and  Britain  (B.  c.  55). — 
The  other  half  of  his  work — to  compel  the  Germans  to  recog- 
nize the  Rhine  as  their  boundary  on  the  west — still  remained 
before  him.     Two  tribes  had  already  been  driven  over  the  Rhine 
in  the  pressure  of  the  Germanic  tribes  towards  the  West,  but 
Oaesar  resolved  to  prevent  them  from  settling  in  Gaul.     They 
were  defeated  with  tremendous  slaughter,  and  Caesar  determined 
to  bridge  the  Rhine1  and  cross  himself,  in  order  to  inspire  the 
other  German  tribes  Avith  terror.     In  the  autumn  of  the  same 
year  he  crossed  for  a  reconnaissance  to  Britain.2  but  his  fleet  was 
disabled  by  a  storm,  and  he  was  content  to  withdraw,  after  a 
fortnight,  to  Gaul,  for  the  winter.     The  next  year  he  crossed 
again8  with  a  large  fleet,  defeated  the  Britains  under  their 
leader  Cassivellaunus,  and  compelled  them  to  pay  tribute  and 
furnish  hostages. 

5.  Caesar's  Victories  Honored  in  Rome. — When  the 
news  of   these   prodigious  marches  and   wonderful   victories 


1  This  was  B.  c.  56  The  bridge  was  erected,  according  to  Napoleon,  at  Bonn;  accord- 
Ing  to  GMJler,  between  Bonn  and  Coblentz. 

-  According  to  Napoleon,  lie  Bailed  from  the  harbor  of  the  modern  Boulogne. both  this 
and  the  next  year;  according  to  GOler.  he  embarked  this  year  from  Wissant,  and  the  next 
year  from  CalaK 

5  He  embarked  from  Portus  Itius  (probably  Witsand,  between  Calais  and  Boulogne). 


B.  c.  58-51. 


C.  58-51.]  THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE  WEST.  311 

reached  Rome,  a  cry  of  admiration  arose  from  all  sides.  The 
senate  voted  thanksgivings,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  Cato. 
"Compared  to  the  exploits  of  Caesar,"  said  Cicero,  "what  has 
Marina  done?  He  arrested  the  deluge  of  Gauls  into  Italy;  but 
he  never  penetrated  into  their  abodes,  he  never  subdued  their 
cities.  Caesar  has  not  only  repulsed  the  Gauls,  but  he  has  sub- 
dued them.  The  Alps  were  once  the  barriers  between  Italy 
and  the  barbarians.  The  gods  had  placed  the  mountains 
there  to  shelter  Rome  in  her  weakness.  Now  let  them  sink 
and  welcome.  From  the  Alps  to  the  ocean  she  has  no  enemy 
to  fear."  During  the  winter  Caesar  held  his  court,  as  usual, 
at  Lucca,  the  most  convenient  point  within  his  province, 
where  he  could  watch  the  political  complications  in  the 
capital  and  receive  his  numerous  partisans  and  consult  with 
them.  Here  consulars,  senators  and  officials  of  all  ranks 
crowded  to  his  receptions,  and  all  returned  delighted  with 
the  courtesy  and  generosity  of  the  conqueror. 

6.  Revolt  in  Gaul. —  Hitherto  the  Gauls  had  offered  no 
united  resistance,  but  in  the  winter  of  B.  c.  54  they  thought  a 
favorable  opportunity  was  offered  for  them  to  combine  their 
forces,  destroy  their  conqueror,  and  recover  their  independence, 
as  Caesar  was  compelled  to  disperse  his  troops,  on  account  of  the 
scarcity  of  provisions.  The  corps  among  the  Eburones,  near 
Aduatica,  was  attacked,  and  on  its  retreat  totally  annihilated. 
The  insurrection  spread  among  the  other  tribes,  and  soon  the 
insurgents,  to  the  number  of  sixty  thousand,  laid  siege  to  the 
camp  of  Q.  Cicero,  in  the  territory  of  the  Nervii.  Caesar,  for- 
tunately, was  still  in  Gaul.  He  hastened,  with  great  speed,  to 
Cicero's  relief,  raised  the  siege,  and  the  insurgents  dispersed. 
Caesar  exacted  terrible  vengeance 1  from  the  revolted  tribes,  and 
in  order  to  strike  terror  to  the  Germans,  whom  the  Gauls  had 
once  more  invited  to  their  assistance,  he  crossed  the  Rhine 
again.  In  the  following  year  (B.  c.  53)  he  advanced  to  the 
north  and  exacted  bloody  vengeance  on  the  Eburones,  the  lead- 
ers of  the  insurrection.  The  next  year  (B.  c.  52)  Caesar  found 

1  For  this  campaign  he  raised  three  legions  (two  were  borrowed  from  Pompejus).  He 
had  previously  8j  legions  ;  1J  was  lost  iu  the  attack  ;  he  now  had  10. 


312  THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE   \\\.-\.  [B.  C.  58-51. 

all  Gaul  again  arrayed  against  him  in  a  general  insurrection. 
The  last  attempt  hud  failed  because  the  proconsul  had  appeared 
unexpectedly  on  the  scene  of  action.  Now  he  was  at  a  distance, 
detained  on  the  Po  by  the  imminence  of  civil  war.  This,  then, 
was  the  time  to  strike.  The  Roman  army  could  be  annihilated 
and  the  province  overrun  before  Caesar  could  reappear.  The 
Carnutes  offered  to  take  the  lead.  Genabum1  was  attacked  and 
the  Roman  settlers  were  put  to  death.  The  cry  of  war.  repeated 
by  men  through  the  fields  and  villages,  reached  the  Arverni  the 
same  evening,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.2 

7.  Gallant  Defence  of  Vercingetorix. — Veivingetorix, 
the  chief  of  the  Arverni,  joined  the  insurrection  and  called  upon 
all  to  fight  for  the  liberty  of  their  country.  Just  at  this  time 
Caesar  crossed  the  Alps,  took  measures  to  protect  the  province, 
forced  his  way  across  the  Cevennes  through  the  deep  snow,  and 
appeared  unexpectedly  to  all  in  the  land  of  the  Arverni.  After 
collecting  his  legions  he  marched  directly  upon  Genabum, 
which  had  given  the  signal  for  revolt.  It  was  pillaged  and  laid 
in  ashes.  Vercingetorix  urged  his  countrymen  to  change  the 
plan  of  the  war,  and  instead  of  resisting  the  Romans  in  the 
open  field  or  in  their  fortified  towns,  to  burn  their  towns,  cut 
off  the  supplies  and  lay  the  country  waste  far  and  wide.  The 
plan  worked  admirably.  Cae-sars  foraging  parties  found  it  diffi- 
cult to  obtain  supplies,  and  the  army  began  to  be  pinched  by 
hunger.  In  the  general  dest  met  ion  Avarieum  (llnurtji'x)  had 
been  spared.  Hither  Caesar  hastened  with  all  speed,  and  pressed 
the  siege  with  energy.  The  town  surrendered  and  its  ahundant 
stores  relieved  the  wants  of  the  army.  Caesar  was  enabled  once 
more  to  show  a  bold  front  to  the  enemy,  and  he  entered  the 
territories  of  the  Arverni  and  laid  siege  to  their  capital,  Gergo- 
via.3  Here  he  met  with  his  first  defeat  in  Gaul,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  retreat.  This  was  a  critical  moment  for  Caesar.  His 
enemies  in  Rome  were  eagerly  scanning  the  news,  hoping  that 
some  disaster  would  befall  him,  while  his  position  in  Gaul 
depended  on  the  halo  of  victory  that  surrounded  him.  His 

1  According  to  Napoleon,  the  modern  Gien.    *  Cses.  bel.  Gal.  vii.,  8.    '  Near  Clermont. 


, 


C.  58-51.]          THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE  WEST.  313 


retreat  was  the  signal  for  the  ^Edui  to  revolt,  and  the  whole 
Celtic  nation,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  Remi,  were  in 
arms,  and  the  warriors  swore  not  to  revisit  their  homes  until 
they  had  crossed  at  least  twice  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.1 
.r,  however,  was  undismayed.  He  called  out  the  levy  to 
protect  the  province,  and  advanced  himself  towards  Agedin- 
cum  to  join  Labienus.  After  the  junction  of  the  two  armies 
Caesar  turned  to  the  south,  in  order  to  protect  the  province 
from  invasion. 

8.  Siege  of  Alesia  (B.  c.  52). — On  his  way  was  Alesia,8 
where  Vercingetorix  had  intrenched  himself  with  80,000  men. 
The  city  was  situated  upon  a  hill,  in  what  was  supposed  to  be 
an  impregnable  position.    Here  the  Celts  had  taken  final  ref- 
uge, and  Vercingetorix  had  dispatched  his  cavalry  to  summon 
all  Gaul  to  his  relief.     The  Romans  had  hardly  invested  the 
place  when  they  were  surrounded  by  a  tremendous  army3  which 
had  assembled  to  relieve  it.     Caesar  was  in  great  peril,  still  he 
would  not  raise  the  siege,  but  by  a  masterly  disposition  of  his 
forces  he  prevented  Yercingetorix  from  breaking  through  the 
lines,  defeated  the  Celtic  army  without,  and  compelled  Alesia 
to  surrender.     The  people  were  reduced  to  slavery,  and  the 
number  was  so  great  that  each  soldier  had  one  slave.    Ver- 
cingetorix, the  noble  representative  of  all  that  was  brave  and 
generous  in  his  nation,   was  reserved  to  grace  his  captor's 
triumph  and  to  perish  in  the  dungeons  of  the  capitol.     The 
fall  of  Alesia  ended  the  war.     What  followed 4  was  only  like  the 
swell  of  the  ocean  after  a  mighty  storm.    A  general  insurrec- 
tion was  impossible.     The  other  tribes  soon  submitted,  and 
after  eight  years  the  subjugation  of  the  region  between  the 
Alps,  the  Rhine  and  the  ocean  was  complete. 

9.  Caesar's  Organization  of  Gaul. — During  the  winter 
Caesar  travelled  through  Gaul,  settled  the  condition  of  the 
country,  and  conciliated  the  favor  of  the  people.    Honors  and 
privileges  were  bestowed  upon  the  chiefs  and  the  cities,  and  even 
the  franchise  was  granted  to  a  number  of  noble  Celts,  several  of 

1  Bell.  Gal.,  vii.,  15.  *  Situated  between  Chatillon  and  Dijon,  on  Mt.  Auxois 

'  350,000  infantry  and  8000  cavalry.  «  In  B.  c.  51. 


314  THE  COXQT'EST   OF  TTTK   WEST.  [B.  C.  58-51 

whom  were  admitted  to  the  senate.  The  territory  was  united  to 
the  province  of  Narbo  until  B.  c.  44,  when  two  provinces1  were 
formed  from  it — Gallia  and  Belgica.  The  taxes2  imposed  were 
light,  and  the  levying  of  them  was  intrusted  to  each  commu- 
nity. Ceesar  left  the  Gauls  their  land,  their  laws  and  their 


religion ;  and  in  a  great  measure  their  self-government  was  undis- 
turbed. In  fact,  he  spared  everything  that  did  not  interfere 
with  his  fundamental  idea — the  Immunizing  of  Gaul.  In  order 
to  turn  their  eyes  toward  Rome,  the  Roman  monetary  system 
was  introduced,  and  the  Latin  language  was  made  the  language 

1  In  A.  D.  17.  Lugdunensis  and  Aqnitania  were  formed  from  Gallia. 

'Forty  million  xexttrr •  .<  i about  $2.000.000)  were  levied  annually.  The  gold  col- 
lected in  the  temples  and  by  the  nobles  was  confiscated,  and  this  brought  so  much  into 
the  market  that  pold  fell,  as  compared  with  silver,  25  per  cent. 


B.  C.  5B-51.]  ANARCHY  IN  THE   CAPITAL.  315 

of  official  intercourse.  By  these  wise  and  judicious  measures  the 
country  became  thoroughly  Romanized,  and  the  laws  and  insti- 
tutions of  Rome  formed  the  basis  of  its  social  and  political 
life.1 


XL. vni. 

ANARCHY  IN  THE  CAPITAL — RUPTURE  BETWEEN  C.ESAB  AND 
THE  SENATE. 

1.  Political  Agitation  in  the  Capital. — During  Caesar's 
absence  Pompejus  had  been  appointed  by  the  triumvirs  to  rule 
the  capital.  In  this  he  had  undertaken  a  task  far  beyond  his 
ability.  To  rule  the  waves  of  political  agitation  in  the  capital 
that  swelled  with  past  and  future  revolutions,  required  a 
greater  magician  than  he.  After  Caesar's  departure  to  Gaul, 
Clodius  gave  free  reins  to  his  audacity.  Bands  of  gladiators 
roamed  the  streets  and  dispersed  the  rabble  that  represented  the 
Roman  people.  It  soon  began  to  be  felt  that  the  throne  was 
vacant,  and  that  the  master  was  in  Gaul.  Clodius  was  embold- 
ened to  commence  a  violent  attack  even  on  Pompejus.  The 
restoration  of  the  clubs  had  given  Clodius  an  opportunity  to 
organize  the  whole  free  and  slave  proletariate  of  the  capital. 
Utterly  helpless  to  quell  the  disorder,  and  intimidated  into  the 
belief  that  a  plot  was  formed  against  his  life,  Pompejus  retired 
from  the  contest  and  shut  himself  up  in  his  house.  Cassar  came 
to  his  rescue,  and  the  next  election  freed  him  from  his  petty 

1  In  these  eight  campaigns  Caesar  had  taken  more  than  800  cities,  defeated  300  tribes 
or  nearly  three  million  of  men.  one  million  of  whom  he  had  slain,  and  made  an  equal 
number  prisoners.  When  Caesar  took  command  in  Gaol,  he  had  four  legions,  ?th,  8th, 
9th.  and  10th  ;  the  llth  and  12th,  Caesar  enrolled  for  the  campaign  against  tlu-  Helvctii ; 
the  13th  and  14th  for  th<-  Belirian  campaign.  The  14th  wa-  cut  to  pieces  by  the  Eburones. 
but  another  14th  and  al*o  15th  were  afterwards  levied  in  Gaul.  Caesar  enlisted  Gauls  and 
one  lesion,  the  Al<ind<i  (^o-called  because  the  helmets  of  the  soldiers  were  distinguished 
by  a  la>k)  was  composed  wholly  of  Gauls.  The  results  that  sprang  from  Caesar's  wars 
in  Gaul,  had  a  momentous  influence  on  the  destinies  of  the  worM  ;  for  Caesar  first  taught 
the  Romans  to  protect  the  frontiers  of  their  empire  by  meant,  of  rivers  or  artificial  ram- 
parts, to  colonize  the  neaiest  tribes  along  the  frontier,  and  to  recruit  the  Roman  army 
from  the  enemy's  country.  By  these  means  the  migrations  of  the  Germanic  tribe*  were 
checked,  am:  ':!>«•  necessary  interval  for  Italian  civilization  to  Ix-conv  established  in 
Gaul,  on  the  Danube,  in  Africa,  and  in  Spain  was  gained.-  -See  Mommsen,  vol.  iv.,  p.  801. 


316  CICERO'S  RECALL  FROM  EXILE.  [B.C.  57. 

persecution.  The  new  consuls1  were  favorable  to  Cicero,  and 
on  the  first  day  of  their  office,  proposed  ;i  bill  to  recall  him 
from  exile.  One  of  the  tribune*  interposed  his  veto,  and  pre- 
vented the  bill  from  being  carried  in  the  senate.  Pompejus 
proposed  to  bring  it  before  the  people,  but  a  terrible  fray 
ensued  in  which,  according  to  Cicero,  the  Tiber  and  the 
sewers  were  filled  with  bodies,  and  the  forum  swam  in  blood.2 

2.  Cicero's  Recall  from  Exile  (B.  c.  57).— Finally,  n 
July,  the  nobles  armed  a  party  of  swordsmen  under  T.  Annius 
Milo  to  encounter  Clodius.  Desperate  fights  occurred  in  the 
streets,  and  at  last  the  senate,  in  concert  with  Pompejus,  deter- 
mined to  invite  the  voters  from  all  Italy  to  repair  to  Rome 
and  assist  in  carrying  a  law  for  Cicero's  recall.  On  the  4th  of 
August  the  bill  was  carried,  and  on  the  next  day  Cicero  lam  led 
in  Brundisium,  where  be  expected  to  meet  his  family.  All 
Italy  came  out  to  meet  him,  and  so  great  was  the  public  joy 
that  he  declared  that  all  Italy  carried  him  back  to  Rome  on 
her  shoulders.3  On  the  4th  day  of  September  he  re-entered 
the  city.  All  the  streets  and  temples  were  filled  with  the  vast 
multitude,  so  that  no  triumph  had  ever  been  equal  to  his 
return  from  exile.4  Clodius  in  the  meantime  continued 
his  agitation.  He  drove  off  the  workmen  who  were  rebuilding 
Cicero's  house,  and  even  attacked  Cicero  himself  in  the  open 
streets.  As  the  drilled  bands  of  Clodius  filed  through  the  pub- 
lic scpiiares,  no  one  dared  attack  him.  He  was  a  \  ietim  reserved 
for  the  sword  of  Milo. 

3.  The  Renewal  of  the  Triumvirate  (B.C.  5G). — Pom- 
pejus yielded  in  various  ways  to  the  wishes  of  the  senate  and 
hoped  to  effect  a  reconciliation  with  the  senatorial  party. 
Cicero  co-operated  with  Pompejus,  and  proposed  that  he 
should  be  invested  with  extraordinary  powers  for  the  purpose 
of  supplying  Rome  with  provisions.  The  senate,  however, 

1  P  Cornelias  Lentalus  Spinther  and  Metellu?  Nepos. 

»  Pro  Sest..  35.  38.  '  Pint.  Cic..  33. 

4  The  ley  Cornelia  granted  him  indemnification— 2,000.000  sesterces  ($85,000)  for  his 
house  on  the  Palatine:  he  had  bought  the  house  of  Crsssna  for  3l  million  sesterces 
($150.000);  tlii^  left  1.',  million  for  the  land  :  his  villa-  at  Tii«cnlmn  ($20.000)  and  Formise 
($10,000).  After  his  return  he  delivered  four  oration-  :  Po*i  mlit'im :  (1)  Oratio  mm 
senatui  grating  effit ;  (2)  cum  pojntlo  gratia*  egit ;  (3)  de  domo  sua  ad  pontiftces ; 
(4)  ad  haruxpices. 


B.C.  56.]  THE  TRIUMVIRATE   REHEWED.  317 

was  not  yet  quite  ready  to  receive  Pompejus  as  dictator, 
and  Crassus,  who  was  ardently  attached  to  Caesar,  openly 
opposed  the  bill.  The  discord  between  Pompejus  and  Crassus 
increased  daily.  The  senate  refused  Pompejus  the  commis- 
sion to  restore  the  expelled  king  of  Egypt,  and  finally  dared  to 
attack  the  law  carried  by  Caesar  in  regard  to  the  Campanian 
land.  The  senate  began  to  feel  that  the  hour  had  come  to 
begin  the  struggle  against  the  triumvirs.  When  the  consular 
elections  came  the  senate  put  forward  L.  Domitius  Ahenobar- 
bus,  who  threatened  to  propose  a  law  for  Caesar's  recall.  The 
nobility  had  thrown  down  the  gauntlet  to  Caesar.  It  was 
time  for  him  to  act.  In  April  B.  c.  56,  he  invited  Pompejus  and 
Crassus  to  an  interview  at  Luca1  (Lucca},  reconciled  them  to 
each  other,  and  arranged  a  plan  for  the  following  year.  Pom- 
pejus and  Crassus  were  to  be  elected  consuls,  and  to  obtain  pro- 
consular commands,  the  one  in  Spain,  the  other  in  Syria. 
Caesar's  province  was  to  be  granted  to  him  for  another  term 
of  five  years.  Crassus  promised  to  keep  P.  Clodius  and  his 
gang  quiet,  while  Cicero  was  to  be  reminded  of  the  promise  he 
had  made,  before  his  return  from  exile,2  through  his  brother, 
in  regard  to  his  conduct  towards  Caesar. 

4.  The  Second  Consulship  of  Pompejus  and  Crassus 
(B.  c.  55). — It  was  impossible  to  carry  the  election  of  Pompejus 
and  Crassus  in  opposition  to  the  two  consuls.  Two  tribunes 
were  therefore  employed  to  adjourn  the  comitia  during  the 
year,  to  prevent  at  least  the  election  of  others.  A  great  num- 
ber of  soldiers  were  dismissed  on  furloughs  from  Caesar's  army 
to  take  part  in  voting.  Even  P.  Crassus,  the  son  of  the  triumvir, 
appeared  with  a  detachment  of  troops.  In  the  beginning  of  B.  c. 
55  the  elections  were  held  ;  the  armed  bands  of  the  triumvirs 
having  driven  their  opponents  from  the  Campus  Martius. 


'  There  were,  according  to  Appian  (b.  c.  ii..  17).  200  senators  and  so  many  magistrates 
present  at  Luca  that  there  were  120  lictors  ;  see  also  Plut.  Cses.,  21. 

'  Cic.  ad.  fam.  i..  9,  9  f.;  and  Q.  fr.  2,  6.  2.  From  the  llth  of  April  to  May  6,  Cicero 
received  no  letter  from  his  brother.  On  the  15th  of  May  when  the  question  came  up  in 
the  senate  in  reference  to  the  Campanian  land.  Cicero 'had  received  the  warning  from 
his  brother  (a'l  f.im.  i.,  9,  101,  and  was  not  present.  Cicero  pave  evidence  of  his  resinned 
allegiance  to  Caesar  by  supporting  the  bill  to  give  him  ten  legates,  and  to  pay  his  soldiers 
from  the  public  treasury  (Cic.  Prov.  Cons.,  11,  28);  see  Mommsen,  1.  c.  vol.'iv.,  p.  326,  a, 


318  CRASSrS  DEPARTS  FOR  SYRIA.        [B.  C.  55. 

The  arrangements  made  at  Luca  were  carried  out.  Ca-.-ar's 
command  was  prolonged1  for  another  five  years;  the  two  Spains 
were  assigned  to  Pompc-jus.  and  Syria  to  OnsgQft 

5.  Pompejus  and  the  Senate.—  Pompejus  rejoiced  to  find 
himself  once  more  at  the  head  of  an  army  ;  but  contrary  to 
the  expectations  of  all,  he  remained  at  the  capital  under  the 
pretext  of  supplying  it  with  provisions,  while  his  lieutenants, 
Afranius  and  Petrejus,  were  entrusted  with  the  command  in 
Spain.  Once  more  he  adopted  his  old  policy,  and  encouraged 
secretly  the  disorder  in  Rome,  hoping  that  the  senate  would 
be  compelled  to  nominate  him  dictator.  The  turbulence  of 
the  mob  was  worse  than  ever.  Many  began  to  foresee  the  ap- 
proaching end  of  the  republic.  Pompejus  sought  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  the  people.  He  built  a  magnificent  stone  theatre3 
on  the  Campus  Martins,  the  first  of  its  kind  in  Rome,  capable 
of  holding  forty  thousand  spectators.  At  the  dedication,  plays  3 
of  Attius  and  of  Livius  Andronicus  were  presented,  and 
five  hundred  lions  and  eighteen  elephants  were  hunted  in  the 
arena  by  trained  bands  of  gladiators. 

6.  Crassus  Departs  for  Syria  (B.  c.  55).  —  Crassus,  al- 
though he  was  already  sixty  and  had  not  entered  a  camp 
for  sixteen  years,  was  impatient  to  depart  to  his  province 
and  seize  the  riches  of  the  East.  From  his  province  of 
Syria,  he  could  conduct  the  war  against  the  Parthians  and 
penetrate  into  the  distant  regions  of  the  East.  The  Parthians, 
however,  had  long  been  at  peace  with  Rome,  and  the  treaty  of 
Sulla  had  been  renewed  by  Pompejus.  The  senate  refused  to 
declare  war.  and  the  nobles  sought  by  means  of  the  tribune 
Atejus,  to  excite  the  religious  scruples  of  the  people  against  an 
in  \asion  into  the  territory  of  a  people  at  peace  with  Rome. 
As  Crassus  was  making  the  u-nal  sacrifices  in  the  capitol  for  the 
successful  result  of  his  expedition,  the  tribune  announced  the 
appearance  of  unfavorable  omens.  The  senate  refused  to 
declare  war.  When  Crassus  was  hastening  from  the  city  to 


command  wa*  extended  until  March  1,  B.C.  49.   which  wa?  equivalent  to 
extpivlinsr  it  until  January  I.  B.  c.  48,  as  the  senate  generally  took  action  on  the  provinces 
at  the  lK>£i!inin£  of  the  year 
1  See  p  413.  *  Clytaemnestra  and  Trojan  Horse. 


B.  C.  53.]  CRASSUS   PKOCOXSLL   IN   SYEIA.  319 

take  command  of  the  army,  the  tribune  met  him  at  the  gate 
and  kindled  a  fire  in  a  censer,  and  with  incense  and  libations 
devoted  Crassus  with  terrible  imprecations  to  the  infernal 
gods.1  Other  strange  omens  followed  him  and  dispirited  his 
soldiers.  His  mind,  however,  was  filled  with  glorious  visions 
of  conquest.  He  hoped  to  surpass  the  fame  and  exploits  of 
Caesar  and  Pompejus,  and  to  penetrate  into  the  unknown 
regions  of  the  East.2  He  passed  the  winter  in  Syria,  where, 
instead  of  exercising  his  soldiers  and  preparing  for  war, 
he  plundered  the  temples  and  confiscated  the  revenues  of  the 
cities. 

7.  Crassus  Crosses  the  Euphrates. — In  the  spring  of 
B.  c.  53,  he  prepared  to  set  out  on  his  expedition.3  He  crossed 
the  Euphrates  at  Zeugma,  but  instead  of  following  the  course 
of  this  river,  as  his  quaestor  G.  Cassias  advised  him  to  do, 
so  that  his  ships  could  reach  him  with  supplies,  and  so  that  the 
advance  to  Ctesiphon  and  Seleucia  would  be  comparatively  easy, 
he  trusted  to  the  guidance  of  an  Arabian  chief  who  promised  to 
lead  him  by  the  nearest  way  to  the  enemy.  This  man  had 
already  served  under  Pompejus  and  was  supposed  to  be  friendly 
to  the  Eomans.  When  he  had  led  the  Romans  from  the  river 
into  the  sandy  desert,  lie  rode  off  under  a  frivolous  pretext  and 
left  them.  The  rolling  columns  of  sand  soon  announced  the 
approach  of  the  enemy.  The  air  was  filled  with  a  horrid  din, 
the  deep  and  dismal  sound  of  the  kettle-drums  struck  terror  to 
the  Roman  soldiers.  AVhen  the  Parthian  line  appeared,  it 
gleamed  like  battalions  of  fire,  for  their  polished  breastplates 
and  helmets  were  of  Margian  steel.  The  cavalry  poured  in 
their  long  arrows  with  fearful  effect,  and  the  Roman  line  was 
crowded  together.  The  soldiers  fell  thickly  on  every  side.  Cras- 
sus ordered  his  son — the  same  who  had  served  under  Caesar  in 
Gaul,  and  led  the  Gallic  cavalry — to  charge  on  the  assailants. 
The  youth  pushed  eagerly  forward,  but  was  soon  surrounded, 
overpowered  and  slain.  The  soldiers,  worn  out  with  the 


1  Pint.  Crass.,  21.  "  Ibid. 

*  He  had  seven  legions:  4000  cavalry  and  1000  Gallic  cavalry  ;  map  No,  7. 


320  DEATH   OF  CHASSIS. 


heat  and   the  dust,  and   blinded   by  the   sand,  were  cut  to 
pieces.    Night  put  an  end  to  the  slaughter. 

8.  Battle  of  Carrhae  (u.  c.  53).  —  The  enemy  galloped  away, 
jeeringly  shouting  to  the  Romans   that   they  would  give  the 
general  a  night  to  bewail  his  son.     Crassus,   prostrated  with 
fatigue  and  disappointed  in  his  hopes  for  i'ame  and  gold,  prowd 
utterly  helpless.     Octavius  and  Cassius  withdrew  the  army  to 
Carrha1,  abandoning  the  camp  as  well  as  the  dead  and  wounded. 
The  Parthian  cavalry  followed  in  pursuit,  but  the  garrison  of 
Carrhae  came  out  to  assist  Crassus.  and  the  army  took  refuge 
within  its  walls.     Deeming  the  place  indefensible,  the  Romans 
set  out  the  next  day  on  their  retreat;  but  Smvnas,  the  vi/ier  of 
the  Parthian  king,  fearing  that  they  would  escape,  proposed 
an  interview  and  invited  Crassus  to  capitulate  on  favorable 
terms.    The  mutinous  soldiers  clamored  for  submission,  and 
(  IM-SUS  was  compelled  to  yield  to  the  outcry.     The  proconsul 
and  his  officers  were  treacherously  seized  and  slain.     A  small 
remnant  of  the  army,  under  Cassius,  escaped  to  the  hills  and 
made  their  way  back  to  Syria.     Twenty  thousand  Romans  had 
been  slain  and  ten  thousand  taken  prisoners.1 

9.  Clodius  and  Milo.  —  Meanwhile  at    Rome  matters  had 
been  daily  growing  worse.     The  disaster  at  Carrhae  produced 
but  a  faint  impression   upon  the  politicians  of    the  capital. 
Disorder  and  confusion  had  made  such  rapid  strides  that  the 
best  men  began  to  contemplate  the  necessity  of  a  dictatorship. 
It  was  evident  that  the  rupture  between  the  triumvirs  was 
approaching.     In  B.  c.  54,  Julia  died,  to  whom  Pompejus  was 
ardently  attached.     This  broke  one  link  that  bound  the  trium- 
virs together.   Caesar  at  tempted  to  re-establish  the  ties  of  affinity. 
but  Pompejus  drew  back  and  tin  ally  married  the  daughter  of 
Q.  Metellus   Scipio.     The  death  of  Crassus,  however,  was  tin- 

:  vst  blow,  for  Caesar  always  felt  that  whatever  else  might 
happen,  he  could  rely  on  Crassus.  Ponipejus  made  use  of  the 
tribunes  to  prevent  the  consular  elections,  and  the  year  B.  c.  53 


1  According  to  Appian.  90.000  were  slain  and  taken  prisoners  ;   the  prisoners  were 
kindly  treated  and  allowed  to  settle  in  the  coantry. 


15.  (.52.]  POMPEJUS  APPOINTED   SOLE  CONSUL.  321 

opened  with  an  interregnum.  The  city  was  a  prey  to  the 
riotous  bands  of  Clodius  and  Milo,  and  in  B.  c.  54  they  were 
both  candidates  for  office,  the  former  for  the  praetorship,  and 
the  latter  for  the  consulship.  Their  hired  bands  of  gladiators 
fought  in  the  public  streets,  and  postponed  the  elections.  Riots 
were  of  frequent  occurrence  and  blood  flowed  in  the  forum 
and  public  squares. 

10.  Death  of  Clodius. — It  happened  that  Milo  was  travel- 
ing on  the  Appian  way  in  a  carriage,  accompanied  by  his  wife, 
and  attended  by  a  retinue  of  servants,  and,  as  usual,  a  band  of 
armed  gladiators.    Near  Bovillae,*  Clodius  met  him,  and  as  the 
story  goes,  an  affray  ensued  between  their  gladiators,  in  which 
Clodius  was  wounded.     He  took  refuge  in  a  tavern  near  by, 
but  Milo  gave  way  to  his  fury,  attacked  the  house,  and  caused 
Clodius  to  be  dragged  forth  and  slain.    When  the  body  of  Clo- 
dius, which  was  left  in  the  street,  was  found  by  a  senator,  Sex. 
Tedius,  and  carried  to  Rome,  a  tremendous  excitement  ensued. 
The  multitude  streamed  towards  the  Palatine  hill,  where  the 
body  was  exposed  to  public  gaze.     On  the  following  morning, 
excited  by  the  harangues  of  the  tribunes,    the  people  bore  the 
corpse  to  the  curia  Hostilia,  and  having  made  a  funeral  pile  of 
the  benches,  tables,  books  and  papers,  set  fire  to  it  so  that  not 
only  the  senate-house  but  many  of  the  adjoining  buildings  were 
burned.     The  only  refuge  from  this  state  of  anarchy  was  in 
Pompejus  and  his  army.     A  few  honest  statesmen  wer^  left, 
but  the  great  parties  had  degenerated  into  factions  and  cabals. 
Even  Cato  said  "that  it  was  better  to  choose  a  master,  than 
to  wait  for  the  tyrant  that  anarchy  will  impose  upon  us."     On 
the  25th  of  February,  B.  c.  52,  Pompejus  was  elected  '  consul 
without  a  colleague,'1 — a  title  that  sounded  a  little  less  harsh 
than  dictator. 

11.  Pompejus'  Third  Consulship  (B.  c.  52). — From  this 
time  Pompejus  threw  off  all  pretence  of  an  alliance  with  Cassar 
and  devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of  the  senate.     Order  was  re- 
stored, the  armed  bands  were  dispersed,  and  Pompejus,  in  order 

1  Consul  aim  collega ;  this-  was  ilk-gal,  because  the  requisite  ten  years  since  his  second 
consulship  had  not  elapsed.  *  See  map,  p.  4. 


322  THE  TRIAL  OF  MILO.  [fi.  C.  52. 

to  soothe  the  anxiety  of  the  senate,  declared  that  IK-  would 
rule  the  state  in  the  interest  of  freedom.  Pompejus  carried 
two1  laws  against  violence  and  bribery  at  elections,  al.-o 
measures  to  secure  a  speedy  trial  of  those  engaged  in  the 
murder  of  Clodius,  and  in  the  burning  of  the  senate-house. 
Condemnation  fell  especially  on  the  friends  of  Caesar.  The  jury 
ventured  to  acquit  most  of  the  partisans  of  the  senate  except 
Milo.  Cicero  prepared  an  oration  in  Milo's  defence;  but  such 
disturbance  arose  during  the  trial  that  Pompejus  stationed 
guards  in  the  city,  surrounded  the  court,  and  occupied  all  the 
approaches  to  the  forum  with  armed  soldiers,  and  sat  himself 
in  front  of  the  treasury,  to  watch  the  proceedings.  When 
Cicero  arose  to  speak,  the  sight  of  the  soldiery  and  the  hostility 
of  the  people  robbed  him  in  a  measure  of  that  eloquence  and 
wit  which,  on  so  many  occasions,  had.  been  so  effective.  Milo 
was  condemned,  and  went  into  exile  at  Massilia,  where  Cicero 
sent  him  a  copy  of  the  splendid  oration  which  he  intended  to 
have  delivered.  Milo  sarcastically  remarked  that  it  was  fortu- 
nate that  it  had  never  been  spoken.  " Else,"  said  he,  "I  should 
not  be  enjoying  the  delicious  mullets  of  this  place." 

12.  The  Measures  of  Fompejus. — Pompejus  sided  more 
and  more  with  the  optimates,  and  admitted  Cato  into  his  coun- 
sels. He  carried  a  law  that  no  magistrate  should  have  a  province 
till  five  years  after  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office.  From 
this  measure,  Pompejus  considered  him  .-elf  exempt,  for  he 
immediately  caused  his  own  command  to  be  prolonged  for 
another  five  years.  Tin*  next  law  was  aimed  directly  against 
Caesar.  It  provided  that  no  one  could  l>e  a  candidate  for  a 
public  office  in  his  alienee.  It  was  UTV  important  for  Ca-sar 
when  his  proconsular  government  expired,  to  return  to  Rome 
protected  l>y  the  consular  office.  His  personal  safety  required 
that  he  should  be  exempted  from  the  law.  His  friends  saw  this, 
and  they  declared  Cesar's  desire  for  a  second  consulship,  and 
demanded  that  he  should  be  exempt  from  the  law.  Caesar's 
name  was  still  powerful  among  the  people.  His  brilliant  suc- 

1  It,  ri  MIX!  </•  mnfiifii.  The  lir-i  provided  that  the-  trial  should  last  only  four  days  ; 
that  the  advocate*)  should  speak  only  two  or  three  hours  each;  eulogies,  (laudations) 
from  distinguished  men  for  the  accused  were  forbidden. 


B.  C.  51.]      KUPTL'RE   BETWEEN  CJESAR  AND  THE  SENATE.      323 

-  iii  (iaul  had  produced  a  profound  impression.  Besides, 
his  gold  flowed  in  streams  to  the  capital.  Opposite  the  mag- 
nificent basilica  erected  by  ^Emilius  Paullus,  near  the  spot 
where  the  senate-house  had  stood,  rose  the  Julian  basilica, 
while  a  space  was  cleared  for  the  Julian  forum.  Pompejus 
thought  it  best  to  yield,  and  Caesar  was  specially  exempted. 

13.  Caesar's  Position. — During  the  next  two  years  events 
followed  their  course.  The  mere  force  of  circumstances  urged 
on  the  crisis.  It  was  plain  that  civil  war  was  impending.  In 
B.  < .  51,  the  consul  M.  Marcellus,  a  strict  aristocrat,  proposed 
that  Caesar  should  be  recalled  March  1,  B.  c.  49.  Caesar  sought 
in  every  way  to  preserve  his  relations  with  Pompejus,  and 
attain,  peaceably  if  possible,  the  consulship  for  B.  c.  48,  already 
promised  him  at  Luca.1  lie  sought  in  every  way  to  postpone 
the  catastrophe  which  all  saw  was  inevitable,  overlooked  what- 
ever he  could  ;  but  still  adhered  to  this  demand,  that  when  his 
time  expired  in  Gaul,  he  should  have  the  second  consulship 
promised  to  him  by  his  colleagues,  and  admissible  by  law.  If 
Caesar  was  compelled  to  resign  his  office  without  immediately 
entering  upon  the  consulship,  that  is,  if  there  was  an  interval 
when  he  was  out  of  office  and  consequently  liable  to  impeach- 
ment, all  knew  what  his  fate  would  be,  for  Cato  had  already 
given  notice  that  he  would  impeach  him.  While  the  coalition 
between  Pompejus  and  the  senate  was  forming,  Caesar  adopted 
every  means  to  strengthen  his  power.  He  conciliated  the  Gauls, 
granted  citizenship  to  ^s  ovum  Comum, promised  it  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  Gallia  Transpadana,  increased  the  pay  of  his  soldiers, 
and  lavished  untold  sums  of  money  on  the  people  at  home  by 
rearing  splendid  structures  and  by  celebrating  magnificent 


Co 

termi nautili  ui   iiis  HIM  \  ear  ui  omce,  v>tt:sar  »  successor  ougm  10  ue  nomiiiiiieu  irorn  tuts 

magistrates  of  B.  c.  49,  and  could  not.  therefore,  enter  the  province  before  Jan.  1st.  B.  c. 
48.  C:esar  therefore  had  ten  extra  months,  on  the  ground  that  a  magistrate  continued 
until  his  Micc-'.-sor  arrived.  According,  however,  to  the  law  carried  by  Pompejus,  that 
the  magistrate  did  not  enter  upon  the  government  of  a  province  till  five  years  after  the 
expiration  of  his  civil  office,  there  was  no  difficulty  in  immediately  filling  any  governor- 
ship from  the  maL'i-trati'-  who  had  gone  out  five  years  before. — Mommaen^  (lie  Ttvchtfrage 
•ir.  cfec.  According  to  Zumpt  (Stud.  Rom.,  p.  81  ff),  Cae-ar  could  b;>  recalled  Nov. 
13,  B.  c.  50  ;  the  chief  passages  for  fixing  the  time  for  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office 
are  :  Cic.  ad  At.,  vii.,  9,  4  ;  De.  p.  Cons.,  37  :  Sueton.  Caes.,  2C1. 


324      RUPTtRE   BETAKEN    OJttAl    AND   THE    SENATE.       |  H.  C.  5l. 

games.1  Meanwhile  the  elections  for  B.  c.  50  had  taken  plan-. 
and  ^milius  Paullns  and  (i.  Mareellus  weio  elected  consuls. 
To  watch  his  interests  in  the  capital  and  manage  the  discussion 
with  the  senate,  Caesar  had  bribed2  one  of  the  consuls  and 
the  able  and  eloquent  but  profligate  and  unprincipled  Gajus 
Trebonius  Curio,  one  of  the  tribunes,  and  when  Mareellus  pro- 
posed8  that  Caesar  should  be  required  to  resign  his  command, 
Curio  approved  of  the  motion,  but  demanded  that  it  should 
extend  to  Pompejus  also,  for  in  this  way  only  could  a  constitu- 
tional state  of  things  be  restored.  Caesar  declared  his  consent 
to  the  proposal,  and  offered  to  resign  at  once  if  Pompejus  would 
do  the  same.  The  only  man  who  could  possibly  have  effected 
a  reconciliation  and  given  voice  to  the  conservative  element  in 
the  senate  had  been  removed  from  the  scene  of  action.  Cicero 
had  been  sent  (B.  c.  52)  to  govern  Cilicia,  according  to  the  pro- 
visions of  Pompejus'  law,  which  required  the  governors  of 
provinces  to  be  selected  from  those  who  had  held  five  years 
before  an  urban  magistracy. 

14.  The  Fompeians  Defeated  in  the  Senate. — Mean- 
while the  senate  tried  to  strengthen  the  military  force  by 
decreeing  that  Caesar  and  Pompejus  each  should  furnish  one 
legion  for  the  Parthian  war.  Pompejus  demanded  back  the 
legion  which  he  had  lent  during  the  Gallic  war.  Caesar  com- 
plied, and  had  therefore  to  give  up  both  legions,  not  for  the 
Parthian  war,  for  they  were  at  once  sent  to  winter  at  Capua.4 
Toward  the  end  of  the  year  Curio's  proposal  came  up  in  the 
senate,  and  by  370  votes  against  20  the  senate  resolved  that 
both  Pompejus  and  Caesar  should  resign  their  commands. 
Mareellus  refused  to  announce  the  decree  of  the  senate,  and 
circulated  a  report  that  Ca-sar  was  marching  on  the  city  with 
four  legions.  He  requested  Pompejus,  without  being  author- 
ized by  the  senate,  to  summon  the  two  legions  from  Capua  for 
the  defence  of  the  city,  and  to  call  out  the  Italian  militia. 
Curio  condemned  these  proceedings,  and  at  the  expiration  of 
his  tribunate5  hastened  to  Cavar  at  Ravenna. 

1  Lvdi  f>inebres,  in  honor  of  his  daughter. 

-  H.-  i<Vaid  to  have  paid  Paullus  1500  talent8= $1,500.000.  J  >far..  50. 

*  Before  their  departure  C&sar  gave  each  soldier  250  drachma.  *  Dec.  10,  B.  c.  50. 


B.C.49.]  THE  GREAT  CIVIL  WAR.  325 


14.  Caesar's  Ultimatum. —  Caesar  dispatched  orders  to 
his  \vhole  force  in  Gaul  to  set  out  for  Ravenna,  meanwhile  send- 
ing a  letter  by  Curio  to  Rome,  in  which,  after  briefly  stating  his 
exploits  and  public  services,  and  reminding  the  senate  of  his 
right  to  stand  for  the  consulship,  he  promised  to  resign  his 
command  at  the  bidding  of  the  senate  if  Pompejus  would  do 
the  same.1  Curio  arrived  in  Rome  Jan.  1,  B.  c.  49,  the  day  on 
which  the  new  consuls  G.  Marcellus  and  G.  Lentulus,  both  bit- 
ter opponents  of  Caesar,  entered  upon  their  office.  The  two 
tribunes,  M.  Antonius  and  Q.  Cassius  Longinus,2  devoted  friends 
of  Caesar,  were  hardly  able  to  obtain  a  hearing  for  Caesar's  let- 
ter. A  violent  debate  followed,  and  finally  the  motion  of 
Scipio,  Pompejus'  father-in-law,  was  carried,  that  Caesar  should 
disband  his  army  and  give  up  his  province  to  his  successors  by 
a  fixed  day,3  on  pain  of  being  declared  a  public  enemy.  The 
intercession  of  the  tribunes  availed  nothing ;  and  threatened,  as 
they  declared  they  were,  by  Pompejus'  soldiers,  they  fled  in  dis- 
guise to  Caesar.  On  the  7th  of  January  the  senate  invested  the 
consuls  with  dictatorial  power,  and  called  upon  all  to  take  up 
arms  for  the  republic.  This  was  the  crisis.  Civil  war  was 
inevitable.  The  senate  intrusted  the  command  to  Pompejus. 
Caesar,  on  receiving  news  of  the  senate's  vote,  harangued4  his 
soldiers,  the  one5  legion  that  was  at  Ravenna,  and  being  assured 
of  their  support,  crossed  the  Rubicon,6  which  separated  his 
province  from  Italy,  and  entered  Ariminum.  "The  die  is 
cast,"  said  he  ;  "let  us  go  where  the  gods  and  the  injustice  of 
our  enemies  call  us." 


XLIX. 

THE  GREAT  CIVIL  WAK  (B.  C.  49-46). 

1.  The  Legality  of  Caesars  Course. — In  regard  to  the 
legality  of  Caesar's  course,  it  has  generally  been  said  that  law 

1  Csesar,  Civ.  Bel. 

1  The  cousin  of  G.  Cassiu?,  Crassus'  legate  in  the  Parthian  war.  *  July  l.«t. 

4  CSES.,  b.  c.  yii.  5  The  thirteenth.  •  Some  time  in  Jan.  =  Nov.,  B.  c.  50. 


326  Tin:  GREAT  CIVIL  WAR.  [B.C.  49. 

was  technically  on  his  side.  That  the  senate  luul  an  undoubted 
right  to  appoint  a  governor  to  succeed  Ca-sar  March  1,  u.  <  .  -J'.i, 
is  unmistakable.1  By  skillful  management  Ca?sar  had  brought 
about  a  condition  of  things  in  which  it  was  impossible  for 
the  senate  to  follow  strictly  the  law.  The  situation  of  affairs 
then  that  preceded  the  actual  outbreak  of  hostilities,  must  be 
attributed  to  Caesar's  inordinate  ambition.  The  causes  of  the 
civil  war  and  the  tendency  towards  monarchy  must  be  sought 
in  the  decay  of  the  republican  spirit,  and  in  the  increasing  dis- 
organized condition  of  the  government  produced  by  the  long 
years  of  revolution  that  had  preceded.  This,  Caesar,  as  a  states- 
man, saw,  and  his  greatest  claim  rested  in  the  fact  that  he  was  a 
statesman.  He  knew  well  that  the  fires  of  the  revolution  had 
burned  out.  Cato  might  dream  of  the  possibility  of  reviving 
the  republic,  but  Caesar  knew  that  the  time  had  gone  by.  He 
saw  distinctly  that  anarchy  at  home  and  abroad  could  be  sup- 
pressed only  by  a  permanent  supreme  ruler.  It  was  plain  to  him 
that  the  throne  was  vacant.  The  only  question  was,  who  should 
be  the  monarch.  True  to  his  nature  lie  seized  opportunities. 
Events  placed  him  where  he  stood,  and  the  tide  of  events 
carried  him  on. 

2.  Cicero's  Efforts  for  Peace. — Cicero,  who  had  returned 
from  his  province  in  November,  B.  c.  50,  where  he  had  won  the 
title  of  imperator  in  a  petty  warfare  against  the  native  tribes, 
was  waiting  before  the  city  with  his  lictors,  hoping  that  he 
would  be  permitted  to  celebrate  a  triumph.  In  the  meantime 
he  had  tried  in  every  way,  by  writing  to  Ca\sar  and  entreating 
Pompejus,  to  effect  a  reconciliation.  He  saw  plainly  that 
whichever  side  was  victorious  the  republic  must  perish.  He 
fluctuated  for  a  long  time  in  his  opinion,  uncertain  which  way 
to  turn.  "For,"  says  he,  "Pompejus  has  the  more  honorable 
cause,  but  Caesar  manages  his  with  more  address  :  in  short,  I 
know  whom  to  avoid,  but  not  whom  to  seek."  Caesar  knew 

1  Mommsen  admits  that  Caesar's  term  expired  March  1.  B.  c.  49,  but  thinks,  relying  upon 
Cic.  AC  Prov.  Cons.,  that  this  \va~  not  a  suitable  time  for  Caesar's  successor  to  enter  upon 
his  duties,  since  he  must  remain  idle  during  January  and  February.  But  according  to 
Pompejus1  law  of  B.  c.  52.  five  year-  were  to  ela^e  between  a  civil  and  military  command, 
and  the  retiring  eonsul  must  be  idle  not  only  two  months,  but  five  years.  Cicero,  for* 
instance,  entered  upon  ui.s  duties  as  proconsul  iu  the  middle  of  B.  c.  51. 


B.  c.  49.] 


THE    GREAT   CIVIL    WAR. 


32? 


well  the  influence"  of  his  name  with  the  foreign  subjects  of  the 
republic,  and  sought  to  win  him  to  his  side.  Finally,  still  cher- 
ishing the  hope  of  effecting  a  reconciliation,  Cicero  decided  for 
Pompejus.  In  an  interview1  with  him  he  made  one  more  effort 
for  peace,  by  trying  to  induce  him  to  accept  Caesar's  proposals. 
Pompejus  even  sent  private  friends  to  Caesar  at  Ariminum  to 
explain  his  motives,  and  Caesar  took  one  more  opportunity  to 
offer  such  terms  of  accommodation  that  their  rejection  would 
place  his  opponents  in  the  wrong.2  When  the  answer  came, 
requiring  him  to  retire  from  Ariminum  and  dismiss  his  army, 
Caesar  saw  that  all  efforts  for  a  peaceable  solution  of  the  troubles 
were  in  vain,  and  realizing  how  much  was  to  be  lost  by  delay, 
advanced  on  the  road  to  Rome,  ordering  his  other  legions  to 
follow  him. 

3.  Brundisium  (B.  c.  49). — The  celerity  of  his  marches 
was  well  known.  Rumors  came  that  he  had  occupied  Pisau- 
rum,  then  Ancona  and  Arretium,  and  then  that  his  cavalry  was 
before  the  gates  of  Rome.  Consternation  seized  the  people,  and 
ovt-u  Pompejus  fled  in  such  haste  that  his  adherents  accused  him 
of  not  taking  sufficient  precaution  for  their  defence,  and  of  ex- 
posing them,  as  th;>v  wildly  imagined, 
to  the  onslaught  of  Caesar's  Gallic 
barbarians.  Caesar  continued  his 
march  and  arrived,  February  14,  at 
Corfinium.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus, 
Casars  designated  successor  in  the 
governorship  of  Transalpine  Gaul, 
held  the  place  with  a  strong  army. 
Ca-vir  had  only  two  legions.  Still 
Domitius  considered  all  as  lost,  unless 

n  .  iij  •  '    i  MAP  OF    BRUNDI8ITTM. 

rompejua    Should   Come  to  hlS   aSSlSt-  (Showing  the  shape  of  the  harboi 

ance.  The  whole  garrison  surrendered,    and  the  location  of  the  town') 
but  Domitius  and  a  few  nobles  made  their  escape  by  night. 
Pompejus  bad  already  given  up  Italy  as  lost,  and  hastened  to 


1  December  10  and  25.    Cic.  Att.  vii..  4.  2  :  8,  4. 

a  Caesar  promi-ed   to  disband  his  army  if  Pompejus  wou'd  depart  to  his  province 
(gpain),  and  if  the  levies  ceased  in  Italy. 


328  THE    GREAT   CIVIL   WAR.  [b.  C.  49. 

Brundisium  with  all  his  troops,  followed  by  a  train  of  n-na- 
tors  and  nobles,  to  embark  to  Greece.  When  Caesar 1  arrived 
and  began  to  besiege  Brundisium,  with  great  skill  Pompejus 
withdrew2  his  army  unharmed  and  landed  it  in  Greece.  Pom- 
pejus' followers  openly  expressed  their  dissatisfaction.  Some 
hated  his  arrogance,  others  hoped  to  return  and  wage  war  in 
Italy.  "We  will  starve  Rome  into  submission,"  said  they. 
"and  not  leave  one  tile  upon  the  roof  throughout  the  country."' 
"He  left  the  city,"  said  Cicero,  "not  because  he  could 
not  defend  it,  but  because  this  was  his  design  from  the 
first:  to  call  to  arms  the  barbarians  and  to  lead  savage  nations 
into  Italy,  not  as  captives,  but  as  conquerors.  He  determined 
to  reign  like  Sulla  —as  a  king  over  his  subjects.  There  were 
many  who  applauded  this  atrocious  design."  Ciosar  tried  to 
induce  Cicero  to  return  to  Rome,  but  he  preferred  to  remain 
in  Campania,  and  Csesar  respected  his  scruples. 

4.  Ilerda  (B.C.  49). — Caesar  was  unable  to  follow  Pompejus 
from  want  of  ships,  and  therefore  returned  to  Rome  to  arrange 
matters  there.  A  campaign  of  sixty  days  without  a  single  serious 
engagement  had  made  him  master  of  Italy.  Caesar  entered  the 
city  and  demanded  the  treasure  hoarded  in  the  temple  of  Sat- 
urn,3 which  was  popularly  believed  to  be  the  gold  that  Camillus 
had  taken  from  Brennus.  A  curse  was  pronounced  against 
any  one  who  used  it  except  to  repel  a  Gallic  invasion.  The 
tribune  interceded,  but  Ca\sir  pushed  him  aside.  "The  fear 
of  a  Gallic  invasion  is  past,"  said  he.  "I  have  subdued  the 
Gauls."  After  arranging  for  garrisons  to  protect  Italy4  &nd 
taking  measures  to  supply  the  city  with  corn,  he  prepared  for 
the  next  campaign.  Curio  was  sent  with  four  legions  to 
Sicily,  and  Valerius  with  one  to  Sardinia.  Caesar,  after 
first  ordering  the  forces  which  he  had  assembled  on  the 
Rhone  to  proceed  directly  to  Spain,  set  out  himself  about  the 
middle  of  April.  "  I  go,"  said  he,  "  to  engage  an  army  without 

1  Ctesar'?  army  emi-i-tccl  <>f  only  nine  legions  of  about  50.000  men  :  he  had  set  out 
•with  cno  legion  and  SflO  cavalry.  Ponipejn«  was  the  recognized  chief  of  the  Roman  state, 
and  had  all  its  revenues  and  province*  at  hi-  di-po-al.  His  army  consisted  of  the  seven 
Spanish  legions,  and  ten  legions  in  Italy  :  eminent  men  of  his  party  .«et  out  to  raise 
recruits.  '  March  17.  '  jErari/tm  Sanctiiu. 

'  Italy  was  left  under  command  of  Antoniu? ;  Rome  under  that  of  Lepidus. 


B.  C.  48.]  THE   GREAT   CIVIL   WAR.  329 

a  general ;  I  shall  return  to  attack  a  general  without  an  army. " 
On  his  way  thither,  the  old  Greek  city  Massilia l  shut  its  gates 
against  him,  and  he  left  G.  Trebonius  and  Decimus  Brutus  to 
press  the  siege,  while  he  proceeded  directly  to  Spain  to  con- 
duct the  war  against  Pompejus'  lieutenants,  Afranius  and 
Petrejus.  At  first  he  met  with  a  serious  reverse  at  Ilerda 
(Lerida),  but  he  soon  succeeded  in  compelling  the  Pompeians 
to  surrender,  dismissed  them  unharmed,  and  enrolled  most  of 
their  soldiers  into  his  own  army.2  On  his  return  he  received 
the  surrender  of  Massilia.  Meanwhile  his  lieutenants  had 
been  successful  in  Sardinia  and  Sicily.  Curio  passed  over  to 
Africa,  which  had  been  put  in  a  state  of  defence  by  Atius 
Yarns  and  by  Juba,  king  of  Numidia,  who  had  sided  with  the 
Pompeians.  Curio  was  slain  in  a  battle  on  the  Bagradas, 
which  he  had  rashly  hazarded,  losing  nearly  the  whole  of  his 
army.  The  death  of  Curio  was  an  irreparable  loss  to  Caesar, 
for  he  was  a  brave  and  skillful  officer.  The  conquest  of 
Sicily  had  thwarted  Pompejus'  attempt  to  starve  Italy,  while 
his  general  plan  of  the  campaign — to  have  his  Spanish  and 
Macedonian  armies  meet  on  the  Po  and  invade  Italy — had  been 
completely  frustrated  by  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  army. 
5.  Pompejus'  Resources.  —  The  great  rendezvous  of 
Pompejus'  adherents  was  Macedonia.  Thither  came  Cato, 
indignant  that  he  had  been  left  unsupported  in  Sicily ;  Domi- 
tius  from  Massilia  also  came,  and  a  large  number  of  soldiers 
from  the  Spanish  armies.  From  Italy  emigration  became  quite 
popular  among  the  aristocrats.3  Pompejus  had  by  no  means 
been  idle.  He  had  the  whole  resources  of  the  East  at  his  disposal. 
Ships  had  been  collected,  his  army  had  been  increased  to  nine 
legions,  and  a  cavalry  force  of  seven  thousand  had  been  raised. 
Corn  had  been  stored  up  to  supply  the  army,  and  the  fleet 
under  Bibulus  commanded  the  sea.  Meanwhile  Caesar  was 
exerting  every  nerve  to  restore  order  in  the  capital  and 


1  Domitin?  Ahenobarbus  was  in  command,  but  he  escaped. 

1  M.  Varro,  who  also  commanded  in  Spain,  was  deserted  by  his  troops  and  compelled 
to  surrender. 

•  Cicero  left  Italy  June  7  ;  Cic.  ad  Fam.  xiv.,  7. 


330  THE   GREAT   CIVIL   WAB.  [fi.  C.  48. 

throughout  Italy.  During  his  absence  in  Spain,  lie  had  been 
appointed  dictator,  on  the  motion  of  Lepidus,  whom  he  had  left 
in  charge  of  the  city.  During  the  eleven  days  that  he  held  the 
dictatorship,  he  carried  laws  to  restore  those  condemned  for 
civil  offences,  while  Pompejus  was  in  command  of  the  city ; l  for 
the  restoration  of  private  credit,  by  which  all  fear  of  cancelling 
debts  was  removed,2  and  finally  for  the  extension  of  full 
citizenship  to  the  inhabitants  of  Gallia  Transpadana.3 

6.  Battle  of  Dyrrhachium  (B.  c.  48). — Caesar  had  already 
ordered  his  troops  to  assemble  at  Brundisium.     From  here,  on 
the  4th  of  January  B.  c.  48,  he  prepared  to  embark  with  >ix 
legions,  greatly  thinned  by  toil  and  sickness,  and  six  hundred 
horsemen  for  the  coast  of  Epirus.     Caesar  himself  crossed  with 
the  first  division,  but  when  his  fleet  returned  for  the  rest  of  the 
army,  it  was  attacked  by  Bibulus;   nearly  thirty  transports 
were  captured  and  the  rest  shut  up  in  the  harbor  of  Bruudi- 
sium.      Caesar's  position  was  critical,  so    much   so  that    he 
determined  to  cross  alone  in  a  fisherman's  boat  to  Brundisium 
and  bring  his  fleet  and  army  over.     This,  however,  proved  not  to 
be  necessary,  for  M.  Antonius  made  every  effort  to  relieve  him, 
and  soon  succeeded  in  landing  some  troops.     Pompejus  hesi- 
tated to  give  battle  to  Cavar's  veteran  army,  and  retired  to  the 
high  ground  near  Dyrrhachium.4    Caesar  proceeded  at  once  to 
invest  his  position  with  works  sixteen  miles  long,  but  famine 
began  to  be  felt  in  his  camp,  and  as  tin-  sir^r  continued,  his 
soldiers  were  obliged  to  make  bread  of  grass.     This  did  not  dis- 
courage them.    "We  will   eat  the  bark  of  trees,"  said  they, 
"rather  than  allow  Pompejus  to  escape  us."    Pompejus,  how- 
ever, forced  a    passage   through   the    lines,   and   Caesar  was 
compelled  to  retire  to  Thessaly. 

7.  Battle   of   Pharsalus  (B.  c.  48). — The  Pompejans  re- 
garded this   as  completely  deciding   the   contest.     The   noble 
Romans  threw  off  their  reserve  ;  some  advised  Pompejus  to 
re-enter  Italy,  others  to  reconquer  Spain.     The  vast  retinue  of 

1  Those  condemned  under  the  lex  Pompeja  de  arribitu. 

'  Lf,x  Julia  de,  peon 

'  Lex  Julia  de  cititate  Transpadanln  danda.          *  See  map,  p.  157- 


B.  C.  48.]  THE  GREAT  CIVIL  WAR.  331 

consulars,  senators  and  generals  Were  a  great  hindrance  to 
any  energetic  and  active  operations.  Some  accused  Pompejus 
of  not  wishing  to  conquer,  and  Dornitius  asked  how  long 
Agamemnon,  the  king  of  kings,  intended  the  war  to  last.  The 
most  insolent  was  Labienus,  Cesar's  old  lieutenant,  the  only 
one  who  had  deserted  him.  He  swore  that  he  would  conquer  his 
old  general.  The  prisoners  taken  at  Dyrrhachium  he  ordered 
to  be  put  to  death.  "  We  will  have  no  peace,"  said  he,  "until 
you  bring  us  Caesar's  head."  The  noble  senators  were  so  sure 
of  victory  that  they  began  to  dispute  about  the  consulates  and 
prsetorships,  and  some  even  sent  to  take  houses  in  the  capital 
in  the  great  squares,  in  sight  of  the  people,  for  the  next 
canvass.  The  tents  of  the  grandees  were  strewn  with  leaves, 
silver  plate  stood  on  the  table  and  the  wine-cup  circulated. 
These  fashionable  warriors  formed  a  great  contrast  to  Caesar's 
veterans.1  At  length  Pompejus  was  impelled  by  the  taunts  of 
his  noble  warriors  to  follow  Caesar.  He  moved  southward 
from  Larissa  and  pitched  his  camp  on  the  Enipeus,  not  far 
from  that  of  Caesar.  When  Pompejus  hesitated  to  cross  the 
stream  and  engage  Ca?sar,2  this  excited  great  indignation 
among  the  aristocrats  in  his  camp.  Pompejus  had  to  yield,  and 
about  noon  on  the  9th  of  August,3  led  down  his  army  into  the 
plains  of  Pharsalus  (Fersala).  The  battle  resulted  in  the  com- 
plete annihilation  of  his  army.  The  victory  Avas  so  decisive,  that 
the  kings,  cities  and  peoples,  which  had  hitherto  acted  with 
Pompejus,  joined  Caesar.  Pompejus  fled  in  the  beginning  of 
the  engagement  with  a  few  followers  to  Lesbos  and  thence  to 
Egypt,  where  he  met  a  speedy  and  sad  fate.  He  was  landing 
in  the  harbor  of  Pelusium,4  when  he  was  assassinated  by  order 

1  Cicero  (ad  Fam.  vii.,  3,  written  B.  c.  46),  aptly  rams  npthe  situation  :  "I  no  soonei 
arrived  in  this  army  than  I  repented  of  what  I  had  done,  not  so  much  from  the  danger 
to  which  I  was  exposed,  as  from  the  many  faults  which  I  discovered  among  them.  First, 
the  forces  were  neither  lan;e  nor  warlike  :  then,  except  the  general  and  a  few  others 
they  carried  on  the  war  with  such  a  rapacious  spirit,  und  breathed  such  principles  of 
cruelly,  that  I  could  not  even  think  upor.  our  success  without  horror.  To  this  I  must 
add  that  some  of  our  most  distimrni-hed  officer*  were  deeply  involved  in  debt.  In  short. 
there  was  nothing  good  but  the  cause.  Despairing  of  success,  I  advised  (what  I  had 
always  recommended),  that  proposal-;  of  accommodation  should  be  offered.  Failing  in 
this.  I  endeavored  to  persuade  Pompejus  at  least  to  avoid  a  general  engagement." 
"  Ciesar  had  about  22,000  men  ;  Poinpejus  had  47,000  and  7,000  horse 
*  June  6,  of  the  Julian  calendar.  *  See  map  No.  7. 


332  THE   GREAT   CIVIL    WAK.  [B.  C.  48. 

of  the  Egyptian  court,  which  hoped  in  this  way  to  win 
Caesar's  favor.1  Many  of  the  conservative-  party,  among  whom 
('icero,  made  peace  with  the  new  monarch.  The  ultras, 
however,  would  hear  of  no  compromise.  They  knew  that  the 
republic  had  perished,  but  they  could  never  be  reconciled  to 
the  monarchy. 

8.  The  Alexandrine  War  (B.  c.  48-47). —  0;vsar  never 
failed  to  follow  up  his  successes.    He  left  a  few  soldiers  to 
watch  Cato  in  Illyricum  and  hastened  himself  in  pursuit  of 
Pompejus.    When  he  reached  Alexandria  the  head  of  Pompejus 
was  presented  to  him.     He   turned  from  it  in  horror,  and 
ordered  the  remains  of  his  great  rival  to  be  honorably  buried. 
Caesar,  true  to  his  plan  of  settling  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
whatever  part  of  the  empire  he  happened  to  be,  divided  the 
Egyptian  kingdom,  agreeably  to  the  will  of  the  last  king  Auletes, 
between  his  two  children,  Cleopatra  and  her  brother  Ptolemy. 
This  decision  was  opposed  by  the  guardians  of  the  young  king, 
and  Caesar  was  involved  in  a  war  which  detained  him  nine 
months  at  Alexandria.     His  position  for  a  time  was  very  criti- 
cal, but  soon  reinforcements2  arrived,  Ptolemy  was  defeated,3 
and  the  kingdom  of  Egypt  was  restored  to  Cleopatra  and  a 
younger  brother,  also  named  Ptolemy. 

9.  Battle    of   Zela   (B.C.  47).—  During  Caesar's  stay  at 
Alexandria  strange  rumors  of  his  fate  spread,  and  the  wildest 
confusion  prevailed  t  hroughout  the  empire.   Italy  greatly  needed 
the  monarch,  but  before  returning  to  Rome  he  crossed  to  Asia 
Minor  and  crushed  the  rebellion  which  Pharnaces,  the  son  of 


1  In  Egypt  the  line  of  the  Ptolemies  became  extinct  with  the  death  of  Alexander.  The 
eldest  -on  of  Lathyrus  \v;»-  proclaimed  king  under  the  title  of  Ptolemy  XL.  surnamed 
Aulete*.  This  wa<  ratified  by  Rome  B.  r.  59.  }l\-  arbitrary  mea-ures  cau-ed  hi- expul- 
sion, and  he  lied  to  Home  B.C.  58.  He  was  re-tored  by  Qabinins,  the  proconsul  of 
Syria,  and  reigned  until  B.C.  HI.  He  left  a  daughter,  the  celebrated  Cleopatra,  and  two 
sons.  Hi~  will  directed  that  the  throne  should  be  -ha red  by  Cleopatra  and  her  eldest 
brother  Ptolemy  XII.  The  execution  of  the  \\  ill  was  Icfr  to  the  senate,  which  appointed 
Pompejus  enarai&n.  The  brother  and  si<ter  married  each  other,  according  to  Egyptian 
custom,  and  reigned  until  the  guardians  of  the  brother  expelled  Cleopatra  from  the 
throne.  She  fled  to  Syria  and  collected  an  army  to  invade  Esrypt.  Ptolemy,  and  hi* 
guardian  Pothinus.  lav  with  an  army  at  Pelu-imn  to  protect  the  eastern  frontier,  when 
Pompejue  cast  anchor  in  the  harbor  and  sent  a  request  to  the  kins*  to  allow  him  to  land. 
The  Egyptian  court  had  been  informed  of  the  di-a-rer  a1  Phar-alu*.  Ptolemy  feared  that 
Pompejos  wonld  instigate  a  rebellion  in  the  Egyptian  army,  in  which  many  of  hia  old 
toldiers  f.erved.  and  thought  it  safer  to  have  him"  put  to  death. 
'  Cae?.  b.  Alex.  J  March  37,  B.  c.  47. 


B.C.  47.]  THE   GREAT  CIVIL  WAR.  333 

Mithridates,  had  raised.  He  defeated *  Pharnaces  at  Zela  and  an- 
nounced the  victory  to  the  senate  in  three  words :  Veni,  vidi,  vici. 
1  came,  I  saw,  I  conquered.  "Happy  was  Pompejus,"  said  he, 
"  to  have  become  great  at  so  cheap  a  rate,  for  it  took  him  many 
years  to  subdue  Mithridates." 

10.  Condition  of  Affairs  at  Rome.  —  Caesar  hastened  to 
Rome,  which  sadly  needed  his  presence.  His  lieutenant  Anto- 
nius  and  the  tribune  Dolabella,2  Cicero's  son-in-law,  thinking, 
perhaps,  that  their  master  would  never  return,  had  created 
great  confusion.  The  tenth  legion,  stationed  at  Capua,  muti- 
nied and  killed  their  officers,  and  marched  to  Rome.  They 
well  knew  that  their  services  were  needed  for  the  African  cam- 
'paign,  and  therefore  thought  they  could  make  their  own  terms. 
Caesar  mustered  them  in  the  Campus  Martins,  and  approached 
them  unattended.  He  asked  them  to  declare  their  grievances. 
At  the  sight  of  their  beloved  leader  their  murmurs  died  away, 
and  they  could  only  demand  their  discharge.  "Citizens,"8  re- 
plied he,  "  J  discharge  you.  You  have  had  sufficient  fatigue  and 
wounds.  I  release  you  from  your  oaths.  As  to  the  presents, 
you  shall  be  paid  to  the  last  sesterce."  The  spell  was  broken. 
The  soldiers  stood  for  a  moment  mute,  confounded,  and  then 
entreated  the  general  to  receive  them  back  to  favor.  Caesar 
relented,  but  he  caused  the  ringleaders  to  be  executed.  With 
the  same  firm  hand  Caesar  restrained  his  adherents.  He 
refused  to  allow  a  system  of  confiscation.  Pompejus'  prop- 
erty was  confiscated,  but  Antonius,  who  outbid  all  others  at  the 
sale,  was  compelled,  much  to  his  disappointment,  to  pay  the 
price.  Caesar  was  named  dictator  for  an  indefinite  time,4  with 
full  powers  of  making  peace  or  war.  The  statues  of  Pompejus 
and  Sulla,  which  the  people  had  thrown  down  when  the  tidings 
of  the  battle  of  Pharsalus  reached  Rome,  were  ordered  to  be 


1  The  battle  took  place  Aug.  2,  B.  c.  47.  Caesar  gave  the  kingdom  of  Bosporus  to  Mith- 
ridates of  Pergamns,  with  a  part  of  Galatia;  over  the  rest  of  Galatia  he  placed  Dejotarns; 
Cappadocia  he  gave  to  Ariobarzanes. 

3  Cielius  Rufiis,  the  friend  and  correspondent  of  Cicero,  attempted  to  create  a  diver- 
sion in  favor  of  the  Pompeians.  Milo  was  summoned  from  exile,  and  he  summoned  the 
gladiators  and  shepherds  to  arms.  The  revolt  was  soon  crushed.  Cielius  was  killed  at 
Thurio. 

*  See  p.  30,  n.  2.  *  Like  Sulla's  dictatura  rei  publicce  constiiuendce. 


334  THE  GREAT  CIVIL  WAR.  [iJ.  C.  46. 

restored.     Caesar  indulged  in  no  vengeful  spite  airainst  his  foes, 
but.  sought  to  conciliate  all  parties. 

11.  Battle   of   Thapsus   (B.  c.  46). — When  order  was 
restored  in  Italy  Caesar  departed  to  crush  the  remnant  of  the 
Porapeians  in  Africa.     They  had  congregated 1  from  all  sides  to 
Africa,  and  had  enlisted  Juba  in  their  cause  by  promising  him 
the  whole  of  Africa.      Scipio,   Pompejus'  father-in-law,   was 
elected  commander  in  chief;  for  the  Scipios,  it  \va.s  said,  would 
always  conquer  in   Africa.     Cato,  however,   was  the  moving 
spirit.     His  energy  and  self-devotion  formed  a  sad  contrast  to 
the  selfishness  and  fanaticism  of  his  colleagues.     When  Ca-sar 
appeared  off  the  coast  and  boldly  summoned  them  to  surrender 
to  "  Cajsar  the  imperator,"  they  replied,  "  there  is  no  imperator 
here  but  Scipio,"   and  put   the  messenger   to  death.     Ca-sar 
soon  effected  a  landing,  and  after  some  serious2  reverses  gained 
the  bloody  battle  of  Thapsus,  on  the  6th  of  April,  B.  c.  46. 
Fifty  thousand  of  the  enemy  covered  the  field,  while  Caesar  lost 
not  more  than  fifty.     All  Africa  submitted  except  Utica. 

12.  Death  of  Cato.3 — Cato  commanded  in  Utica.    When 
ne  saw  there  were  no  means  of  resistance  he  restrained  the  fury 
01  true  soldiers,  aided  those  who  wished  to  escape,  dismissed  his 
senate  of  "three  hundred,"  interceded  with  the  victor  for  tho 
lives  of  others,  but  disdained  all  intercession  for  himself.     "It 
is  for  the  conquered  to  turn  suppliants,"  said  he,  '-'and  for 
those  who  have  done  an  injury  to  beg  pardon.     For  my  part  I 

1  They  collected  14  le?ions  and  120  elephants;  Caea.  b.  Afr.  1. 
1  The  repulse  at  Ru<]>ina.  Jan.  4,  B.  c.  46. 

1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 


M.  PORCIFS  CATO,  tr., 

m.  LIVI 

A. 

M. 

PORCIUS  CATO  UTICENSIS, 

FOB 

CIA  m. 

pr. 

B.  o.  54.    in.  1.  ATILIA. 

L.  DOMITIUS. 

2 

MABTTA. 

AHENOBARBC-8. 

POBCIA  m. 
1    M.  Branca 

M.  Poi 

icius  CATO. 

PORCIUS  CATO. 

PORCIA.- 

2.  M.  BRCTCB. 

died  B.  c.  42. 

B.C.  46.]  CAESAR  RULES  AS  MONARCH.  335 

have  been  unconquered  through  life,  and  superior  in  the  things 
1  wish  to  be.  Csesar  is  the  vanquished,  the  falling  man,  being 
clearly  convicted  of  those  designs  against  his  country  which  he 
has  long  denied."  After  taking  a  bath  and  supping  with  his 
friends  and  the  magistrate  of  Utica  he  held  a  long  conversation 
on  the  paradoxes  of  the  Stoics,  and  then  withdrew  and  read  in 
his  bed  the  dialogue  of  Plato  on  the  immortality  of  the  soul 
When  he  sought  for  his  sword  at  the  head  of  his  bed  and  did 
not  find  it,  he  called  a  slave  and  asked  for  it.  "Now,"  said  he, 
"  I  am  master  of  myself."  He  re-read  the  Phaedo  twice,  again 
slept,  and  then  sent  to  the  sea-shore  to  see  if  his  friends  had 
departed.  He  sighed  when  informed  that  the  sea  was  stormy, 
and  soon  sent  again  to  see  if  his  friends  had  put  back.  When 
the  birds  began  to  sing  he  fell  asleep  again.  Soon  after  he  arose, 
took  his  sword  and  plunged  it  into  his  body.  Thus  perished 
the  only  free  and  unconquered  man,  and  the  ancient  republic 
expired  with  him.1  The  few  others  that  escaped  the  field  of 
battle,  such  as  Labienus,  Gnaeus  and  Sextus  Pompejus,  departed 
for  Spain,  and  like  Sertorius  sought  for  a  last  refuge  in  the 
mountains  of  that  still  half-independent  land.  Numidia  was 
made  a  province  under  the  name  of  Africa,2  and  its  government 
entrusted  to  Sallust  the  historian. 


CHAPTER    I*. 

CAESAR  RULES  AS  MONARCH. 

1.  Powers  Conferred  upon  Caesar. — The  new  monarcl 
returned  to  Borne.3  The  great  struggle  was  over  ;  the  republic 
that  had  lasted  five  hundred  years  had  perished,  and  the 
process  was  to  be  reversed  by  which  the  magistrate  had  been 
stripped  of  his  authority.4  All  power  was  to  centre  again  in 
one  man.  "When  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Thapsus  reached 

1  Plot.  Cato,  68  ff.     "See  p.  171 ;  also  map,  p.  317.     »  July  25,  B.  c.  46.      •  See  p.  8.*. 


336  C^SAR  RULES  AS  MONARCH. 

Eome  the  senate  decreed  a  supplication  for  forty  days.  Caesai 
was  nominated  dictator  J'<»r  ten  year.-.  and  iinally,  in  B.  c.  44, 
for  life.  He  was  invested  with  the  powers  of  the  censor  under 
the  name  of  prcefectus  morum  for  three  years,  and  in  B.  c.  44, 
for  life.  This  enabled  him  to  regulate  the  senate  to  his  will. 
The  consulship  was  conferred  upon  him  for  five  years,  and 
finally  for  ten.  The  tribunitiau  power  was  bestowed  upon  him 
for  life,  as  well  as  the  first  place  in  the  senate  and  the  title  of 
imperator.  Caesar  was  already  pout  if  ex  maxii/nis,  but  now  he 
became  a  member  of  the  second  great  priestly  college,  that  of 
the  augurs.  To  these  offices  were  added  the  right  of  deciding 
on  war  and  peace,  the  disposal  of  the  armies  and  treasures  of 
the  state,  the  nomination  of  the  provincial  governors,  as  well  as 
of  a  part  of  the  magistrates  of  the  city,  and  finally,  the  right  of 
raising  new  men  into  the  patrician  order.1  A  statue  was 
erected  to  him  in  the  capitol,  inscribed  to  "  Caesar  the  demi- 
god."2 He  was  to  sit  on  a  golden  chair  in  the  senate-house,  his 
image  was  to  be  borne  in  the  procession  of  the  gods,  and  the 
seventh8  month  of  the  year  was  changed  in  honor  of  him  from 
Quintilis  to  Julius.  Finally  he  was  styled  "father  of  his  coun- 
try," a  title  which  had  been  conferred  by  decree  upon  Camillus, 
by  acclamation  upon  Cicero.4 

2.  Caesar's  Triumphs.  —  Caesar  celebrated  his  victories 
in  Gaul,  Egypt,  Poutus,  and  Africa.  Eome  had  witnessed 
many  magnificent  triumphal  processions,  but  none  like 
Caesar's.  Behind  his  triumphal  car,  drawn  by  the  sacred 
milk-white  steeds  and  attended  by  seventy-two  lictors,  walked 
the  captives  from  the  East;  the  Gallic  Yercingetorix  ;  the  son  of 
Juba;  and  Arsinoe,  the  sister  of  Cleopatra.  According  to  cus- 
tom, the  soldiers  who  followed  his  car  sang  derisive  songs,5 
while  the  people  gazed  with  wonder  and  terror  on  the  Gallic 
and  African  barbarians  who  served  under  his  banner.6  Caesar 
richly  rewarded  his  soldiers  ;  each  received  five  thousand 


1  There  were  not  more  than  fifteen  or  sixteen  patrician  gentes. 

*  The  fifth  of  the  old  calendar. 

•  No  effort  lias  been  made  to  distinguish  between  the  powers  conferred  by  the  senate 
and  those  conferred  by  the  people. 

*  A  variation  of  the  well-known  Xenia  :  r-  fane*,  si  non  facie*  non  eris. 

•  The  treasures  amounted  to  «5,000  talents  =  $75,000,000.    There  were  2822  crow  is 


EULES  AS  MONAHCH. 


denarii.1  The  people2  were  rewarded  with  the  three  hundred 
sesterces  already  promised  them,  and  one  hundred  in  addition 
for  the  delay,  as  well  as  with  corn  and  oil.  The  citizens  were 
feasted  at  splendid  banquets,  at  which  vast  multitudes  reclined 
at  twenty-two  thousand  tables,  each  with  three  couches.  When 
the  multitude  was  satiated  with  wine  and  food,  then  the  shows 
of  the  circus  and  theatre  and  the  combats  of  wild  beasts  and 
gladiators  began.  Above  the  combats  of  the  amphitheatre  floated 
for  the  first  time  the  awning  of  silk,  the  immense  velarium  of  a 
thousand  colors,  woven  from  the  rarest  and  richest  product  of 
the  East,  to  protect  the  people  from  the  sun. 

3.  Caesar  the  Imperator. —  Caesar  tried  to  reconcile  party 
interests.  He  avoided  all  measures  likely  to  exasperate  the  fallen 
aristocracy.  He  did  not  triumph  for  his  victory  at  Pharsalus. 
He  showed  respect  for  the  memory  of  Pompejus,  and  avoided  all 
processes  against  suspected  persons.  He  granted  immunity  to 
the  common  soldiers,  and  to  all  officers  who  had  not  taken  part 
with  the  opposition  since  the  battle  of  Ilerda.  His  own  friends 
murmured  when  they  saw  that  his  rule  was  equal  and  just  to 
all,  for  they  had  hoped  for  the  days  of  Sulla  and  Cinna.  Caesar, 
however,  remained  true  to  the  great  principles  with  which  he 
had  set  out — alleviation  of  the  condition  of  the  debtor,  trans- 
marine colonization,  equalization  of  rights,  and  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  executive  from  the  power  of  the  senate.  Once 
more  the  military  and  supreme  judicial  and  administrative 
power  was  combined  and  centred,  as  in  the  times  of  the  kings, 
in  one  man.  This  concentration  of  power  the  name  of  imper- 
ator3  expressed  more  aptly  than  any  other.  After  five  hundred 
years  the  primitive  regal  office  was  re-established.  The  senate4 

1  About  $1000. 

2  The  infima  plebs ;  promised  in  a  contio  when  he  took  the  money  from  the  aerarimn 
sanctins. 

3  Ii/i/>trium  plenum :  This  is  Mommsen's  view,  and  it  seems  very  probable,  although 
not  confirmed  by  any  of  the  original  authorities.     Lange  (vol.  iii.,  p.  461  f),  however, 
i| ii' "Minns  it ;  the  name  is  found  first  on  all  the1  coins  struck  by  Ca-sar  after  his  own  name. 
It  was  the  restrictions  in  regard  to  the  temporal  and  the  local  limitation  of  power, 
i.  «.,  inside  or  outside  of  the  pomerium,  the  collegiate  arrangements,  the  co-operation  of 
the  senate,  or  of  the  people  in  certain  cases,  that  distinguished  the  consul  from  the  king. 

*  Its  number  was  increased  to  nine  hundred;  the  number  of  quaestors,  from  whom  the 
senators  were  selected,  was  raised  to  forty,  in  order  to  keep  it  up  to  this  number.  The 
new  members  were  selected  from  the  equites,  noble  foreigners  from  Spain  and  Gaul, 
officers,  &c. 


338  (LESAIt   RrLF.s    AS    \lo\AUCH. 

sank  once  more  to  its  old  position — the  advisory  council  of  the 
king.  The  whole  executive  power  fe 11  into  the  hands  of  the 
monarch.  The  financial  administration1  was  no  longer  man- 
aged by  the  senate,  but  by  Caesar  and  his  cabinet.  In  regard 
to  judicial  matters  the  different  jury-commissions  were  retained, 
but  the  jurymen  were  selected  from  the  senators  and  equ; 

4.  Caesar's  Work. —  Caesar  put  an  end  to  the  anarchy  of 
the  capital,  checked  the  club  system,  reduced  the  recipients  of 
the  largesses  of  corn  from  320,000  to  150,000,  and  strengthened 
the  laws  in   regard  to  crime  and  violence.     He  commenced 
other  vast  projects,  as  the  building  of  a  new  senatc-ho; 
theatre  to  rival  that  of  Pompejus,  a  public  Lai  in  and  Greek 
library,  and  laid  out  a  plan  for  changing  the  course  of  the  Tiber, 
by  which  the  Campus  Vaticanus  would  be  transferred  to  the  left 
bank  and  could  be  substituted  for  the  Campus  Martins,  while 
the    latter    could    be    used  as  sites    for  public  and  private 
edifices.     This  improvement  would  have  drained  the  Pomptiue 
marshes,  and  the  capital  would  have  been  supplied  with  a  bet- 
ter seaport.     Agriculture  was  encouraged,  efforts  were  made  to 
develop  a  flourishing  middle  class  by  reviving  the  Licinian  laws, 
and  laws  were  enacted  in  regard  to  luxury,  usury,  bankruptcy, 
and  debt. 

5.  He  Aims  to  Fuse  the  Empire  into  One  Body 
Politic. —  One  of  Caesar's  aims  was  to  obliterate1  the  political 
distinction  between  Italy  and  the  provinces.     When  Cisalpine 
Gaul  received  full  citizenship  its  former  place  was  taken  by 
Transalpine  Gaul.     Latin  rights  were  conferred  on  the  colonies 
in  Africa,  Spain,  and  Gaul.8     The  old  law  that  no  troops  could 
be  stationed  in  Italy  was  extended  to  the  provinces,  and  hence- 
forth soldiers  were  stationed  on  the  frontiers  only.    In  this  way 
the  provinces  all  entered  into  a  state  of  preparation  which  paved 

1  The  leasing  of  the  direct  taxes  was  abolished.  Indirect  taxi-*  were  coll'-ci'-d  hy 
slave-  and  fre;-dmen.  from  which  in  time  grew  the  procurator-.  There  were  fourteen 
provinces.  7  European  Ili-pania.  citerior  and  ulterior,  Gallia  Tranwlpina,  Gallia 
Clealpina  with  Illyricum.  Macedonia  with  Greec<  dinia  with  ('or-ica — five 

Asiatic,  Asia.  Rithyuia  and  Pont  us.  rilir;a  with  f'ypni-.  Syria,  Crete— two  African,  Cyrene 
and  Africa.  To  these  drsar  added  Gallia  Lngdnnensis,  Belgica,  and  Illyricnm.  c.<-.<ir 
thoroughly  remodeled  the  system  of  administration  :  Dec>ninF  were  limited  to  Afrie-i 
and  Sardinia  :  middlemen  were  -el  aside,  and  the  i:overnor<  were  respon-ible  to  c.T-sar. 

''  The  new  colonies  in  <>ml  were  Baetenr  </£:2J»/v>.  A  relate  (.\rif*).  ArauMo  (Orange\ 
Forum  Julii  See  colored  map.  No.  :3. 


ASSASSINATION.  339 


the  way  for  the  future  political  equalization  of  the  empire.1 
i-  undertook  the  codification  of  the  laws,  a  work  already 
contemplated  by  Cicero,  commenced  a  survey  of  the  empire 
and  reformed  the  calendar.2 


CECAIPTER,  LI. 

CAESAR'S    ASSASSINATION — ANTONIDS    AIMS  TO   GRASP  THE 

POWER. 

1.  The  Spanish  War  (B.  c.  45). — In  the  midst  of  these 
reforms  Caesar  was  interrupted  by  an  insurrection  in  Spain. 
Labienus  and  the  sons  of  Pompejus  had  raised  a  large  army  there, 
and  the  revolt  had  become  so  serious  that  Cassar  was  obliged 
to  set  out  in  person.  The  struggle  was  protracted  for  several 
months,  but  Caesar's  good  fortune  triumphed.  On  the  field  of 
Munda,8  after  a  hard  fought  battle  in  which  thirty  thousand  of 

1  Under  the  republic  the  magistrates  of  the  city  of  Rome  had  been  magistrates  of  the 
empire,  but  now  they  were  only  first  among  those  of  the  many  municipalities  of  the 
empire,  and  the  consulship  was  merely  a  post  of  dignity  which  preserved  importance 
becau-e  a  governorship  was  attached  to  it. 

*  This  was  effected  by  his  authority  a*  chief  pontiff,  with  the  aid  of  the  astronomer 
es.  The  Romans  had  hitherto  had  the  lunar  year  of  355  flays.  Every  second  year 
a  month  of  22  fir  23  days  had  been  intercalated  alternately.  This  intercalation  was  too 
much  by  about  2  days.  The  rectification  of  the  error  was  left  to  the  pontiffs.  They 
had  arranged  the  intercalation  so  carelessly,  shortened  or  lengthened  the  year  to  enit 
their  plea-ure  or  extend  the  year  of  office  of  a  favorite,  or  to  postpone  the  day  when  a 
note  became  due,  that  the  confusion  was  so  great  that  the  Roman  year  anticipated  the 
true  time  by  90  .lays,  and  therefore  the  consuls  who  were  supposed  to  enter  on  their  office 
Jan.  l,B.c.~46,  really  entered  Oct.  13th,  B.C.  47.  An  intercalary  month  of  23  days  had  been 
inserted  after  F  IK  24,  B.  c.  4t>.  but  this  left  the  year  three  intercalary  months  of  22,  23 
arid  *2  davs.  i.  e.,  67  days  from  the  true  time.  This  deficiency  Caesar  inserted  as  two 
months  between  Nov.  and  Dec.,  which  addition  can  be  regarded  as  the  29  days  of  Jan., 
2s  days  of  Feb.,  and  the  10  days  which  the  solar  year  differed  from  the  lunar.  "  This  year 
was  called  ••  ihe  year  of  confusion  "  (annna  confusionit).  Reckoned  from  Jan.  1,  B.  c".  46, 
this  year  consisted  of  445  days,  but  reckoned  from  Mar.  1,  the  beginning  of  the  civil 
year," of  365  days,  jn-t  one  solar  year.  From  B.  c.  45  the  extra  ten  days  which  were  added 
to  tin-  lunar  year  were  so  arranged  on  account  of  the  festivals  that  2  were  inserted  after 
Jan  28, 1  after  April  25, 1  after  June  28.  2  after  Aug.  28. 1  after  Sept.  2^,  1  after  Nov.  28, 
god  2  after  Dec.  28.  These  days  were  all  regarded  as  i/i«s  />/-//'  non  comitiales.  The  year 
B.  c.  45  received  an  intercalary  day  after  Feb.  24  (ante  diem  Mtuextum  Kal.  Martlus),  and 
henceforth  one  day  \va*  to  be  added  in  the  same  manner  every  four  years.  [The  24th  of 
February  was,  on  the  Roman  mode  of  reekontncr  backwards,  the  sixth  before  the  kalends 
(the  1st)  of  March;  and  the  inserted  day  was  called  the  ."VYM '/-sixth  (bissextw)  before  the 
Kalends.]  There  was  a  slight  error  in  Cesar's  calendar,  and  this  in  the  course  of  cen- 
turies amounted  to  10  days,  and  was  corrected  by  Pope  Gregory  XIII.  in  1582.  and 
provisions  were  made  to  prevent  similar  errors  in  the  future.  The  reformed  calendar 
was  adopted  by  England  in  17.V.'. 

'  According  to  Hubner  ( Jahn's  Jahrb.  1<62.  p.  34),  Munda  was  north  of  the  modern 
Ronda  on  the  road  between  Cordova  and  Gibraltar. 


340  SIGtfS  OF  DISCONTENT.  [fi.  C.  44. 

the  enemy  perished,  he  gained  a  crowning  victory.1  On  his 
return  to  Rome  in  September  he  celebrated  another  triumph, 
followed  as  usual  by  games,  festivals,  and  gladiatorial  shows. 
New  marks  of  honor  were  conferred  upon  him  by  the  servile 
senate.2  He  was  to  sit  on  a  golden  chair  in  the  senate  and 
at  the  public  games,  clad  in  a  triumphal  robe,  and  a  diadem 
set  with  gems  was  decreed  to  him. 

2.  Signs  of  Discontent — Amidst  this  obsequiousness  of 
Caesar's  adherents,  there  was  an  undertow  of  discontent.  A 
rumor  spread  that  he  was  intending  to  assume  the  name  of 
king.  This  name  from  the  days  of  Tarquiuius  had  been  hate- 
ful to  the  people.  The  multitude  felt  that  a  hopeless  servitude 
had  commenced,  while  Csesar  dialed  under  the  restraint  of 
public  opinion,  and  his  temper  became  capricious  and  arrogant. 
Conspiracies  were  formed  against  his  life  ;  but  still  he  could 
never  be  induced  to  surround  himself  with  a  permanent  body- 
guard, for  "  it  is  better  to  die  at  once,"  said  lie,  "  than  to  live 
always  in  fear  of  death."  His  mind  \\as  tilled  with  far  other 
thoughts  than  the  taking  care  of  his  life.  Yearning  to  retrieve 
the  disaster  at  Carrhae,  he  began  preparations  for  a  war  against 
the  Parthians.  But  the  Sibylline  oracle  had  declared  that 
Parthia  could  be  conquered  only  by  a  king.  One  day  as  he  was, 
returning  from  the  Latin  festival  on  the  Alban  Mount,  he  was 
hailed  as  king.  Stilled  murmurs  rose  from  the  multitude. 
Caesar  exclaimed,  "  I  am  no  king,  but  Civsar."  His  friends 
were  not  satisfied.  At  the  Lupercalian  feast,  on  the  l.">th  of 
February,  when  he  was  seated  on  his  gilded  chair  before  the 
rostra,  Antonius  offered  him  a  diadem,  but  Caesar  rejected  it 
saying,  "I  am  not  king;  the  only  king  of  the  1'omaiis  is 
Jupiter."  A  few  days  after,  his  statues  were  crowned  with 
ro\al  diadems.  The  tribunes  removed  the  diadems  and  prose- 
cuted those  who  had  saluted  him  king.  The  people  called 
the  tribunes  Hrutuses,  because  Brutus  had  expelled  the  king, 
but  Caesar  deposed  them  from  office. 

1  Varus.  Labienus.  and  Gnseus  Pompejns  perished  ;  Sextns  Pompejns  escaped.  The 
battle  took  place  March  17.  B.  c.  45. 

"  The  Romans  made  jests  of  the  roreijjneis  whom  Osar  had  admitted  to  the  senate. 
Placards  requested  the  public  not  to  show  the  senators  the  way  to  the  senate. 


B.  C.  44.]  PLOT  AGAINST  CESAR'S  LIFE.  341 

3.  Plot  Against  Caesar's  Life — Still,  in  spite  of  Caesar's 
moderation  there  were  many  who  cherished  bitter  hostility 
towards  him.     The  idea  that  one  man  was  to  rule  over  them 
rankled  in  their  breasts.     When  senators  came  to  inform  him 
that  they  had  decreed  him    some  extravagant  honors,    en- 
grossed as  he  was  in  other  things,  he  did  not  rise  to  receive 
them  but  said,  "  there  was  more  need  to  retrench  his  honors 
than  to  enlarge  them."    This  seeming  haughtiness  rendered  the 
senate  furious.    A  plot  was  formed  for  his  destruction  which 
embraced  sixty  or  seventy  conspirators.     Many1  of  them  had 
been  pardoned  by  Caesar  and  raised  to  offices  of  rank  and 
honor.     Cassius  was   said  to  be  the  most  active  conspirator. 
He  had  competed  for  office  with  Brutus,  and  both  having  set 
forth  their  claims,  Caesar  said,  "  Cassius  assigns  the  better  rea- 
sons, but  I  cannot  refuse  Brutus."     Cassius  needed  the  charm 
of  a  great  name  to  sanction  the  deed.     M.  Junius  Brutus,  the 
nephew  and  son-in-law  of  Cato,  who  pretended  to  trace  his  lin- 
eage from  the  founder  of  the  republic,  gave  this  name.     Brutus 
was  an  ardent  student  of   the  Stoic  philosophy;  he   had  a 
rugged  and  eccentric  nature,  a  wild  yearning  for  effort,  for 
painful  sacrifice  ;  but  in  practical  life  he  was  feeble  and  irreso- 
lute.    To  him  the  conspirators  looked,  and  when  they  saw  that 
he  hesitated,  billets  were  thrust  into  his  hands,  inscribed  with 
the  words  :  "  Brutus,  thou  sleepest ;  thou  art  not  Brutus ! "    To 
the  statue  of  the  ancient  Brutus  was  affixed  a  paper  with  the 
words,  '•  Would  that  thou  wert  now  alive ! "    The  rumor  got 
abroad  that  Caesar's  friends  intended  to  obtain  a  decree  from 
the  senate  to  confer  upon  him  the  title  of  king  over  foreign 
subjects.      This  was  to  come  up  in  a  meeting  of  the  senate 
which  was  to  be  held  March  15,  to  make  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments for  the  Parthian  war.    This  rumor  probably  hastened 
the  long  contemplated  action  of  the  conspirators,  and  it  was 
agreed  to  assassinate  Cassar  on  the  ides  of  March. 

4.  Assassination  of  Caesar.— Meanwhile  rumors  of  the 
plot  got  abroad.     The  pale  looks  and  agitated  demeanor  of  the 

1  D.  Brutus  was  appointed  governor  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  ;  Trebonins  had  been  gover- 
nor in  Asia ;  G.  Cassius  had  been  praetor ;  Casca  and  Cimber  had  received  marks  of 
honor. 


342  C^ISAE'S  ASSASSINATION".  [B.  c.  44. 

conspirators  excited  even  the  suspicion  of  Caesar;  for  he  .said 
one  day  to  his  friends,  "What  think  you  of  ( 'as.-ius  •"  I  do  not 
like  his  pale  looks."  Prodigies  and  warnings  were  not  wanted. 
Men  spoke  of  lights  in  heaven,  .-(range  noises  by  night,  and  of 
the  apparition  of  a  solitary  bird  in  the  forum.  Strabo  speaks 
of  battalions  of  fire  in  the  air,  and  Suetonius  tells  that  the 
horses  which  Caesar  had  let  loose  at  the  Rubicon  would  not 
eat,  but  shed  tears.  A  soothsayer  warned  Caesar  of  the 
ides  of  March.  His  wife  entreated  him  not  to  attend  the 
meeting  of  the  senate  on  that  day.  She  had  dreamed  a  fear- 
ful dream,  and  the  auspices  too  were  unfavorable.  The  rem- 
nant of  Roman  superstition1  in  Ca-sar's  mind  had  nearly 
prevailed  when  the  raillery  of  D.  Brutus,  who  had  come  to 
escort  him,  dispelled  the  show  of  irresolution.  The  conspira- 
tors well  knew  that  delay  would  be  fatal.  They  were  alarmed 
every  moment  at  floating  hints,  and  even  in  spite  of  their  care, 
a  man  thrust  a  paper  into  Caesar's  hand  on  his  way  to  the 
senate  chamber.  He  thought  it  a  petition  and  held  it  unread 
in  his  hand.  To  the  augur  he  said,  "  The  ides  of  March  are 
come."  "  Yes,"  replied  the  augur,  "  but  they  are  not  yet 
passed."  The  senate  was  already  seated  when  Caesar  entered, 
and  the  conspirators  crowded  around  his  chair.  Ciinber  solic- 
ited the  recall  of  his  brother  from  exile,  the  others  united  in 
the  solicitation.  Displeased  at  their  importunity  Caesar  rose 
from  his  chair  ;  Cimber  pulled  the  robe  from  Caesar's  shoulders, 
while  Casca,  who  stood  behind,  gave  the  first  blow.  C.-e.-ar 
caught  the  handle  of  the  dagger  and  said,  "Villain  !  CUM  a, 
what  dost  thou  mean?"  Casca  called  for  help;  Caesar  de- 
fended him.-elf  for  a  time,  but  when  he  saw  Brutus  among  his 
assailants,  he  exclaimed,  et  In  Unite,  "Thou,  too,  Brutus!" 
and  drawing  his  robe  over  his  face  fell  pierced  by  twenty-three 
wounds  at  the  foot  of  Pompejus'  statue.2 

5.  The    Conspirators  have   no  Plan.— The  conspira- 
tors had  made  no  adequate  preparation  for  carrying  out  their 


1  Even  Cae«ar  was  superstitions:  at  the  battle  of  Pharsalus  he  prayed  to  the  gods 
whom  he  derided  :  lie  crawled  on  hi.-  knees  up  the  temple  of  Venus  ;  he  appealed  to  the 
omens  before  crd^sint;  the  Rubicon. 

*  The  senate  met  in  the  senate-house  of  Pompejoa. 


B.C.  44.]  CESAR'S  ASSASSINATION.  343 

plan  to  restore  the  republic.  They  hoped  the  senate  would 
ratify  the  act,  but  when  they  looked  round  the  hall  was  empty 
When  Brutus  rushed  to  the  forum  to  harangue  the  people, 
his  voice  was  drowned  in  tumultuous  cries.  There  was  a  gen- 
eral feeling  of  consternation,  no  one  knowing  on  whom  the 
next  blow  would  fall,  or  whether  riot  and  massacre  were  to 
begin  again.  The  indifference  of  the  people,  whose  instinct 
told  them  that  they  had  nothing  to  gain  from  Caesar's  death, 
tilled  the  conspirators  with  dismay.  Lepidus,  as  proconsul, 
was  before  the  gates  of  the  city  with  an  army,  and  a  large 
number  of  Caesar's  old  soldiers  were  in  the  city  waiting  for 
assignments  of  land.  The  result  was  that  the  liberators,  as  they 
called  themselves,  had  to  take  refuge  in  the  capitol,  offering 
as  a  pretext  that  they  were  going  to  return  thanks  to  Jupiter 
for  their  success.  Here  they  were  joined  by  the  small  remnant 
of  the  aristocratic  party.  Cicero  was  one  of  the  first  to  come 
to  them,  and  advised  that  the  senate  should  be  convened. 
Tliis  they  dared  not  do,  but  proposed  instead  to  empower  M. 
Antonius 1  to  restore  the  republic. 

6.  Amnesty  Declared  and  Caesar's  Acts  Confirmed. 
—In  the  first  alarm  Antonius2  had  escaped  in  disguise  to  his 
house.  During  the  night  he  had  communicated  with  Lepidus, 
and  had  secured  Caesar's  private  papers  as  well  as  his  treasure  of 
seven  million  sesterces.  Hitherto  Antonius  had  been  known  as 
the  minister  and  favorite  companion  of  Caesar,  bat  now  he  was 
about  to  display  the  arts  of  a  consummate  intriguer.  He  de » 

1  Some  of  the  conspirators  had  proposed  to  assassinate  Antonius  also,  but  Brutut 
had  protested. 

5  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

M.  ANTONIUS,  triumvir,  m.  1.  FADIA.    2.  ANTONIA.    3.  FULTIA. 
4.  OCTAVIA,  sister  of  AUGUSTUS.    5.  CLEOPATRA. 


ANTONIA  major.  ANTONIO  minor, 

m.  L.  DOMITIUS  AHENOBABBUS.  m.  DBUSUS,  the  brother  of  the  emperor  TIBEBICS, 


ON.  DOM.  AHEN.,      DOMITIA  LEPIDA,        GEKMANICUS  m.        LmA  m.      The  Emperor 
m.  AGRIPPINA,     m.  M.  VAL.  MESSALA.    AGRIPPINA,  dr.  of    1.  G.  CJESAR,   CLAUDIUS  m. 
(afterward  w.  of  JULIA,  dr.  of   2.  DRUBUS.       1.  PLAUTIA. 

CLAUDIUS).  AUGUSTUS.  son  of  Ti-   2.  .ELIA. 

MESSALIKA,  m.  CLAUDIUS.  BERIUS.       3.  MKSSALINA. 

4.  AGRUPINA. 

L.  DOM.  ATIEN..  adopter!  by  CLAUDIUS  A.D.  50,  and  called  NERO  mother  of 

CLAUDIUS  C^ESAB  DRUSUS  GERMANICUS;  emperor  A.D.  54-68.  NEBQ. 


344  C/ESAR'S  FUNERAL  OBSEQUIES,  [n.  c.  44. 

clared  his  adherence  to  the  republic  ;  the  senate  was  convened 
on  the  17th  of  March,  and  it  was  voted,  under  the  lead  of  Cicero, 
that  amnesty  should  be  declared  and  the  acts1  of  Caesar  rati- 
fied. The  conspirators  came  down  from  the  capitol,  a  recon- 
ciliation took  place,  and  Caesar's  alignment  of  the  provinces  was 
confirmed.2  This  reconciliation,  however,  was  only  a  pretence, 
and  Antonius  hoped  to  crush  the  conspirators  long  before  they 
could  assume  their  commands. 

7.  Caesar's  Will  and  Funeral  Obsequies. — First  Anto- 
nius made  public  Caesar's  will.  Gajus  Octavius,  the  son  of  Caesar's 
sister's  daughter,  was  adopted  and  declared  his  heir.  Legacies 
were  left  to  many  of  the  conspirators.  His  gardens  beyond 
the  Tiber  were  bequeathed  to  the  people,  and  every  citizen 
was  to  receive  three  hundred  sesterces.  This  liberality  over- 
whelmed the  people  with  gratitude,  shame  and  indignation. 
The  funeral  obsequies  followed.3  The  funeral  pile  was  erected 
in  the  Campus  Martins  ;  the  body,  concealed  from  public  gaze, 
was  laid  in  a  glittering  shrine  in  the  forum  ;  a  waxen  effigy 
which  turned  in  every  direction,  exhibited  the  twenty-three 
wounds.  The  people,  deeply  moved  by  the  sad  spectacle  before 
them,  were  still  further  excited  by  dramatic  representations  of 
the  deaths  of  Agamemnon  and  Ajax,  caused  by  their  nearest 
relatives.  Last  of  all,  the  consul  Antonius  pronounced  that 
marvellous  oration,4  which  excited  the  fury  of  the  people  to 
the  utmost.  .  They  rushed  through  the  streets  to  the  houses  of 
the  conspirators.  Brutus  and  Cassius  had  fled  from  the  city; 
the  others  dared  not  show  themselves  in  public.  The  success 
of  Antonius  was  complete.  Still  acting  his  part  as  a  consum- 
mate dissembler  he  counselled  measures  of  moderation  ;  pro- 
posed that  Sextus  Pompejus  should  be  recalled,  and  just  when  he 
was  expected  to  ask  for  the  dictatorship  he  proposed  its  aboli- 
tion. The  joy  of  all  was  great ;  but  they  soon  found  that  they 
were  subject  to  a  new  and  more  capricious  power.  Antonius 
pretended  that  his  life  was  in  danger,  and  asked  for  a  body- 
guard, which  the  senate  blindly  granted.  The  senate  had 

'  Acta  Claris. 

-  Cisalpine  (tanl  wa*  allotted  to  B.  Brutus  :  Macedonia,  to  Marcn-  Brahu  :  A-in.  to 
Tr^'oniu*  :  Bithynia.  to  C'iinlvr  :  iind  S  .  m.  to  Cis>iu-.          *  On  the  came  day  probably. 
«  i  ,i-i  Ul'i  pv&hn  laud-atio,  t»a  mixerafio,  '  Ho,  Cic.  Phil,  ii.,  3»i. 


B.c.44.] 


CESAR'S   FUNEKAL   OBSEQUIES. 


345 


already  confirmed  Caesar's  acts ;  Antonius  caused  the  sanction 
to  be  extended  to  acts  which  Csesar  had  merely  contemplated. 
Antonius  being  in  possession  of  Caesar's  private  papers,  began 
to  use  them  for  conferring  honors  on  this  one,  banishing  that 
one,  and  when  no  vestige  of  a  document  could  be  found,  he 
fabricated  what  he  wanted.  Caesar's  disposition  of  the  prov- 
inces was  reversed.1  "  The  tyrant  is  dead,"  said  Cicero,  "  but  the 
tyranny  still  lives."  Antonius  seemed  on  the  point  of  obtain- 
ing all  he  wished,  when  a  new  actor  appeared  upon  the  scene 
to  check  him  in  his  mad  career.2 


LIT. 
OOTAVTOS,  THE   HEIR    OF     CjSSAK ClCERo's    ACTIVITY THE 

SECOND   TKIUMVIKATE. 

1.  The  Popularity  of  Octavius. — Gajus  Octavius3  had 
been  waiting  at  Apollonia  to 
join  Caesar  on  his  way  to  the 
East,  when  a  letter  from  his 
mother  informed  him  of  the 
dictator's  assassination.  He 
had  enjoyed  for  years  Caesar's 
favor,  and  had  been  appointed 
his  heir  in  his  last  testament. 
He  immediately  proceeded  to 
Rome,  determined  to  claim  the 
inheritance,  and  boldly  as- 
sumed his  adopted  name,  Ga- 
jus Julius  Caesar  Octavianus. 
He  arrived  at  Rome  in  the 
beginning  of  May,  B.  c.  44,  and 
proceeded  directly  to  the  prae- 
tor, as  one  was  required  to  do  who  assumed  the  rights  and 

1  Syria  was  taken  from  Cassiux  and  assigned  to  Dolabclla  ;  Macedonia,  Antonins 
took  to  himself. 

''  II'1  had  Rained  control  over  Lopidus  by  giving  him  his  daughter  in  marriage  and 
by  nominating  him  p'»ififex  mai'hnnx. 

3  The  following  table  shows  the  relationship  between  Cocsar  and  Octavius  : 


GAJUS  OCTA.YIUS. 


346  OCTAVIUS,   THE  HEIR   OF  CAESAR.  [l!.  C.  44. 

duties  of  an  inheritance.  When  Antonius  returned  from  the 
southern  part  of  Italy  where  he  had  been  to  gain  over 
Caesar's  veterans,  Octavius  demanded  the  treasures  of  the  dicta- 
tor that  he  might  discharge  the  obligations  of  his  uncle's  will. 
Antonius  replied  that  all  was  spent ;  that  it  was  not  Qatar's, 
but  the  public  money.  Octavius,  however,  was  not  dismau'd. 
With  great  adroitness  he  contrived  to  win  the  favor  of  all  par- 
ties. He  sold  his  own  property  and  borrowed  enough  from  his 
friends  to  discharge  Cesar's  legacies.  The  people  were  won  by 
shows.  Octavius  rose  rapidly  in  popular  favor,  and  Antonius 
suffered  in  contrast.  Octavius  conciliated  the  senate,  cajoled 
the  liberators l  into  believing  that  he  had  no  personal  ambition, 
but  was  only  seeking  to  defeat  the  selfish  designs  of  Antonius. 
He  saw  in  Cicero  one  who  could  secnre  him  the  support  of  the- 
senate,  without  which  it  was  impossible  to  make  headway 
against  Antonius. 

2.  Cicero  and  Octavius. — At  this  time  Cicero's  mind 
was  in  a  condition  to  receive  his  advances.  Cicero  knew  that 
the  two  consuls,  as  well  as  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
senatorial  party,  condemned  the  policy  of  Antonius.  As  early 
as  June  he  himself  had  said  that  a  coalition  between  Antonius 
and  Octavius  must  be  prevented.  In  short,  he  knew  that  there 
was  material  enough  in  the  senate  hostile  to  Antonius  to  con- 
trol  its  action.  Therefore,  when  Octavius  approached  him 
with  the  promise  that  he  would  take  no  revenge  on  Caesar's 
murderers,  and  that  he  would  be  guided  by  the  advice  of  the 

GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 
G.  JULIUS  C^ISAB,  the  grandfather  of  the  Dictator. 


G.  JULIUS  CJESAR  m.  AURELIA.  JULIA  m,  G.  MARIUB. 

I 


,1, 


I  I  I 

G.  JULIUS  CAESAR,  JULIA  major,  m.      JULIA  minor,  m. 

Dictator,  in.  t.  L.  PINARIUS.        Anus  BALBUS. 

1.  COSSCTIA.  2.  Q.  PEDITS. 

3.  CORNELIA,  d.  of  CINNA.  ATIA  m.  OCTAVTUS. 

3.  POMPE.IA. 

4.  CALITKMA.  G.  J.  (,'.  OCT.  ArorsTUS,  see  p.  434. 

1  Cicero  has  preserved  ;i  vivid  pi"tnre  of  the  indecision  of  l  he  conspirators  Si  this 
time.  He  left  Italy  in  dJMrusi,  but  was  driven  back  by  adverse  winds  and  returned  to 
Rome  An<r.  31.  He  attempted  to  form  a  conservative  party  which  should  hold  the  bal- 
ance of  power  between  ihe  ultra  republicans  and  the  C;i-sa::ians.  Brutus  and  Cassias  had. 
already  lefi  Rome,  aud  Cicero  met  them  at  Velia  on  his  return, 


B.  C.  44-43.]  CICERO   AND   OCTAVIUS.  34? 

senate,  Cicero  pretended  to  believe  his  professions,  and  re- 
appeared once  more  in  the  political  arena  with  his  old  power 
and  influence.  In  a  series  of  speeches  he  roused  the  people, 
and  exerted  all  his  powers  to  consolidate  all  parties  against  An- 
tonius.  When  Antonius  had  departed  from  Rome  to  drive  D. 
Brutus  out  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  Cicero  induced  the  senate  to 
declare  him  a  public  enemy.1 

3.  The  Mutina War  (B.C. 44-43). — Antonius,  immediately 
on  his  arrival  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  besieged  Brutus  in  Mutina 
(Modena),  and  thus  commenced  the  civil  war.    The  senate,  at 
Cicero's  behest,  associated  Octavius  in  command  with  the  new 
consuls  Hirtius  and  Pansa,  and  bade  them  act  against  Antoniua 
and  aid  Brutus.    Antonius  was  defeated  in  two  battles8  in 
which  both  consuls  were  slain.     D.  Brutus  was  relieved  and 
Octavius  was  left  in  sole  command.    Antonius  retreated  across 
the  Alps  and  joined  Lepidus. 

4.  Activity  of  Cicero. — The  senate  believed  the  war  was 
ended.    Cicero  was  never  more  active.    He  was  the  life  and 
soul  of  the  government.     He  maintained  an  active  correspond- 
ence with  the  chiefs  in  the  provinces,  praised  the  devotion  of 
the  soldiers,  and  inspired  confidence  in  the  desponding.    "I 
have  placed  myself,"  said  he,  "at  the  head  of  the  senate  and 
people  ;  and  since  I  have  undertaken  to  lead  the  cause  of 
freedom,  I  have  not  let  a  moment  pass  which  could  be  em- 
ployed in  providing  for  the  general  welfare."     To  his  one 
great  error — the  belief  that  the  republic  could  oe  restored,  he 
clung  to  the  last.   His  efforts  were  unremitting.    He  performed 
"  mightier  deeds  in  the  toga  than  could  be  effected  by  arms." 
Circumstances  were   silently  working  against  him.    The  two 
consuls  were  dead,  and  Octavius  found  himself  at  the  head  of 

1  Antonius  summoned  the  senate  for  the  1st  of  September,  when  divine  honors  wore 
to  be  decreed  to  Caesar,  and  invited  Cicero  to  attend.  He  pleaded  fatigue;  Antonius 
attacked  him  in  a  violent  speech.  The  next  (lav  (Sept.  21,  Cicero  delivered  the  first 
of  those  great  orations  which  were  afterward  entitled  Philippics  in  imitation  of  those  of 
Demosthenes  against  Philiu  of  Macedon.  The  second  Philippic  was  never  delivered,  bat 
published  in  October,  and  was  so  composed  as  if  delivered  in  reply  and  immediately  after 
Antonius1  speech.  Sept.  19  :  the  third  was  delivered  Dec.  30,  in  the  senate  ;  the  fourth 
was  delivered  the  same  day  to  the  people;  the  fifth,  in  the  senate,  Jan.  1,  B.C.  43; 
the  sixth,  to  the  people,  Jan.  4;  the  others  were  delivered  during  the  winter,  the 
fourteenth  and  hist  being  pronounced  April  2'id,  in  the  senate. 

"  Forum  Uallorum  (cartel  Franco)  April  15,  and  Mutina,  April  27  ;  this  was  called  the 
folium  Mutinenw, 


348  THE  JiURDER   OF   CICERO.  [«.  C.  43 


A  powerful  army.  Cicero  hoped  he  would  lead  his  legions  to 
the  assistance  of  Brutus  and  Plancus.  Just  at  this  time  the 
aristocratic  party  in  the  senate  began  to  lift  its  hand.  The 
senate  believed  it  could  do  without  Octavms,  and  desired  tc 
thrust  him  aside,  after  having  availed  itself  of  his  services  so 
long  as  they  were  useful.  The  senate  transferred  the  command 
to  Brutus  and  denied  Octavius1  the  consulate.  Then  Ortu- 
vius'  rough  centurions  came  to  Rome,  entered  the  senate- 
chamber,  and  demanded  the  office  for  their  chief.  When  the 
senate  still  hesitated,  one  of  the  centurions  seized  his  sword 
and  exclaimed,  "If  you  will  not  give  it  to  him,  this  will!" 
Octavius  approached  the  city  with  his  whole  army  ;  the  senate 
yielded.  He  was  declared  consul,  with  his  cousin  Q.  Pedius 
as  colleague. 

5.  The  Second  Triumvirate. — Octavius,  who  was  now 
m  a  position  to  treat  with  Antonius,  proceeded  with  great 
caution.    He  procured  a  decree  3  which  declared  the  murderers 
of  Caesar  to  be  outlaws.     He  made  overtures  to  Antonius,  and 
caused  the  decree  against  him  and  Lepidus  to  be  rescinded.    It 
was  only  with  their  aid  that  he  could  hope  to  triumph  over 
the    liberators.      Accordingly    Antonius    and    Lepidus    were 
invited  to  an  interview  near  Bononia,3  which  resulted  in  the 
formation  of  what  is  usually  called  the  "Second  Triumvirate." 
The  triumvirs  were  to  rule  the  state  for  five  years,  to  appoint 
all  the  magistrates,  and  to  assign  the  provinces.4     Octavius  and 
Lepidus  were  to  prosecute  the   war  against    M.   Brutus5  and 
Cassius.     This  agreement  was  submitted  to  the  people  by  the 
tribune,  and  the  three  chiefs,  under  the  title  of  triumvirs"  for 
the  establishment  of  the  republic,  entered  upon  their  office. 

6.  Murder  of  Cicero. — The  triumvirs  determined  to  leave 
no   enemies    behind   them.      A   reign    of    terror   commenced. 
With   a  list  of  the  chief  citizens  before  them,  they  formally 
adjusted  whom  they  should  kill  and  whom  they  should  spare. 
Once  more  the  terrible  days  of  Sulla  and  Cinna  were  revived. 

1  This  action  of  the  senate  was  probably  taken  airain-t  f'icero'.-  nish  :  for  tin- lust 
I'etter  which  we  have  of  rice:--i's  correspondenc  •  >ad  Fain,  x.,  34)  written  July  28.  scons 
to  indicate  that  friendship  existed  between  him  and  Octavius.  Pedia. 

'•  say  mi  the  island  of  La  vinu-  •  ''iers,  on  the  island  of  Rhentis  i  /, 

'  AntonioB   was  to  have  th-  :  -.aie-   and  Narbonensla; 

Octavius.  Africa.  Sicily  ;ri-l  Sa1  iiui;..  f,cpi-In~  and  PlancuB  u  TO  !o  have  the  consulship 
the  next  year.  »  Tri'inf'in  /,',;/,»///;/•.<  Con*fi/vetl(/<f. 

5  D.  Brutus  in  crosi-jn^  iho  Alp-  was  dwjcrlcd  by  his  t-oldicrs  and  killed  at  A(|iiile.ia. 


B.  C.  42.]  LAST  EFFORTS  OF  THE   REPUBLIC.  349 

The  barbarian  soldiers  were  let  loose  throughout  Italy  to  hunt 
the  proscribed.  Cicero's  name  was  one  of  the  first  on  the  list, 
a  victim  to  Autonius'  ferocity.  He  fled  from  Rome,  embarked 
from  Astura,  with  the  view  of  taking  refuge  in  Macedonia, 
and  seemed  already  in  safety,  when  a  strange  fit  of  irresolution 
seized  him.  He  landed  again  and  betook  himself  to  his  villa 
at  Formias.  His  servants  warned  him  in  vain  of  his  danger. 
"  Let  me  die,"  said  he,  "in  my  country  which  I  have  saved 
so  often."  His  slaves  got  intelligence  that  his  pursuers  were 
approaching  and  they  hurried  him  once  more  toward  the  sea- 
shore, but  he  was  overtaken  and  dispatched  in  his  litter ;  his 
head  was  taken  to  Antonius.  "  This  is  no  concern  of  mine," 
said  he ;  "  take  it  to  my  wife." 1  Many  of  the  proscribed  escaped 
and  took  refuge  with  Sextus  Pompejus  in  Spain,  and  with 
Brutus  and  Cassius  in  the  East. 


CHATTER    LIII. 

LAST  EFFORTS  OF  THE  REPUBLIC — DIVISION  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

1.  The  Battle  of  Fhilippi  (B.  c.  42).— Early  in  B.  c.  42, 
military  operations  commenced.  Octavius  attempted  to  drive 
Sextus  Pompejus  out  of  Sicily,  but  his  admiral,  Salvidienus, 
was  defeated,  and  he  decided  to  follow  Autonius  to  Epirus,  to 
assist  in  carrying  on  the  war  against  Brutus  and  Cassius.  The 
liberators  were  wasting  their  time  in  plundering  2  the  rich  cities 
of  the  East,  and  were  not  aroused  to  their  danger  until  the  news 
came  that  Octavius  and  Antonius  had  landed  in  Greece  and 
were  on  their  way  to  Macedonia.  Laden  with  spoils,  the  liber- 
ators prepared  to  meet  them.  Brutus,  involved  as  he  was  in 
the  affairs  of  war,  and  solicitous  for  the  result,  slept  only  a  little. 
He  spent  the  most  of  his  nights  in  making  preparations  and 

1  Ful via  was  the  widow  cri  Clodius  \ylu-n  Antonius  married  her.          p.       ,  n. 

a  Brutus  plundered  Xanthus  ;  Cassius,  Rhodes.  All  AME  Mi.ior  was  compelled  to 
pay  the  tribute  of  ten  years.  The  temples  were  despoiled ;  and  the  fret-  inhabitant* 
gold  into  slavery. 


350  LAST  EFFORTS  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.  []}.  C.  42. 

in  reading  the  Stoics.  Just  before  leaving  Asia,  he  sat  one  night 
in  his  tent  with  a  feeble  light,  when  a  strange  figure  entered 
and  stood  silently  by  his  side.  "  Who  art  thou  ?''  said  he;  "  what 
Avilt  thou  with  me  ?  "  "  I  am  thy  evil  genius,  Brutus,"  said  the 
spectre;  "thou  shalt  see  me  again  at  Philippi."  The  two 
armies l  met  on  the  plains  of  Philippi,8  and  the  destiny  of  the 
Roman  world  was  decided  in  two  battles.  In  the  first,  Cassius 
was  obliged  to  yield  to  Antouius,  while  Brutus  repulsed 
Octavius.  Cassius,  unaware  of  his  colleague's  victory,  com- 
mitted suicide.  Twenty  days  afterward  the  battle  was  re- 
newed, and  Brutus  was  completely  defeated,  and  fell,  like 
Cassius,8  on  his  sword.  Many  of  the  most  noble  republicans 
perished  in  the  battle  or  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors ; 


1  The  army  of  the  liberator.*  consisted  of  80,000  foot  and  20,000  horse  ;  AntoniiiB  and 
Octavius  had  19  legions  =  about  1-20,000,  and  130U  horse. 
*  The  last  of  September ;  see  map,  p.  157. 

1  Our  readers  are  for  the  most  part  aware  that  the  grand  feature  of  the  civil  contests 
In  the  Roman  commonwealth  was,  throughout,  the  struggle  of  one  favored  cla*s  to 
maintain  its  exclusive  privileges  against  another  of  a  different  origin,  hut  blended  with 
it  in  one  body  politic.  The  tir*t  phase  of  this  struggle  was  that  between  the  patricians 
and  plebeians,  strictly  so  called;  when  this  contest  terminated  in  the  admission  of  the 
inferior  class  to  substantially  equal  privileges,  peace  was  for  a  time  obtained.  But  the 
progress  of  external  conque*t  gradually  created  a  similar  distinction  of  classes  upon  a 
larger  scale.  The  citi/ens  of  Rome,  patrician  and  plebeian,  whether  living  in  the  city  or 
established  in  colonies,  jealously  maintained  the  distinctive  privileges,  lucrative  and 
influential  as  they  were,  which  they  enjoyed  as  such.  The  conquered  stales  of  Italy, 
admitted  into  alliance  and  a  certain  limited  communion  with  Rome  but  refused  the 
complete  franchise  and  its  privilege-,  now  stood  in  an  analogous  relation  to  the  Roman 
people  with  that  of  the  ancient  plebeians  to  the  patrician*.  The  social  wars  formed  the 
crisis  of  the  long  struggle  for  these  privileges,  and  terminated  in  the  enfranchisement  of 
the  Italians.  However,  it  was  still  in  the  power  of  the  Roman,  or  exclusive  party,  to 
neutralize  these  concessions  to  a  considerable  extent  ;  and  then  it  was  that  the  Italians 
began,  like  the  plebeians  of  old,  to  look  for  allies  among  the  ranks  of  their  opponents. 
Marius  him-elf,  the  great  leader  of  the  foreign  parly,  was  an  Italian  ;  but  many  of  hi* 
adherents  were  Romans,  hostile  to  the  domination  of  the  old  aristocratic  famines,  and 
anxious,  by  whatever  means,  to  obtain  an  ascendency  for  themselves.  The  contest,  an 
is  usual  in  such  ca»e*,  gradually  lo-t  the  character  of  a  domestic  and  foreign,  and 
acquired  much  of  that  of  an  aristocratic  and  popular  struggle.  Thus,  during  the  HIIC- 
ce-~  of  the  aristocratic  party  under  Sulla,  they  tried  to  impose  checks  upon  the  influence 
of  the  plebeians,  who  had  become  almost  ^identified  with  the  Italians,  or  rather,  absorbed 
in  their  multitude.  Pompejus  succeeded  to  the  post  of  Sulla  at  the  head  of  this  party, 
while  Coear  assumed  the  leadership  of  the  other.  The  one  fonirht  for  the  Integrity  of 
the  senate,  and  such  exclusive  privilege-  a*  were  Mill  enjoyed  by  the  old  ari-tocratic 
families  of  Rome,  of  whom  the  senate  was  still  almost  entirely  composed.  The  other 
was  expected  to  break  down  every  barrier  which  opposed  the  complete,  union  of  the 
Italian  population  in  a  single  sovereign  nation.  Perhaps  Pompejus'  utter  inability  to 
make  head  against  his  rival  in  Italy  may  be  taken  as  an  evidence  of  the  unpopularity 
of  his  course  throughout  the  peninsula,  and  the  people's  sense  of  the  Important  advan- 
tages which  would  follow  to  them  from  dinar's  -uccess.  The  conflict  which  followed 
after  the  death  of  O:e*ar.  bears  some  characteristics  of  the  old  aristocratic  and 
popular  struggle  ;  and  in  this,  too.  we  find  the  leaders  of  the  former  party  obliged  to 
abandon  Italy  ana  carry  on  the  conte-t  in  the  province*.  The  same  might  have  been 
ob*erved  of  the  attempt  of  Cato  and  the  *on*  of  Pompeiii*.  But  the  fall  of  Brutus  and 
Cassias  was  a  final  death-blow  to  the  can --c  of  the  old  Roman  aristocracy:  and  Tacituu 
emphatically  remarks  :  Bruto<.t<'(i**'«>C't-i<.  i<>iHa  jampuMica  arina.—Mtn 


B.  C.  42.] 


AHTOtflUS  AND  CLEOPATRA. 


351 


others  escaped  to  the  fleet  of  Sextus  Pompejus.  Most  of 
the  vanquished  soldiers  were  enlisted  in  the  army  of  the  con- 
querors. 

2.  The  Treaty  of  Philippi. — After  the  battle  the  victors 
made  a  new  division  of  the  empire  ;  Octavius  received  Spain 
and  Numidia;    Antonius,  Transalpine   Gaul  and  Illyricum. 
Cisalpine  Gaul  was  joined  with  Italy.     No  share  of  the  plunder 
was  granted  to  Lepidus,  under  the  pretence  that  he  was  in- 
triguing with  Sextus  Pompejus.     Octavius,  still  suffering  from 
ill-health,  was  desirous  to  return  to  Italy  to  satisfy  the  soldiers 
with  new  assignments  of  land. 

3.  Antonius    and   Cleopatra.  —  Antonius  preferred  to 
remain  in  the  East.    Here  he  repeated  the  exactions  that  had 
already   made    the    names    of 

Brutus  and  Cassius  infamous. 
"You  shall  furnish  money," 
said  Antonius  to  the  Greeks  of 
Asia,  "and  Italy,  lands."  He 
forgot,  however,  the  claims  of 
his  greedy  soldiers  and  lavished 
his  plunder  upon  himself  and 
his  parasites.  It  was  in  Cilicia 
that  he  met  Cleopatra,  the 
"Serpent  of  the  Nile."  He 
had  already  seen  her  in  the 
train  of  his  master  Cfeesar.  She 
had  hastened,  with  full  confi- 
dence in  her  wit  and  beauty, 
from  Alexandria  to  deprecate 
the  conqueror's  wrath  because 
she  had  furnished  aid  to  Cas- 

8ms.  When  Antonius  saw  her  sailing  up  the  Cydnns  in  & 
galley  with  purple  sails,  rowed  by  silver  oars,  he  was  completely 
enchanted,  and  willingly  followed  her  to  Alexandria  as  her 
slave.  He  forgot  Kome  and  Fulvia  and  the  war  with  the  Par- 
thians  in  the  charms  of  her  society. 


MABCUS  ANTONIUS. 


352  THI:  TREATY  OF  rmrxmsiUM.  [B.  c.  40. 

4.  Octavius  in  Italy. — Meanwhile  Oetavius  was  busy  in 
Italy  assigning  the  promised  estates  to  his  soldiers.     As  no 
money  came   from   Antonius  he  was  obliged  to  despoil  the 
temples  and  to  drive  away  the  old  proprietors  from  their  farms 
that  he  might  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  disbanded  veterans.1 
Whole  cities  with    their  adjacent  districts  were  given  up  to 
spoliation.2    Great  disorder  prevailed.     Fulvia  attempted   to 
foment  the  discontent  of  the  proprietors  who  had  lost  their 
lands  and  of  the  veterans  who  were  not  satisfied  with  their 
plunder,  in  hopes  of  recalling  her  faithless  husband  from  the 
East.     Octavius  turned  from  one  class  to  the  other,  but  could 
not  satisfy  both.     Finally,  his  general,  Agrippa.  repressed  the 
discontent,  and  besieging  Antonius'  brother  in  Perusia,  com- 
pelled him  to  surrender. 

5.  The  Treaty  of  Erundisium  (B.  c.  40). — The  news  of 
the  Perusian  war  aroused  Antonius,  who  embarked  for  Italy 
with  a  powerful  fleet  and  a  few  legions.     He  made  a  compact 
with  Sextus  Pompejus  to  overthrow  Octavius,  but  the  name 
of  Pompejus  had  long  since   lost  its  charm.     The   soldiers 
refused  to  fight  and   compelled   the   two  triumvirs  to   treat. 
A  new  partition3 of  the  Roman  world  gave  Antonius  the  East 
to  rule  and  defend,  while  Octavius  was  to  be  entrusted  with 
the  West,  and  with  the  conduct  of  the  war  against  Sextus  Pom- 
pejus.    The  compact  was  sealed  by  the  marriage  of  Antonius 
to   Octavia.4   his    colleague's    sister,   while    Octavius    married 
Scribonia,  the  sister-in-law  of  S.  Pompejus.     The  rivals,  thus 
reconciled,  repaired  to  Home,  entered  the  city  with  an  ovation, 
and  celebrated  games  and  festivities.5 

6.  The  Treaty  of  Misenum  (B.  c.  39).— The  treaty  of 
Hrundisiuni  marked  the  end  of  the  civil  war  in  Italy.     It  con- 

1  According  to  Appian  each  soldier  was  to  have  5000  denarii  :  each  centurion,  five 
times  and  each  tribune  ten  times  a*  much  :  this  with  an  army  of  28  legions  —  about 
170,000  men,  amounted  »o  about  1000  million  denarii  =  nearly  $300.000.000. 

:1  Virgil  lost  Ins  property  at  Andes  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  but  recovered  it  through  the 
influence  of  Miecenas.  Horace,  Tibnllus  andPropertius.  were  involved  in  the  land  con- 
•us.  The  Ofellus  of  Horace  (Sat.  ii..  2.  IV.''  irive-  a  lively  picture  of  a  proprietor 
who  was  doomed  to  work  for  a  master  on  the  land  that  had  once  been  his  own. 

1  The  dividing  line  was  at  Scodra  in  Illyricum  ;  L<-pidiis  \va-  allowed  to  retain  Africa. 

*  Octavia  had  recently  been  left  a  « idow  by  the  death  of  Marcellus  ;  Fulvia  had  died 
Shortly  after  Antonius'  reiurn. 

s  This  took  place  durinjr  the  consulship  of  Pollio,  and  Vergil  celebrates  the  peace  of 
Bruuuisium  in  his  fourth  eclogue. 


B.C.38.]  THE  TREATY  OF  TAEE^TOf.  353 

signed  the  centre  of  the  empire  to  a  statesman  who  restrained 
the  insubordination  of  the  soldiers  and  restored  order.  Sex- 
tus  Pompejus  had  been  excluded  from  the  treaty.  His  fleet 
commanded  the  sea  and  cut  off  the  supply  of  wheat  from  Sicily 
and  Africa.  The  populace  became  furious  and  compelled  the 
triumvirs  to  treat  with  Sextus.  They  promised  to  resign  to 
him  Sicily  and  Achaja,  while  he  engaged  to  supply  Italy  with 
corn.  The  three  chiefs  entertained  one  another  on  board  a 
1  moored  in  the  harbor  near  Misenum.  "Shall  I  cut  off 
the  anchors  of  the  ship,  and  make  you  master  of  the  Roman 
world?"  said  Menas,1  one  of  Pompejus'  captains.  "You 
ought  to  have  done  it  instead  of  saying  it,"  was  his  reply. 

7.  The  Treaty  of  Tarentmn  (B.  c.  38).— The  agreement, 
however,  was  never  executed.     Sextus  never  received  Achaja, 
and  he  in  turn  failed  to  evacuate  certain  places  on  the  coast  of 
Italy  which  had  fallen  into  his  possession.     Sextus  flew  to  arms, 
and  threatened  the  seaports,  and  the  price  of  grain  rose  in  con- 
sequence at  Rome.     Antonius  appeared  off  Brundisium  with  a 
fleet  of  three  hundred  sail.     Octavius  was  so  distrustful  of  his 
designs  that  he  forbade  him  to  land.    Antonius  sailed  round  to 
Taivntum,  but  by  the  mediation  of  Maecenas,2  Octavia,  and 
other  friends,  a  reconciliation  was  effected.     The  triumvirate 
was  renewed  for  another  five  years,  and  Antonius  left  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  vessels  for  Octavius  to  use  against  Pompejus, 
while  he  received  twenty  thousand  soldiers  for  the  Parthian  war. 

8.  (Victory  off  Naulochus.^-It  was  necessary  for  Octa- 
vius to  build  a  fleet  and  practice  his  sailors  in  order  to  wrest 
the  dominion   of  the  sea  from   Sextus.     With   this  view  he 
constituted  a  secure  harbor3  on  the  southern  coast  of  Italy. 
The  next  spring  he   attacked  Sextus  off  Mylae,  and  by  the 
skill  and  energy  of  Agrippa,  gained  a  partial  victory.4     Soon 
after,  the  great  sea-fight  off  Naulochus  decided  the  contest. 
Deserted  by  his  followers  Sextus  fled  in  despair  to  the  East,  in 
hopes  of  obtaining  the  protection  of  Antonius. 

1  Appian  call*  him  Mrnodorns. 

*  Horace  accompanied  Maecenas  to  Bnmdisium  and  has  given  a  lively  account  of  the 
Journey  in  the  tiftl'  satire. 

3  Tho  Ink. ••<»  Avcrnus  and  Lncrinns.  between  Misenum  and  Puteoli.  were  connected; 
water  was  let  in  from  the  T\  rrhenian  sea.  *  Near  Mylae. 


354  THE  FALL  OF  LEPIDtTS.  [B.  C.  36. 

_ 

9.  The  Fall  of  Lepidus   (H. c.  36.) — Scarcely  was   this 
danger  from  Sextus  passed,  when  a  new  one,  not  less  threaten- 
ing, arose.     The  Pompeian  soldiers  opened  communication  with 
Lepidus,  who  had  come  from  Africa  and  had  joined  Agrippa 
in  the  siege  of  Messana.     The  gates  were  no  sooner  opened  than 
the  Pompeian  troops  saluted  Lepidus  as  imperator.     Finding 
himself  at  the  head  of  twenty  legions,  he  resolved  to  hold  the 
island  for  himself.     The  prompt  action  of  Octavius  prevented 
civil  war.     He  boldly  entered  his   rival's   camp  almost  unat- 
tended, threw  himself  among  the  soldiers,  and  made  appeals  to 
them  which  were  successful.     They  deserted  Lepidus  as  easily 
as  they  had  joined  him.     Octavius  deposed  him  from  the  trium- 
virate, and  confined  him  to  the  island  of  Circeji,  but  allowed  him 
to  retain  the  title  of  chief  pontiff  until  his  death  in  B.  c.  13. 

10.  The  Position  of  Octavius. — Octavius  now  had  no 
other  rival  than  Antouius.     Sextus  Pompejus,  who  was   the 
last  of  the  old  senatorial  party,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
Antonius'  lieutenant,  who  put  him  to  death.    His  death  and 
Antonius'  absence  left  Octavius  the  undisputed  head  of  the 
Ca3sarians.     Octavius  had  now  attained  that  position  in  which 
he  felt  himself  strong  enough  to  be  merciful.     The  strength  of 
the  old  parties  had  been  so  broken  up  by  death  and  confisca- 
tion, that  the  remnant  were  prepared  to  support  any  govern- 
ment which  promised  order  and  security.     The  people  joined 
the  senate  in  welcoming  Octavius  as  the  "restorer  of  peace  by  sea 
and  land."     Measures  were  taken  to  maintain  in  Rome  a  vigi- 
lant police,  and  brigandage  was  put  down  in  Italy  and  Sicily. 
Octavius  began  now  on  a  greater  arena  to  display  that  state-craft 
which  he  had  maintained  from  the  first  and  which  never  de- 
serted him.    He  granted  all  the  liberty  consistent  with  his 
safety,  but  veiled  his  government  under  the  forms  of  the  con- 
stitution. 

11.  The  Ministers  of  Octavius. — In  nothing  did  he  show 
his  discrimination  more  than  in  calling  around  him  two  such 
men  as  Agrippa,  the  able  general,  and  Mu.'cenas,  the  admirable 
counsellor.     We  have  seen  the  perseverance  and  obstinate  cour- 
age of  Agrippa  ;    how  he  was  ever  active  in  constructing  and 


B.  C.  37-34.]  ANTONTUS  AND  THE   EAST.  355 

repairing  fleets,  and  exercising  sailors.  Maecenas  had  already 
rendered  important  service  in  reconciling  the  triumvirs,  and  in 
calming  and  restraining  the  multitude  when  the  fleet  of  Sextus 
ciu  off  the  supply  of  grain.  His  genuine  taste  for  learning  and 
his  encouragement  of  men  of  letters,  Octavius  found  to  be 
equally  valuable  in  turning  men's  minds  to  literature,  which 
contributed  greatly  in  reconciling  them  to  the  loss  of  liberty 
Maecenas'  mild  and  elastic  mind  seemed  formed  to  calm  and 
quiet  Italy  after  so  many  mighty  storms  had  swept  over  it. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ACTIUM — THE  END  OF  THE  CIVIL  WARS 

1.  Antonius  and  the  East  (B.  < .  37-34). — After  the  re- 
newal of  the  triumvirate,  in  B.  c.  37,  Antonius,  who  had 
already  become  tired  of  Octavia,  left  her  in  Italy,  and  deter- 
mined to  carry  on  his  long  projected  campaign  against  the 
1'arihians.1  By  the  middle  of  B.C.  36,  he  had  assembled  one 
hundred  thousand  men  on  the  Euphrates,*  with  the  purpose 
of  completing  the  success  that  his  lieutenants  had  already 
begun.  He  penetrated  as  far  as  Praaspa,  three  hundred  miles 
beyond  the  Tigris,  but  the  Parthians  cut  off  his  munitions 
of  war,  and  his  treacherous  ally2  deserted  him.  He  was  com- 
pelled to  commence  a  disastrous  retreat,  which  cost  the  lives 
of  eight  thousand  of  his  soldiers.  In  the  following  spring 
(B.  c.  34),  he  made  one  more  effort,3  and  advanced  into  Armenia, 
where  he  collected  an  immense  amount  of  booty.  Aftei 
this  he  returned  to  Alexandria,  celebrated  a  triumph,  and  as 

'  Tin1  Pai-tlii'ins,  led  by  Labienus,  a  son  of  Caesar's  old  general,  had  invaded  Syria, 
Cilicia  and  Curia  ;  Ventidms  had  defeated  them  twice  in  Syria  ;  Labienus  and  Pharna- 
]i;iti'-.  i  In-  ablr-t  general  of  Orodes,  had  fallen  in  battle.  Sosius  took  Jerusalem  and  de- 
throned Antiiioiius  ;  and  Canidius,  another  lieutenant,  penetrated  into  Armenia,  defeated 
the  kings  of  Iberia  and  Albania,  and  spread  the  terror  of  Autonius' name  and  po\ver 
through  these  barbarous  regions.  Autonius  found  himself  master  of  the  three  great 
MI  which  the  commerce  of  the  world  traveled — that  of  Caucasus,  that  of  Palmyra, 
and  that  of  Alexandria. 

•  Thf  klna;  of  Armenia,  '  Plut.  Anton. 


356  OCTAVIfS    AND   TIIK    \VKST.  [B.  C.  37-33. 

sumed  the  insignia  and  dress  of  an  Oriental  nionarcli.  Cleopatra 
sat  by  his  side  as  queen,  to  whose  influence  Antoaius  liad  eu- 
tirely  surrendered  himself.  He  gave  the  title  of  king  to  her 
Children,  annexed  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire  to  the 
Egyptian  kingdom,  and  plunged  into  the  wildest  dissipation. 

2.  Cleopatra,   the   Queen  of   the  East. — In   order  to 
retain  her  influence  over  him,  and  to  wean  him  effectually  from 
Rome,  Cleopatra  daily  invented  new  pleasures  and  constantly 
amused  him.     She  possessed  a  thousand  charms,  a  thousand 
varied  graces,  and  the  gift  of  many  languages.     She  was  an  ad- 
mirable singer,  a  skilled  musician.    Her  flattery  was  varied  as 
it  was  delicate.     She  transformed  herself  daily  to  please  him. 
She  gamed,  she  drank,  she  hunted,  and  followed  him  in  all 
his  exercises.     In  his  night   rambles  through  the  streets  of 
Alexandria,  stopping  at  the  doors  and  windows  of  the   citi- 
zens to  throw  out  jests,  she  attended  him  dressed  MS  a  slave. 
She  already  dreamed  of  planting  her  pavilion  on  the  Tarpeian 
rock  and  of  dictating  her  will  among  the  trophies  of  Marius. 
She  must  wean  Antonius  from   Rome  ;   then   the  Alexander 
of  the  East  could  conquer  the  West.     One  day  Cleopatra  had 
an  Egyptian  diviner  say  to  him  :     "Thy  genius  fears  Octa- 
vius  ;    when  it  is  alone  its  port  is  ereet  and  I'carle.-s ;    when 
his    approaches    it    is   dejected    and    oppres-ed."1       Octavius 
possessed  Rome  ;  it  was  his  capital.     Alexandria  alone  could  be 
the  capital  of  the  empire  of  Antonius.     Here  the  commerce  of 
three  continents  found  its  mart.     In  this  vast  caravansary  every 
nation  lodged.     In  this  great  centre,  the  religion  and  mysticism 
of  the  East  and  the  philosophy  of  the  West  met.     This  mighty 
world  was  mirrored  in  its  queen,  the  female    Mithri  dates — a 
vari.-d.  va>t  and  multifarious  mind,  like  that  of  the  ever  fruit- 
ful Isis.  under  whose  attributes  she  triumphed.1 

3.  Octavius  and  the  West. — Meanwhile  Octavius  was 
yearly  increasing  in  popularity.     His  manners  were  affable,  and 
his  concern  for  the  public  welfare  unwearied.     He  established 
a  mild  and  firm  government  at  Rome,  and  led  his  legions  with 

'  Wchelet :  Pint.  Ant  She  was  adored  in  Eeypt.  When,  after  her  death,  the  etatne 
of  Antonius  wa.»  overthrown,  an  Alexandrian  gave  two  millions  sterling  to  have  those 
«f  Cleopatra  \ett.-2HicJielet. 


B.C.  32.]        DECLARATION  OF  WAR  AGAINST  EGYPT.  35? 

success  against  the  Dalmatians,  the  Salassi,  and  the  Panno- 
niaiis.  During  the  aedileship1  of  Agrippa,  he  rebuilt  and 
beautitied  Home,  repaired  the  highways,  cleansed  the  sewers, 
restored  the  aqueducts,  and  multiplied  the  fountains.  At  the 
same  time  the  people  were  conciliated  by  largesses  of  money, 
oil  and  salt,  while  the  games  and  shows  amused  them,  and 
reconciled  them  to  his  government.  The  spoils  from  his 
Illyrian  and  Dalmatian  campaigns  were  so  enormous  that  they 
were  not  only  sufficient  for  these  vast  works,  but  they  enabled 
Octavius  and  Pollio  to  establish  public  libraries. 

4.  Declaration  of  War  against  Egypt. — Thus  far  the 
two  rivals  had  maintained  all  appearances  of  good-will  towards 
each  othei ,  but  in  B.  c.  33,  they  began  to  exchange  complaints. 
Ocfavius  accused  Antonius  of  lavishing  the  provinces  of  the 
Roman  empire  on  the  Egyptian  queen,  and  circulated  the 
report  that  he  wished  to  give  her  Rome  even.2  The  consuls  for 
B.  c.  32  were,  according  to  previous  agreement,  partisans  of 
Antonius.  They  began  their  year  of  office  with  a  violent  in- 
vective against  Octavius,  who  at  the  time  was  absent  from  the 
city.  On  his  return,  convening  the  senate,  he  stationed  guards 
at  f  ]\Q  door,  and  entering  himself  surrounded  by  a  body-guard, 
delivered  a  bitter  invective  against  Antonius  and  promised  to 
make  formal  charges  against  him  at  the  next  meeting.  The  con- 
suls tied  to  Antonius.  In  the  meantime  Octavius  obtained  pos- 
session of  Antonius'  will,  which  the  latter  had  deposited  with 
the  vestal  virgins.  It  confirmed  his  donations  of  provinces  and 
treasures  to  Cleopatra's  children,  declared  one  of  them,  Cassario, 
to  be  the  heir  of  the  great  dictator,  and  finally  directed  that  his 
own  body  should  be  entombed  with  hers  at  Alexandria.  No  one 
could  any  longer  doubt  the  rumors  that  he  intended  to  make 
Cleopatra  queen  of  the  Roman  Avorld,  and  remove  the  seat  of  em- 
pire to  Alexandria.  The  indignation  of  the  people  was  aroused, 
and  it  was  loudly  demanded  that  Antonius  should  be  declared  a 
public  enemy.  Octavius  refrained  from  this,  but  he  directed  the 

1  B.  r.  a-?. 

3  The  principal  witnesses  against  Antonius  were  Calvistu*  and  Plancus,  who  had  been 
Antonius'  confederates  and  had  deserted  him. 


358  .  BATTLE  OF  ACTIUM.  [l5.  C.  31. 

senate  to  declare  war  against  Egypt  "It  is  not  Antonius 
with  whom  we  are  going  to  war,  for  he  is  like  a  man  under 
enchantment,  who  has  no  longer  any  power  over  himself,  but 
with  Mardion  the  eunuch,  Pothiuus,  and  Iris,  Cleopatra's 
hairdresser." 

5.  Battle  of  Actium  (B.C.  31). — Antonius  received  the 
declaration  of  war  at  Athens,  and  replied  by  divorcing  Octa- 
via,  thus  breaking  the  last  tie  that  bound  him  to  his  country. 
Preparations  for  the  coming  struggle  were  pushed  forward  on 
both  sides.  Antonius  had  an  army  mustered  from  all  the 
East.  The  Mauritaniaus,  the  Arabians,  the  Jews,  the  Medians, 
sent  him  aid;  the  kings  of  Cilicia,  Cappadocia,  Paphlagonia 
and  Commagene  followed  his  banner  in  person.  The  vast  host l 
was  assembled  on  the  coast  of  Epirus  to  cross  to  Italy.3 
Octavius  busied  himself  in  collecting  the  forces  of  the  West. 
The  triumvirate  expired  on  the  last  day  of  B.  c.  3.2.  On  the 
1st  of  January,  B. C.  31,  Octavius  entered  upon  his  third  con- 
sulship. Embarking  from  Brundisium  for  Corcyra,  he  lauded 
his  army  at  the  Acroceraunum  promontory,  and  directed  his 
march  towards  the  Ambracian  gulf3  and  established  his  camp 
opposite  Actium,4  where  he  afterwards  erected  -Xicopolis.  The 
fleet  was  commanded  by  the  faithful  Agrippa,  and  consisted 
of  light  Liburnian  galleys  manned  by  crews  which  had  gained 
experience  in  the  wars  with  S.  Pornpejus.  It  cruised  over 
the  whole  Ionian  sea.  defeated  and  destroyed  a  part  of  Anto- 
nius' fleet,  and  thus  secured  command  of  the  sea.  Antonius' 
supplies  began  to  fail,  and  the  di-satisl'artion  and  desertion 
of  his  soldiers  compelled  him  to  risk  a  battle.  His  friends 
wished  to  decide  the  contest  on  land,  but  Cleopatra  insisted 
that  they  should  fight  by  sea.  ller  advice  prevailed,  and 
on  the  2d  of  September,  Antonius  drew  up  his  line  of 
battle.  The  contest  was  long  and  still  undecided,  when  Cleo- 
patra, who  was  in  the  rear  of  the  line  of  battle,  with  sixty 


1  Nearly  1CO.OOO  foot,  1-JOO  horse,  and  800  ships,  many  with  ten  bank?  of  oars. 

1  Octavius  had  80.000  foot.  1000  horse,  and  •.':>•>    ewels,  according  to  some  400. 

'The  army  and  fleet  of  Autonius  was  at  the  southern  entrance  of  the  Ambracian 
gulf. 

*  At  the  tip  or  acte  of  the  peninsula  stood  a  chapel  sacred  to  Apollo,  called  the 
Acriuiu  ;  see  map,  p.  157. 


B.  C.  30.]  RESTORATION   OF   ORDER.  359 

ships,  took  advantage  of  a  favorable  breeze  and  fled.  Antonius 
saw  her  flight,  and  immediately  sprang  into  a  five-oared 
galley  and  followed  her.1  The  battle  still  raged  furiously,  but 
before  evening  the  fleet  was  entirely  destroyed,  and  a  few  days 
after  the  army  joined  the  victor. 

6.  Restoration  of  Order. — Before  following  the  fugitives, 
Octavius  restored  order  in  Greece  and  Asia,  which,  on  account 
of  the  exactions  of  Antonius,  gave  him  a  hearty  welcome.     To 
sippease  the  soldiers  it  was  necessary  to  sell  at  auction  his  own 
effects  as  well  as  those  of  his  friends.      New  colonies  were 
planted  and  ample  promises  were  made  from  the  spoils  of 
Egypt. 

7.  Suicide  of  Antonius. — As  for  Antonius  he  was  in 
despair.     He  wished  to  be  alone.       His  friends,  his  power,  had 
abandoned  him.     Cleopatra  found  means  to  woo  him  from  his 
solitary  life.    The  time  of  the  "inimitable  life"8  was  gone, 
but  another  was  instituted  by  no  means  inferior  in  splendor 
and  luxury,  called  the  "inseparables  in  death."    The  time  was 
passed  in  festivities  and  in  trying  various  kinds  of  poison,  and 
experimenting  with  venomous  insects  to  see  if  there  existed 
a  voluptuous  death.3    When  Octavius  approached  Egypt,  both 
sought   grace    from   the   victor.     Pelusium,*  the  key  of  the 
country,  fell  into  his  hands.     Once  more  the  soldier-spirit 
blazed  in  Antonius  and  he  fought  like  a  lion  before  the  gates 
of  Alexandria.     Cleopatra  had  already  received  flattering  mes- 
sages from  Octavius  :  it  was  only  necessary  to  disencumber  her- 
si'lf  from  Antouius,  who  had  already  been  deserted  by  his  fleet 
and  army.     Cleopatra  had  word  sent  to  Antonius  that  she  had 
destroyed  herself  in  her  fortified  mausoleum  in  which  she  had 
taken  refuge.    Antonius  heard  the  news.     "I  will  die  then,'* 
said  he,  and  stabbed  himself  with  his  sword.     Eeviviug  a  little, 


1  According  to  Merivalc  (vol.  Hi.,  p.  3181,  Antonius  despaired  of  victory  either  by  sea 
or  land,  before  the  battle,  ami  had  already  prepared  for  flight  when  he  was  attacked.  If 
this  was  lii^  plan,  the  leaving  of  the  army  without  any  arrangements  for  retreat,  and 
without  even  a  leader  (which  would  be  explainable  in  the  haste  and  despair  after  a  lost 
battle)  would  be  an  act  of  downright  folly.  Plutarch  makes  no  mention  of  such  an 
ii. tent  ion,  and  even  Did.  (iv.,  15.),  whom  Merivale  follows,  seems  to  lay  little  weight 
U"»on  it. 

'  Plut.  Ant.  »  Pint.  Ant.  ard  Did.  li.,  2.  *  See  map  No.  7. 


360  SUICIDE   OF   CLEOPATRA.  [B.C.  30. 

he  heard  that  Cleopatra  was  still  alive.  He  ordered  himself  to 
be  carried  to  her,  and  his  litter  being  raised  up  to  the  window, 
he  was  taken  into  the  mausoleum,  where  he  died  soon  after  iu 
her  anus. 

8.  Suicide  of  Cleopatra.— The  soldiers  of  Octavius  en- 
tered by  the  same  window.     "Wretched  Cleopatra!"  exclaimed 
her  attendant,  "you  are  taken  alive."     She  pretended  to  stall 
herself  with  a  poniard  which  she  carried  for  this  purpose;  but 
she  really  clung  to  life  and  hoped  to  seduce  Octavius  "by  the 
grace  of  a  beautiful  grief  and  the  coquetry  of  despair."     All 
failed  before  his  cold  reserve.     She  resolved  to  die,  when  she 
was  informed  that  Octavius  wished  to  remove  her  to  Rome. 
One  day  she  was  found  dead1  among  her  attendants,  lying 
upon  a  golden  couch,  with  a  diadem  on  her  forehead. 

9.  Octavius   Sole  Ruler. — The  death  of  Antonius  left 
Octavius  without  a  rival.    The  restoration  of  the  republic  was, 
impossible.     The  long  years  of   civil  war  had  exhausted  the 
world.    It  yearned  for  repose.     The  time  had  come  when  the 
monarchy  was  inevitable;  with  it  came  the  man  who  knew  how 
to  grasp  the  reins  with  a  firm  hand  and  veil  his  supremacy 
under  those  constitutional  forms  so  deeply  rooted  in  the  ideas 
and  habits  of  the  people.     The  crafty  policy  of   Octavius  in 
representing  the  battle   of  Actium   as  a  revolt  of    the  Ka.-t 
against  the  West,  as  an  effort  to  obliterate  the  rule  of  Rome, 
Was  completely  successful.    All  classes  were  deeply  impr 
with  the  great  danger  which  they  had  escaped,  and  which  had 
threatened  to  subvert  their  laws  and  religion.     Before  returning 
to  I  tome  to  celebrate  his  triumphs,  Octavius  organ  i/ed  Kgvpt 
as  a  province,2  and  appointed  Cornelius  (Jallus,  a  distinguished 
patron  of  literature  and  friend  of  Pollio,  governor.     Octavius 
then  began  his  journey  homeward.      In  Judrea  he  continued 
the  kingdom  to  Herod,  and  settled  the  condition  of  Syria  and 

1  The  manner  of  her  death  was  never  known.  It  was  popularly  believed  that  she 
died  from  the  stinij  of  an  asp,  which  wa<  brought  to  her  concealed  anioni:  some  figs. 
Oct:i\ius  iid-ipK'd  tlii-i  report,  and  in  his  triumph  her  image  wa<  carried,  the  arms  being 
encircled  with  a-p-. 

J  On  the  plan  that  Caesar  had  arranged ;  the  officer  of  finance  (procurator)  rendered 
his  accounts  directly  to  Octuvius. 


SCMMARY. 


3G1 


Asia  Minor.  In  August  of  B.C.  29  he  arrived  in  Rome  to 
celebrate  three  magnificent  triumphs1  for  his  victories  in 
Dalmatia,  at  Aetiuni  and  in  Egypt.  The  restoration  of  peace 
was  inaugurated  by  closing  the  temple  of  Janus  for  the  third 
time  in  all  Roman  history.2 

1  At  his  triumph  he  gave  each  soldier  1000  sesterce:? ;  each  citizen  400  sesterces ; 
120.000  veterans  were  settled  in  Italy  and  the  provinces.  The  enormous  sum  of  860 
million  se-terces  =  nearly  $40.000,000  was  ju'iven  to  indemnify  the  former  possessors. 

"  It,  was  closed  first  during  the  reigii  of  Nuuia  and  then  not  till  B.  c.  335. 


SUMMARY. 

CIVIL  DISSENSIONS — B.  c.  133-31. 


During  the  preceding  period  the  government  had 
fallen  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  nobility.  The  sen- 
ate governed  almost  without  opposition.  In  fact  the 
nobles  had  such  influence  that  "  new  men "  were  ex- 
cluded from  all  share  in  the  government.  The  opposi- 
tion led  by  such  men  as  Cato  and  Flaccus  wasted  their 
efforts  in  trying  to  check  the  spread  of  luxury  and  to 
elevate  one  of  their  own  nunrber  to  the  consulship. 
Meanwhile  the  state  drifted  into  troubles  from  which 
the  wisest  could  not  free  it.  The  Licinian  laws  had 
been  disregarded  for  so  many  years  that  all  the  lands 
in  Italy  were  absorbed  in  the  large  estates  ;  and  instead 
of  employing  free  laborers,  the  possessors  found  it  more 
profitable  to  have  their  lands  cultivated  by  slaves  which 
the  wars  in  the  East  had  made  cheap.  In  time  the  im- 
portation of  corn  which  was  sold  in  the  market  at  Rome 
below  the  cost  of  production  in  Italy,  compelled  farm- 
ing on  a  large  scale  to  be  abandoned,  and  the  conver- 
sion of  the  land  into  pasturage.  Tiberius  Gracchus 
attempted  to  remedy  these  evils  by  reviving  the  Li- 
cinian laws.  This,  however,  was  disagreeable  to  the 
nobility,  who  succeeded  in  frustrating  his  measures 
and  finally  murdered  Gracchus  himself.  From  this  time 
the  downward  step  was  rapid  ;  the  old  inherent  respect 
for  law  and  order  soon  disappeared,  and  the  govern- 
ment became  the  prey  of  violent  and  unscrupulous 
demagogues. 

The  death  of  Tiberius  did  not  deter  his  brother  Gajus 
from  coming  forward  with  still  more  sweeping  measures 
of  reform — the  relief  of  the  poorer  classes  and  the  break- 
ing down  of  the  power  of  the  senate.  The  senate 
triumphed  and  Gajus  was  killed  with  three  thousand 


Rome  Ruled 
by  a  Clique. 


The  Opposition. 


Agrarian  Laws 
of  Tiberius 
Gracchus, 

B.C.   133. 

Murder  of 
Tiberius, 

B.  C.  133. 


Laws  of  Gajus 
Gracchus, 

B.  C.  123-2. 

His  Death, 

B.C.  121. 


.-I'M  MARY. 


Knl«-   of 
the  Oligarchy, 

B,  C.  121-70. 
War  with 
Jugitrtha, 
B.C.  III-I0.1. 
Cfanbri  nud  Teu- 

toiies, 
B.C.  113-101. 

Battle  of 

A'jn:«-   "•i-xli.'f. 

B.C.    I O2. 

Battle  at 

Vercellue, 

B.  C.  101. 


Appiileian 
Laws, 

B.  C.  IOO. 


Livian  Law*. 

B.  C.  91. 


Social  War, 

B.  C.  90-88. 


Julian  Law, 

B.  C.  90 
Lex  Plant  ia 

IVipii  in  . 
B.  C.  89. 


Va  rin  n 
Prosecution. 

Finnni-ial 
OrUrts, 

B.  c.  88. 

Sulla.   (  <im- 

111:111  ilr  r  :iu:<in 

Mitliriiliitt-s. 


Snlpician  I  .a  \\  ^ . 

B.  c.  88. 


of  his  adherents.  The  death  of  Gajus  threw  the  power 
again  into  the  hands  of  the  oligarch}-.  The  Agrarian 
laws  were  annulled,  and  the  shameless  rule  of  the  oli- 
garchy brought  dishonor  upon  the  Roman  name.  Every- 
where the  incompetency  of  the  government  was  visible. 
In  Africa,  Jugurtha  revolted  and  carried  on  war  for 
nearly  six  years.  Before  the  war  with  Jugurtha  was 
ended,  the  Teutones  and  Cimbri  invaded  the  empire ; 
the  first  were  defeated  by  Marius  at  Aquae  Sextiae,  and 
the  latter  by  Marius  and  Catulus  near  Vercellae. 

These  victories  raised  Marius  far  above  all  his  rivals, 
and  had  he  been  a  statesman,  he  might  have  anticipated 
the  work  of  Caesar.  He  was  a  great  soldier  but  no 
statesman.  Laws  were  carried  reducing  still  further 
the  price  of  corn  and  providing  for  colonies  in  Cisal- 
pine Gaul.  The  demagogues  of  the  capital — Saturninus 
and  Glaucia — used  him,  but  when  their  violence  pro- 
voked armed  resistance,  Marius  deserted  them  and 
finally  sacrificed  them. 

For  a  few  years  there  was  peace  at  Rome,  but  soon 
the  claims  of  the  Italians  and  the  Latins  to  the  franchise, 
and  the  demand  of  the  oligarchy  that  the  judicial  power 
should  be  restored  to  their  own  order,  renewed  the 
discord.  Drusus  proposed  (i)  to  recruit  the  senatfa 
from  the  equestrian  order,  and  then  to  choose  the  jury* 
men  from  the  senators,  and  (2)  he  promised  the  fran- 
chise to  the  Italian  allies.  The  oligarchy  had  recourse 
once  more  to  assassination  in  hopes  of  delaying  this 
reform.  The  death  of  Drusus  drove  the  allies  to  despair. 
All  central  and  southern  Italy  was  soon  in  arms.  Cor- 
finium  was  fixed  upon  as  the  capital  of  the  new  "  Italica." 
The  allies  met  at  first  with  some  success  which  com- 
pelled the  Romans  to  grant  concessions — (i)  by  the 
Julian  law  which  conferred  the  franchise  on  the  Latins 
and  all  Italians  who  had  remained  faithful  or  had  laid 
down  their  arms  ;  (2)  by  the  lex  Plaittia  Papiria  which 
granted  all  the  subjects  ever  claimed.  The  allies  were 
far  from  satisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  they  were 
treated  after  the  peace — being  crowded  into  eight  tribes 
— while  the  discord  and  hatred  engendered  by  the  prose- 
cutions of  Varius,  who  instituted  investigations  against 
ever)-  one  who  had  favored  the  cause  of  the  Italians, 
combined  with  the  financial  crisis  that  set  in  on  account 
of  tin-  troubles  in  Asia,  arrayed  party  against  party,  ar.d 
sowed  the  bitterest  discord  among  the  people.  Further 
Marius  had  gained  little  credit  during  the  Social  war, 
while  his  rival  Sulla  had  won  great  renown.  The  sen- 
ate therefore  very  naturally  selected  Sulla  to  conduct  the 
war  against  Mithridates.  Marius  was  deeply  offended, 
and  in  order  to  increase  his  popularity,  he  undertook 
the  cause  of  the  Italians  and  induced  Sulpicius  to 
propose  and  carry  a  law  to  distribute  the  new  citizens 
among  all  the  tribes  in  which  Marius  hoped  their  influ- 


SUMMARY. 


3C3 


ence  would  be  sufficient  to  procure  for  him  the  command 
against  Mithridates.  Sulhi,  however,  returned  to  Rome 
with  six  legions  and  expelled  his  enemies.  Marius, 
after  a  wonderful  series  of  adventures,  found  safety  in 
Africa.  But  Sulla  had  no  sooner  left  Rome,  than  Cinna 
kindled  the  flames  of  civil  war,  endeavored  to  recall 
Marius,  and  to  revive  the  Sulpician  laws.  Marius  and 
Cinna  marched  to  Rome  and  entered  it  with  their  parti- 
sans. The  friends  of  Sulla  were  slaughtered,  their 
property  was  confiscated,  and  a  reign  of  terror  was 
inaugurated. 

FIRST  MITIIRIDATIO  WAR — B.  c.  88-84. 

Mithridates  and  the  Romans  had  often  come  into 
collision  in  Asia  Minor — particularly  when  Mithridates 
attempted  to  place  his  nephew  on  the  throne  of  Cap- 
padocia  and  set  up  a  rival  claimant  to  the  throne  of 
Bithynia.  Mithridates  saw  that  war  with  Rome  was 
inevitable,  and  prepared  to  strike  when  the  favorable 
moment  came.  When,  however,  Aquillius,  who  had 
been  sent  to  Asia  to  settle  the  difficulties  there,  insti- 
gated Nicomedes  to  plunder  the  territories  of  Mithri- 
dates, Mithridates  could  restrain  himself  no  longer. 
He  invaded  the  Roman  province,  took  up  his  winter 
quarters  at  Ephesus,  and  sent  his  generals  Archelaus 
and  Taxiles  to  aid  the  Athenians  who  had  revolted. 
Sulla  crossed  to  Greece,  besieged  and  captured  Athens, 
and  defeated  both  armies  of  the  king,  first  at  Chseronea 
and  then  at  Orchomenus.  These  successes  brought 
Mithridates  to  terms.  He  gave  up  all  his  conquests, 
paid  300  talents  and  surrendered  80  ships  of  war. 

During  Sulla's  absence  the  government  had  been 
controlled  by  Cinna.  Sulla  returned  at  the  head  of  his 
army ;  he  defeated  Norbanus  near  Capua,  won  over  to 
his  service  the  army  of  the  other  consul  Scipio,  and 
crushed  the  last  opposition  of  the  Samnites  at  the  Col- 
line  Gate.  After  this  he  published  his  '•  lists  "  of  the 
proscribed.  As  many  as  47,000  are  said  to  have  per- 
ished. He  reformed  the  constitution,  concentrating 
all  powers  in  the  hands  of  the  senate,  and  in  B.  c.  79 

abdicated. 

• 

SCANDALOUS  RULE  or  THE  OLIGARCHY'. 

Scarcely  was  Sulla  dead  before  symptoms  of  reaction 
against  the  rule  of  the  senate  appeared.  The  attempt  of 
Lepidus  to  rescind  the  laws  of  Sulla  was  followed  by 
the  war  with  Sertorius  in  Spain  and  the  Gladiatorial 
war.  Pompejus  and  Crassus  gained  renown  in  these 
wars  and  they  demanded  the  consulship  as  a  reward. 
The  abuses  of  the  oligarchy  had  become  so  scandalous 
that  all  classes  demanded  the  restoration  of  the  tribuni- 
tian  power.  Laws  were  carried  restoring  the  power 


Marius  and 

(  iiiiia. 

B.C.  87. 


First 
Proscription, 

B.  C.  87. 

3Iui-ius    Consul, 

B.  c.  86. 


Cause  of  tlie 
War. 


Mithridates 
Invades  Asia, 

B.  c.  88. 

Sulla  takes 

Athens, 

B.  C.  87. 

Battle  of 

Cheeronea, 

B.  c.  86. 

Battle  of 

Orchomenus, 

B.  C.  85. 
Terms  of  Peace, 

B.  C.  84. 

Sulla's  Return 

to  Italy, 

B.  C.  83. 

Battle  of  the 

Colline  Gate, 

B.  C.  82. 

Proscription, 

B.  C.  8l. 

Sullan 

Constitution, 

B.C.  82-80. 


\Var  with 
Gladiators, 

B.C.  73-71. 

!,i-ifi»l;i<  ion 
of  Pompejus 
and  Crassus, 

B.C.  70. 


364 


S  I'M  MARY. 


of  the  tribunes  and  enacting  that  the  jurymen  should  be 
selected  equally  from  the  senators,  knights,  and  tribitiii 
icnirii.  Pompejus  took  no  province  alter  the  ex- 
piration of  his  consulship,  but  after  two  years'  retire- 
ment the  wretched  state  of  affairs  compelled  him  to 
return  and  clear  first  the  sea  of  pirates  and  then  end 
the  Third  Mithridatic  war. 


War  with  the 
Pirates, 

B.  C.  67. 


Cause  of  the 
War. 

Battle  at 
Tigranocerla, 

B.  C.  69. 


Pnmpejiis  takes 
Command, 

B.  c.  66. 

Battle 
at  Niciipulis, 

B.  c.  66. 

Conclusion  of 

the  War, 

B.C.  63. 


Conspiracy  of 
Catiline, 

B.  C.  63-2. 


First  Trium- 
virate, 

B.  C.  60. 

Consulship  of 
<  ;«  *ar, 

B.C.  59. 

Banishment  of 

Cicero, 

B.C.  58. 

Subjugation  of 
(toe  w.-st. 

B.C.  50-51. 


THIKD  jMrrnuiDATic  WAR — B.C.  74—63. 

Mithridates  felt  that  the  peace  with  Rome  was  only  a 
truce.  He  therefore  made  threat  preparations  to  renew 
the  war.  When  the  Romans  converted  Bithynia  into  a 
province,  he  thought  it  a  favorable  time  to  strike.  lie 
invaded  Asia  with  a  large  army,  supported  by  his  fleet, 
and  invested  Cyzicus.  Lucullus  raised  the  siege  of 
Cyzicus,  defeated  Mithridates  on  the  .^Esepus  and  then 
at  Tigranocerta,  and  compelled  him  to  seek  refuge 
with  Tigranes.  A  mutiny  in  the  aimy  compelled  Lucul- 
lus to  pause  in  his  career  of  conquest,  and  his  economic 
measures  in  Asia  and  unpopularity  at  Rome  caused  his 
recall.  Pompejus  took  command,  gained  favor  with 
the  soldiers  by  relaxing  the  strict  rules  of  Lucullus, 
secured  the  alliance  of  the  Parthian  king,  and  then 
defeated  Mithridates  at  Nicopolis  and  compelled  him 
to  take  refuge  in  the  Cimmerian  Bosporus.  Pompe- 
jus  settled  the  affairs  of  Armenia,  subdued  Syria, 
Phoenicia  and  Palestine,  took  Jerusalem,  and  then  in 
B.C.  62  returned  homeward,  reaching  Rome  B.  c.  61. 

IXTKKXAL  HISTORY — B.  e.  65-49. 

Meanwhile  at  Rome  the  government  had  been  nearly 
subverted  by  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  in  which  many 
eminent  men  were  said  to  be  implicated.  By  the  un- 
wearied exertions  of  Cicero  the  plans  of  the  conspira- 
tors were  frustrated  in  the  city,  and  their  army  defeated 
at  Pistoria.  When  Pompejus  returned,  he  found  tint 
he  was  regarded  with  suspicion  by  the  senators,  and 
that  they  were  in  no  mood  to  grant  lands  for  his  sol- 
diers or  to  confirm  his  acts  in  the  East.  This  com- 
pelled him  to  accept  the  overtures  of  Csesnr ;  a  private 
cabal  was  formed  between  Caesar,  Pompejus  and  Cras 
sus,  in  which  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  co-operate 
with  each  other  to  secure  (ii  lands  lor  me  soldiers  of 
Pompejus  ;  (2)  the  confirmation  of  his  acts  in  the  East ; 
(3)  the  elevation  of  Caesar  to  the  consulship.  The  tri- 
umvirs determined,  in  order  to  secure  their  power,  to 
remove  Cicero  and  Cato.  For  this  purpose  the  dema- 
gogue Clodius  was  used.  Cato  was  sent  to  Cyprus, 
which  was  to  be  converted  on  some  frivolous  pretext 
into  a  province,  while  Cicero  was  banished  from  the 
state.  Caesar  then  departed  to  his  province  to  subdue 


SUMMARY. 


3640 


the  free  tribes  in  Gaul.  Clodius  continued  the  abject 
tool  of  Caesar.  Measures  were  carried  for  free 
distribution  of  corn,  to  limit  the  power  of  the  senate, 
to  re-establish  the  guilds  of  trade,  and  to  annul 
the  powers  of  the  censors.  Soon  Clodius  dared  to 
oppose  Pompejus,  who  was  thus  forced  to  incline 
toward  the  senate,  and  who  hoped  that  the  anarchy  at 
Rome  would  compel  the  senate  to  appoint  him  dictator. 
The  senate,  however,  was  not  yet  ready  to  receive  a 
master;  it  opposed  Milo  to  Clodius,  fomented  dis- 
cord between  Pompejus  and  Crassus,  and  cajoled 
Pompejus.  Caesar  saw  it  was  time  to  act.  At  an  inter- 
view at  Lucca,  he  reconciled  Pompejus  and  Crassus, 
and  arranged  that  they  should  be  elected  consuls  for 
B.C.  55.  For  himself  his  command  was  prolonged  for 
another  five  years.  The  triumvirs  obtained  their  objects. 
Pompejus  received  Spain  as  his  province,  while  Cras- 
sus became  proconsul  of  Syria,  where  he  crossed  the 
Euphrates,  but  was  completely  defeated  and  killed. 
The  death  of  Crassus  hastened  the  rupture  between 
Caesar  and  Pompejus.  Julia  died  in  B.C.  55,  and  in 
B.C.  52  Clodius,  the  last  check  to  Pompejus'  ambition, 
was  removed.  The  anarchy  in  the  capital  increased  to 
such  an  extent  that  Pompejus  was  elected  sole  consul. 
If  Caesar  were  removed,  Pompejus  knew  that  the  gov- 
ernment must  fall  into  his  own  hands.  He  therefore 
encouraged  the  aristocrats  to  propose  the  recall  of 
Caesar  and  to  prevent  him  in  his  absence  from  suing 
for  the  consulship.  When  the  senate,  in  spite  of  the 
tribune's  veto,  appointed  Caesar's  successor,  civil  war 
was  certain.  When  the  decree  of  the  senate  ordering 
Caesar  to  disband  his  army  and  give  up  his  province 
reached  him,  he  determined  to  act. 


GREAT   CIVIL   WAE — B.  c.  49-45 

Without  delay  Caesar  advanced  towards  Rome.  Con- 
sternation seized  the  people,  and  even  Pompejus  fell 
back  to  Brundisium  and  then  embarked  for  Greece. 
This  left  Caesar  master  of  Italy.  Caesar  then  subdued 
the  different  provinces  in  detail.  Pompejus'  lieuten- 
ants in  Spain  were  defeated  at  Ilerda  ;  then  Caesar  has- 
tened to  the  East.  The  battle  of  Pharsalus  decided 
the  contest.  After  that  the  Pompeians  were  defeated  in 
Africa  at  Thapsus,  and  finally  in  Spain  at  Munda. 
Egypt  was  also  subjugated  and  Pharnaces  punished. 

Caesar  now  returned  to  Rome  and  ruled  as  imperator. 
The  various  titles  and  powers  that  had  been  taken  from 
the  supreme  magistrate,  centred  again  in  one  man. 
Good  government  was  secured  at  home  and  in  the 
provinces.  He  introduced  variotis  reforms,  commenced 
vast  projects  for  the  improvement  of  the  capital,  encour- 
aged agriculture  and  reformed  the  calendar.  Caesar 


Legislation  of 
Clodius, 

B.  C.  57. 


Renewal  of  (he 

Triumvirate, 

B.C.  56. 


Death  of 
Crassus, 
B.C.  53. 


Coalition  be- 
tween the 
Senate  and 
Pompejus. 

Pompejus  Sole 
Consul, 

B.  C.  52. 


ISrinxl  i-inm. 

B.  C.  49. 

Ilerda, 

B.  C.  49. 

Pharsalus, 

B.  C.  48. 

Thapsus, 

B.  C.  46. 

M  II  ml:l. 

B.  C.  45. 


Caesar  Monarch, 

B  C.  45. 


SIMMARY. 


did  not  realize,  however,  how  attached  the  Romans 
were  to  the  old  forms  of  the  republic.  He  misjudged 
the  tejnper  of  the  people.  lie  did  not  realize  how 
deep  seated  was  the  hatred  against  royalty.  He  knew 
himself  that  the  monarchy  was  inevitable,  and  by  openly 
proclaiming  it  provoked  a  conspiracy  formed  by  Brutus, 
Cassius  and  others,  to  which  he  (ell  a  victim. 


Assassination 

of  Cnesar, 

B.  C.  44. 


Antonius  Seizes 

the  Chief 

Power. 

G.  Octavius. 


The  Mutina 
War, 

B.  C.  44-43- 


Second 
Triumvirate, 

B.C.  43. 

P.:«ttle    of 

I'hilippi, 

B.  C.  42. 


Battle 

of    \<- 1  in  in. 

B.  C.  31. 


Imperial 
Government 
Established, 

B.  C.  31. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  REPUBLIC — B.  c.  44—31. 

The  conspirators  had  formed  no  plan  for  restoring  the 
republic,  and  the  result  was  that  the  power  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Antonius.  Antonius  was  on  the  point  of 
gaining  all  he  wished,  when  he  was  checked  in  his 
career  by  G.  Octavius,  the  heir  of  Caesar.  Octavius 
managed  so  skillfully  that  he  gained  the  favor  of  Cicero, 
by  whose  influence  Antonius  was  declared  a  public 
enemy,  and  the  senate  associated  Octavius  in  com- 
mand with  the  two  consuls,  Hirtius  and  Pansa,  who 
were  directed  to  earn'  on  war  against  Antonius.  Two 
battles  were  fought  near  Mutina,  in  which  Antonius 
was  defeated  but  the  two  consuls  fell,  and  Octavius 
was  left  in  sole  command  of  the  army.  Octavius  now 
demanded  the  consulship  and  the  senate  was  com- 
pelled to  yield.  He  now  showed  himself  in  his  true 
colors.  He  treated  with  Antonius  and  Lepidus,  for  by 
their  assistance  only  could  he  hope  to  crush  Cassius 
and  Brutus  in  the  East.  A  new  proscription  was 
ordered  in  which  Cicero  perished.  Antonius  and 
Octavius  then  crossed  to  Greece,  where  they  defeated 
the  "liberators"  in  the  battle  of  Philippi. 

After  the  battle  the  triumvirs  made  a  new  division  of 
the  empire.  Antonius  received  the  East ;  Octavius 
ruled  the  West,  while  Lepidus  received  Africa.  The 
triumvirs  soon  began  to  quarrel,  and  after  various 
reconciliations,  Octavius,  who  had  constantly  increased 
in  reputation,  determined  to  precipitate  a  rupture,  for 
which  he  had  been  preparing  for  many  years.  The  great 
contest  was  decided  at  the  battle  of  Actium.  Antonius 
fled  from  the  battle,  and  although  prolonging  the  con- 
test for  nearly  a  year,  lie  was  finally  defeated,  having 
been  deserted  by  his  fleet  and  army,  and  committed 
suicide.  The  death  of  Antorius  left  Octavius  without 
a  rival  ;  he  was  now  the  sole  ruler  of  the  Roman  world. 
Warned  by  the  fate  of  his  uncle,  Octavius  discarded 
every  illegal  title.  He  veiled  his  supreme  power  under 
the  forms  of  the  republic.  Everything  that  was  dis- 
pleasing to  the  Romans  was  discarded.  Gradually  he 
combined  within  his  own  person  all  the  republican 
offices,  and  took  to  himself  every  vestige  ol  power  that 
the  state  had  to  bestow.  The  monarchy  was  established, 
but  it  was  disguised  under  republican  forms. 


THE  MILITARY   OKGANIZATION.  365 


CHATTER    I/V. 

THE  MiLiTAEr  OKGANIZATION. — THE  LEGION. — THE  SYSTEM 
OF  ENCAMPMENT. —  MILITARY  ENGINES. 

1.  Military  Power. — As  we  have  now  reached  a  turning 
point  in  our  history — a  time  when   a  standing  army  is  estab- 
lished and  the  military  authority  has  become  predominant  in 
the  state — it  would  be  well  to  review  the  manner  by  which 
the  military  organization  has  reached  its  present  perfection. 

2.  The  Legion.1 — The  legion  designated  from  the  begin- 
ning to  the  end  of  Roman  history  an  organized  body  of  troops. 
Each  legion  was  complete  within  itself,  being  composed  of 
troops  of  all  arms,  cavalry,  infantry,  and  whet)  military  engines 
came  into  use,  of  artillery.    The  number  of  soldiers,  although 
fixed  within   certain   limits,  varied  considerably  at  different 
times.    The  history  of  the  legion  may  be  considered  under  three 
periods,  viz. : 

I.  The  first  period  embraced  the  time  when  -military  service 
due  to  the  state  was  based  either  iipon  birth  or  wealth.     This 
period  falls  into  three  subdivisions  :  (1)  the  time  before  Servius 
Tullius  ;  (2)  the  time  from  Servius  Tullius  to  Camillus  ;  (3)  the 
time  from  Camillus  to  the  end  of  the  Social  War. 

II.  During  the  second  period  the  legion  was  recruited  with 
mercenaries,  and 

III.  During  the  third  warfare  became  a  regular  profession, 
and  a  standing  army  was  established. 

3.  The  First  Period. —  It  will  be  remembered  that  the 
legendary  narrative  of  Livy  attributes  the  formation  of  the  legion 
to  Romulus,2  and  that  each  of  the  three  tribes  furnished  1000 
foot-soldiers  and  100  cavalry.    The  3000  foot-soldiers  and  the 

1  Legio.  *  See  pp.  20  and  29. 


366  THE   MILITARY    ORGANIZATION. 

300  cavalry,  under  the  command  of  military  tribunes,  funned 
the  legion. 

4.  The  Army  as  Organized  by  Servius  Tullius.  —  The 

legion  as  organized  by  Romulus  remained  unchanged  until 
the  time  of  Servius  Tullius/  who  reformed  the  military  organ- 
ization on  the  principle  that  military  service  should  devolve 
upon  the  freeholders  or  the  wealthy,  whether  they  were  patri- 
cians or  plebeians.  It  will  be  recollected  that  the  Roman 
territory  was  divided  into  four  tribes,  and  the  whole  population 
subject  to  military  service  into  five  classes.  The  first  class  was 
divided  into  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  all  five  classes  into 
seniores  and  juniores.  The  younger  men  were  employed  for 
service  in  the  field;  the  ciders  were  retained  at  home  to  pro- 
tect the  city.  The  85  centuries  of  seniores  were  strong 
enough  to  furnish  100  men  each  or  8500  men,  and  il 
centuries  of  junior''*,  200  men  each  or  17,000,  equal  in  all  to 
25,500  men.  In  case  of  a  war  the  levy  was  always  made  by 
tribes.  Of  the  1800  cavalry  it  was  only  necessary  to  determine 
how  many  were  to  remain  at  home  to  protect  the  city,  and  how 
many  were  to  serve  in  the  field.  From  the  85  centuries 
of  juniores,  as  they  contained  more  men  than  were  necessary 
for  a  regular  army  of  two  legions  of  4250  men'  each,  it  was 
necessary  to  make  a  selection.2  For  the  two  legions  of  8500 
men,  each  tribe  furnished  2125,  or  25  men  for  each  century.3 

5.  The  Arms  of  the  Soldiers  and  their  Order  in  the 
Phalanx.  —  Only  the   men   of  the   first   class  wore  complete 
armor  —  the  breastplate,  helmet,  shield,  and  greaves,  with  spear, 
lance,  and  sword.4    The  fifth  class  did  not  serve  in  the  phalanx 
but  fought  outside  with  darts  and  slings.     The  order  of  battle 
was  the  old   Doric  phalanx,5  to   form  which   3500   men  were 
taken  from  the  legion.0    If  the  phalanx  was  seven  men  deep, 
this  gave  a  front  of  500  men.     If,  however,  as  was  most  prob- 


1  See  page  22.     _  . 

'  On  the  supposition  that  S.  Tullius  onraniz<>d  only  four  clasps,  as  was  probably  the 
case,  then  each  of  the  70  centuries  of  juniores  furnished  120  men  each,  or  8400  in  all. 

'  Sec  page  23. 

*  The  phalanx,  as  changed  by  Philip,  became  known  first  to  the  Romans  in  the  war 
with  Pyrrhus. 

«  That  K  from  the  70  centuries  of  juniores=7000  or  3300  for  each  legion  ,  the  fifth 
class  fnrniobod  1500  men. 


THE   MILITARY    ORGANIZATION*.  367 

ably  the  case,  S.  Tullius  organized  only  four  classes,  and  three 
of  these  formed  the  phalanx,  then  the  phalanx  was  six  men 
deep  with  a  front  of  GOO.1  The  first  class  furnished  2400  men 
for  each  legion  and  formed  the  first  four  lines  ;  the  second 
ela.-s,  000  na-n,  formed  the  fifth  line,  and  the  third  class, 
also  GOO  men,  the  sixth  line.  The  soldiers  of  the  first 
rlavs  were  called  principes ;  the  first,  second,  and  third 
classes  in  opposition  to  the  fourth  class,  which  fought  outside 
of  the  phalanx,  were  called  hastati,  because  they  were  armed 
with  the  hasta  ;  or  they  were  called  triarii,  hecause  they  were 
composed  of  men  from  three  classes.  The  soldiers  were  armed 
at  their  own  expense  and  received  no  pay.  They  served  usually 
for  one  campaign  of  a  few  weeks  or  months,  and  returned  to 
their  usual  avocations  as  soon  as  the  campaign  was  ended. 

6.  The  Rise  of  the  Equestrian  Order.— In  the  war  with 
Veji.it  became  necessary  for  the  Roman  army  to  remain  in  the 
field  summer  and  winter,  year  after  year,  until  the  city  was 
taken.     To  secure  this  it  was  necessary  that  the  soldiers  should 
receive    regular  pay.      The    long  and  continued  wars   with 
Pyrrhus  and  with  Carthage  compelled  the  continuance  of  this 
system,  and  henceforth  the  army  drew  regular  pay  from  the 
city  treasury.     With  the  introduction  of  pay  for  the  soldiers  was 
connected  another  important  innovation  in  the  military  organi- 
zation.    Service  in  the  infantry,  in  consequence  of  the  regular 
pay.   became  less  burdensome,   and   there   was  no   difficulty 
in  obtaining,  a  sufficient  number  of  soldiers.     The  richer  citi- 
zens, no  longer  in  request  for  the  infantry,  offered  themselves 
more  and  more  for  the  cavalry  service.     They  provided  their 
own  horses,  and  the  state  gladly  accepted  their  services.     These 
volunteers  laid  the  foundation  for  what  was  afterwards  known 
•is  the  equestrian  order. 

7.  The  Organization  of  the  Army  at  about  B.  C.  340. 
— About  the  same  time  other  changes  were  begun  that  led  to 
a  complete  transformation  of  the  army.    The  manipular  legion 
took  the  place  of  the  old  Doric  phalanx.     The  wars  with  the 

1  That  ip.  60  centuries  of  juniore*  of  190  men  each,  or  7200  in  all -30  maniples  of  130 
men  for  each  legion. 


THE   MILITARY    ORGANIZATION. 


Gauls  caused  material  changes  in  the  manner  of  equipping  the 
soldiers,  while  the  long  wans  in  the  Samnite  mountains  shotted 
the  necessity  of  still  further  changes.  The  soldiers  were  no 
longer  ranked  in  the  lines  according  to  the  Servian  classes,  but 
each  assumed  the  place  to  which  the  time  he  had  been  in  the 
service  and  his  experience  entitled  him.  The  recruit  now 
entered  first  among  the  skirmishers,  who  fought  with  stones 
and  slings  outside  of  the  line,  and  worked  his  way  up  to  the  first , 
then  to  the  second,  until  finally  he  was  admitted  into  the  corps 
of  the  triarii.  Many  essential  details  in  regard  to  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Roman  legion  until  about  the  time  of  the  second 
war  with  Carthage,  are  matters  of  conjecture.  It  was  probably 
drawn  up  in  three  lines,  viz.:  hast  at  i,  principes  and  frittn'i ;  the 
last  line  being  triple,  consisting  of  the  Iriarii  proper,  the 
rorarii  and  the  accent.  In  the  first  line  the  youngest  troops 
were  stationed  ;  in  the  second,  those  in  the  full  vigor  of  man- 
hood ;  in  the  third,  the  veterans  ;  behind  these  were  the  rortn-ii 
and  accensi,  the  less  experienced  soldiers  and  supernumeraries. 
The  three  lines  were  thus  composed  : ' 

15  maniples  or  30  centuries  of  hastati&i  60  men  each ....  1800 

15  maniples      "         "          "principes  "     "      "     1800 

The  triarii 600 

The  rorarii  and  «<•<•<' n.«i. .                                                  .  1000 


Total 5200 

8.  The  Organization  of  the  Army  in  the  Time  of 
Polybius. — Polybius,2  who  lived  for  many  years  at  Rome  and 
had  excellent  opportunities  for  obtaining  information,  has 
left  a  clear  account  of  the  legion  as  it  was  organized  in  his 
time.  It  then  consisted  of  thirty  maniples  or  companies 

1  Thi*  is  Marquardt's  (ROm.  Staatsver.,  p.  352)  conjecture.  According  to  Livy  (viii.,8) 
there  were  : 

30  maniples  of  f/cis/rtti  and  principe* 1890 

15        "         '•  triarii.  rorarii  and  accent,  with  45  rexUlaril 2835 

Total 4725 

»  See  p.  186,  n.  1. 


THE   MILITARY   ORGANIZATION.  369 

arranged  in  three  lines,  hastati,*-  principes,  and  triarii,  like 
the  black  squares  on  a  chess-board  ;  the  roraii  and  accensi 
have  disappeared  and  their  places  have  been  taken  by  1200 
velites,2  enlisted  from  the  lowest  of  the  Servian  classes  as  light 
troops  or  skirmishers.  In  the  two  first  lines  there  were  in  each 
maniple  120  men  subdivided  into  two  centuries  of  sixty  men 
apiece  ;  in  each  maniple  of  the  third  line,  there  were  sixty 
men  also  subdivided  into  two  centuries  of  thirty  men  each. 
Besides  these  3000  heavy  armed  soldiers,  there  were  the  1200 
supernumeraries,3  the  three  hundred  cavalry  and  the  quota 
from  the  allies,4  who  furnished  an  equal  number  of  infantry, 
and,  in  the  time  of  Polybius,  three  times  the  number  of 
cavalry.5 

9.  The  Tactic  Order. — The  tactic  order  of  the  maniple, 
as  can  be  seen  from  the  annexed  figure,  shows  that  the  gen- 


i — i    i — i     i — i     cm     cm     czn     czn     CZD     cm 
cm    cm    cm     cm    cm     cm    cm     cm    cm    en 
i — i    i — i    i — i    cm     cm     cm    cm     cm     cm     cm 

eral  could  advance  the  principes  into  the  intervals  of  the 
hast  at  i  or  withdraw  the  hastati  into  the  intervals  of  the 
principes.  The  triarii  or  veterans  were  the  reserve  corps  and 
were  brought  into  action  only  when  the  other  lines  were 

1  The  hastati  are  no  longer  armed  with  the  hasta,  but  with  the  pilum  ;  the  principec 
are  the  second  line  instead  of  the  first  as  originally,  and  the  triarii,  also  called  pdani,  arn 
armed  not  with  the  pilum  but  with  the  hasia. 
This  is  the  estimated  number. 

3  The  following  table  will  make  it  clear  : 

Haxtati     10  manijwH  each  120  men  =  29  centuriae  each  60  men  =  1200. 
Principes  10  manipuli  each  120  men  =  20  centuriie  each  60  men  —  1200. 
Triarii      10  manipuli  each    60  men  =  20  centuriie  each  30  men  =   600. 
VelUex    =    1200  ;  20  velites  assigned  to  each  centuria. 
Equites  =      300,  divided  into  10  tunnce  each  30  men  ;  each  titrma  had  3 

decuriones,  one  of  which  commanded  the  whole  turma,  3  optiones  and 

one  vexilf >u/i. 

4  These  must  be  distinguished  from  the  auxiliaries  who  enlisted  in  the  country  whert 
the  war  happened  to  be  carried    on,  as  occasion  required.     When  the  Italian  tocil 
received  the  franchise,  the  army  was  composed  of   only  two   classes,   Romans  and 
auxiliaries. 

5  One-third  of  the  cavalry  and  one-fifth  of  the  infantry  were  selected  as  an  elite  corps 
called  extraordinarii ,'   the  others  were  called  onlinnrii.    To  a  consular  army  of  two 
legions  or  8400  men.  there  were  assigned  10,000  socii,  (i.e.,  8400  onlinarii  and  1600 
extraordinarily    The  nnliii/irii.  subdivided  nt  >  cohorts,  were  stationed  one-half  or  ten 
cohorts?  of  420  men  each,  on  each  wing  (film;  there  were  four  cohorts  of  400  men  each  of 
extraordinarii :  each  cohort,  was  commanded  by  a  prafectus  cohorti*.  and  each  ala 
by  prafecti  tocior///// . 


370  THE   MILITARY   ORGAXI/ATIOX. 

broken.  The  light  troops  (vclifrx)  were  armed  with  the 
javelin ;  they  began  the  battle  in  front  of  the  line,  but 
retired  as  soon  as  they  had  discharged  their  weapons. 

10.  The   Offensive  and  Defensive  Weapons.  —  The 
hastati,  principex   and   trian'i  wore  a    full   suit    of  defensive 
armor1    consisting  of    a  bronze    helmet,2  surmounted    by  a 
crest  composed  of  three  scarlet   or  black  feathers  about  one 
foot  and  a  half   high,   a  shield,3  greaves4  and  brea-t plate.5 
The  offensive  weapons  were  a  sword,  javelins,   and  since  the 
second  Punic  war,  the  short  Spanish  sword.     In  the  time  of 
Polybius  the  hastati  and  principea  were  armed  with  the  pi! inn 
and  the  triarii  with  the  hasta,  but  at  a  later  time  all  three 
lines  were  armed  with  the  pilum?    The  light  troops  had  no 
breastplate,  but  were  furnished  with  a  strong  circular  shield,1 
a    headpiece  of   leather,    light    javelins8    and    the    Spanish 
sword.9    Each  legion  had  six  superior  officers  called  military 
tribunes,10  two  of  whom  commanded  for  two  months  alter- 
nating from  day  to  day.    For  the   command   of  the   allies 
the   consul    nominated    twelve   officers  called  jn-trfrrfi    sod- 
orwn, 

11.  The  Second  Period. — Hitherto  the  military  system 
had  rested  on  the  principle  that  military  sen  ice  was  due  from 
those  citizens  that  possessed  property.     The  increase  of  the  city 
rabble,  which    naturally   looked    to    the    military  service  as   a 
means  of  bettering  their  condition,  the  increasing  disinclination 
of  the  citizens  to   enter  the  army,  and  the  consequent  enlist- 
ments from  the  subjects,  led  first  to  a  reduction  of  the  census 


Lorica  ;  the  first  cla-j  wore  sometimes  the  lorim  . 

This  was  a  wooden  shaft  cither  squareor  round,  four  and  one-half  feet  long,  with  an 
Iron  head  of  about  the  same  length. 

/'iirma.  "  //</>/<'  veRtora. 

In  the  second  Punic  war  the  Romans  be'_ran  to  make  n-e  of  tagUtorii  and  fnnditorex 
to  oppu-e  the  Balearic  avchcr<  and  slin^crs  employed  by  Hannibal.  These  consisted 
of  foreign  mercenaries,  Nnniidians.  Maiiritanians.  Cretan-,  etc..  or  of  allies, 

10  Tn'"»'i  iiiil'i'mit.  At  firs;  the  con-ul  nominated  for  the  four  leglone,  which 
it  ua-  ciMomary  to  rai-e  tlie  twenty-four  military  tribunes  ;  hut  since  B.  c.  3T.2.  six  ; 
Bteee B.  O.  811,  Mxtem ;  and  since  B.  r.  057.  all  (lie  twenty-four  tribunes  were  elected 
by  the  people  in  the  n>,»ifi>i  irt/n/tn.  While  the  people  continued  to  elect  the  tribunes 
for  the  first  four  lesions,  the  consul.  a<  the  army  heca-.ie  larger,  nominated  the  others  ; 
hence  the  di-tinction  tnh>n,i  ii<Hit,iiii  a  f/opulo  and  turn  RvfvK  iLivy,  vii.,  5), 

so  cal'ed  i.i  honor  of  Rutilius  Knfus. 


THE   MILITARY   ORGANIZATION. 


371 


qualification  from  11000  asses  to  4000,1  and  finally  under  Marius 
this  was  abolished  altogether,  and  the  legion  was  recruited  from 
all  classes  of  Roman  citizens,  without  distinction  of  property. 
When  the  Italians  were  admitted  to  full  citizenship,  enlist- 
ments were  carried  on  for  the -army  throughout  Italy  as  in 


SLINGEB.  LEGIONARY.  LICTOB.  KNIGHT. 

Rome.  From  this  time  the  army  consisted  of  two  classes,  the 
legionaries  and  the  auxiliaries 2  of  the  provincials,  and  of  the 
allied  kings  and  peoples. 

12.  The  Legion  in  the  Time  of  Marius. — Formerly  every 
citizen  whose  fortune  exceeded  4000  asses  was  subject  to  military 
service,  and  could  be  called  upon  to  serve  twenty  campaigns  in 
the  infantry,  or  ten  in  the  cavalry.  From  the  time  of  Marius, 
the  soldier,  after  his  enlistment,  remained  constantly  with  the 


1  After  the  atpiti.  cf-ixi  were  admitted  to  inilitiiry  service,  other  chaiiirc<  occurred.  In 
the  Social  war  freedmen  were  enlisted  who  had  formerly  served  in  the  fleet  onlv  ;  in  the 
civil  wars  legions  were  enlisted  in  the  provinces,  leytones  vernacula,  anA  finally  gladia- 
tors and  slaves  were  equipped  as  soldiers,  which  only  once  before  nart  been  done,  ami 
that  after  the  battle  of  Caniifr.  "  '-'  -!"• 


372  THE   MILITARY    OK(i  A  NI/ATIOX. 

army  for  twenty  years,  unless  exceptionally  disch a rged.  The 
four  old  divisions,  Im^tati,  pr'm r//,r>-,  li-'un-ii,  and  /v///V\  \\ere 
given  up,  and  every  OIK-  admitted  to  tlie  legion  was  assigned  a. 
place  at  the  discretion  of  the  officer.  The  legion  consisted  of 
ten  cohorts  of  600  men  each,  drawn  up  sometimes  in  one  line,1 
usually;  however,  in  three.  The  wholo  legion  was  equipped 
alike.  There  was  only  one  standard,  those  of  the  old  legion 
being  superseded  by  the  silver  eagle,  carried  by  the  fi;>t 
century  of  the  first  cohort.  The  place  of  the  <v7//V.s-  was 
supplied  by  foreign  mercenaries — as  the  slingers2  from  the 
Balearic  islands,  the  bowmen3  from  Crete,  and  the  javelin 
men 4  from  Mauritania — and  other  light  armed  auxiliaries.  Tin- 
general  had  a  body-guard — the  praetorian  cohort  of  about  500 
volunteers — which  received  higher  pay  and  were  exempt  from 
encamping  and  intrenching  service.  The  cavalry  was  recruited 
almost  entirely  from  the  provincials,  from  the  Gauls.  Spaniards, 
Thracians,  Numidians  and  also  German  mercenaries.  It  was 
divided  into  tnrnnv  and  <li'<-/tri<i>,  and  was  commanded  by 
prcefecti  alarum;  the  few  Roman  ry////V.\-  present  with  t.he 
legion  acted  as  aides-de-camp  to  the  general,  or  in  some  oilier 
post  of  special  honor.  In  addition  to  these  must  be  reckoned 
the  auxiliary  troops,  which  also  consisted  of  infantry  and  cavalry. 
The  number  was  not  fixed,  but  varied  as  occasion  required. 
They  were  divided  into  cohorts,  but  in  regard  to  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  coinniand-d  and  organized,  the  original 
authorities  have  not  left  suilicicnt  information. 

13.  The  Legion  in  the  Time  of  Caesar. — Nothing  was 
done  by  Cn'sar  in  regard  to  the  army  farther  than  improving 
its  discipline,  appointing  adjutants  and  enacting  that  three 
years'  service  in  the  cavalry  and  six  in  the  infantry  were  neces- 
sary in  order  to  hold  a  municipal  office  before  the  age  of  thirty. 
There  are  no  means  of  determining  the  normal  number  in  a 
legion  in  the  time  of  Caesar.  It  is  estimated  at  about  5000.5 

1  This  was  tlic  u-ual  order  of  battle  with  the  Cinibri  :  the  arranirenionf  of  the  army 
in   ou«'  two   ci'-'i'  <  i/'//i/>. r>.   or  three  line-   (a<*i.ex  trijilt-x}  a*  occasion 

required,  was  customary. 

l-'iiiiilitore*.  ••<//;;.  '  Jaculatore*. 

5G01er(Er.  fl  da-  rom.  Krlegcwewi,   j>.  43>,  and  Lange,  p.  18.  estimate  it  at  5100, 
vi/.. :  10  cohorts  of  480  men  each  and  *KJ  t 


THE   MILITARY  ORGANIZATION. 


373 


The  actual  number  in  field  service  was  usually  very  much  less. 
According  to  Riistow,1  the  legion  was  divided  into  ten  cohorts 
of  300  to  360  men  each  ;  each  cohort  into  three  maniples  of 
100  to  120  men  each  ;  each  maniple  into  two  centuries  of  50  or 
60  men  each  =  3000  or  3600  men  in  a  legion.  The  officers 
were  military  tribunes  and  centurions  as  formerly. 

14.  Order  of  Battle. — When  in  order  of  battle,  the  three 
maniples  in  a  cohort  formed  a  line  in  the  following  order  from 
right  to  left,  pilani,  principes,  hastati ;  the  centuries  in  a 
maniple  were  arranged  behind  each  other,  12  men  in  the 
front  line  and  10  deep,  viz. : 


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The  order  of  the  cohorts  in  the  legion2  was  as  in  the  fol- 
lowing figure.3  This  was  the  usiuil  order  of  battle.4  If  there 
were  six  legions,  24  cohorts  formed  the  first  line,  18  the 


1  Heerewesen  a.  Kreigs  f.  p.  3  ff. 
4  Offensive. 

4  In  front  the  legion  extended  &40  feet,  in  depth  about  600  feet.  The  interval 
between  the  two  lines  was  250  feet ;  between  the  cohorts  in  the  front  line  about  120  feet 
See  p.  374. 

'  .1'vV.v  /v;//v  /• .-  (JSler  (Die  Kampfe  bei  T)yrraclnum  u.  Pharsalus.  p.  123  ff t  thinks  that 
Csfisar  arranged  his  army  in  line  of  battle  either  in  three  corps  or  divisions  (acies 
'nil!-  x  •  beside  each  other,  or  in  two  corps  ((ic\e*  duplex),  or  in  one  (acies simplex),  but  the 
divisions  or  corps  were  always  beside  each  other  in  one  line. 


THE   MILITARY   ORGANIZATION. 


second,   and   18    the  third,   the  latter  being  regarded  as  the 

.  nr.1       The     caxalry,     divided 
into   /it rind'   and   commanded    by 
a  (Urn rin.  \v;Is  generally  stationed 
jv       6  >       SK  on  both  wings  ;  sometimes,  as  at 

secunda  acies  Pharsalus,  wholly    on    one ;    and 

9          8  occasionally,    -is    ut   Bibracte,  be- 

U^\     D^f  hind   the  legicn.      The  defensive 

order  of  the  legion  when  not  in 
one  line,  was  as  in  the  following  figure.2 

15.  The  Pay  of  the  Army.  —We  have 
already  mentioned  that  the  infantry  received 
regular  pay  from  the  state  after  the  begin- 
ning of  the  siege  of  Veji  in  B.  c.  406.3    The 
cost    of    the  clothes,   weapons,  and  rations 
furnished  by  the   state    was   deducted   from 

the  pay.  In  the  time  of  Polybius  the  pay  of  a  legionary 
was  |  of  a  denarius  or  3£  asses,  or  about  seven  cents  per 
day ;  that  of  a  centurion  twice  as  much,  and  that  of  an  eques, 
one  denarius  or  about  20  cents.4  C'a'sar5  fixed  the  annual  pay 
at  225  denarii  equal  to  about  137  for  each  soldier,  payable  in 
three  installments  of  75  denarii  each.6  The  pay  remained  as 
lixed  by  ( 'a-sar  until  the  time  of  Domiiian.7 

16.  The  Equipments. — The  equipment  of  the   Roman 
soldier   was   very  burdensome.      Although   wagons  were   pro- 
vided for  the  baggage,  tents,  instruments  for  grinding  corn, 
etc.,  still  each  soldier  had  to  carry  in  addition  to  his  shield, 
helmet  and  breastplate,  a  pilum,  a  sword,  corn  for  seventeen 

1  Sometimes  the  legion  was  formed  in  one  line  (acies  simplex),  sometimes  two  (acies 
duplex),  and  occasionally  four  (wirx  </'ini/r< 

-  fJr/ti<.     This   is   Bostow'fl  explanation.     Rush  and  Marquardt  think  the  men  that 
were  in  the  orbi<  did  not    form  a   hollow  square,  but    stood   in  a  dense   ma-s  ;  the  orbis 
in  the  line  of  battle  was  the  >ame  a<  the  n'.iin-n  i/miilr/iti/in  on  the  line  of  inarch. 

'Previous  to  this  time   the  «/»;/(.••  had  received  A  sum    "'*  <  '/"•  *frt\  to  purchase  and 
keep  u/  '//n  their  horses:  but  the   support  of  the  infantry  was  borne  bv  the 

tribes.  Wuat  the  pav  was  at  this  time  i- a  matter  of  conjecture.  Mommsen  (feOm. 
Trilm-.  p.  -Hi  sets  it  at  vj  h)a-«e<  or  pounds  of  copper  yearly  =  1-JOO  sextans  for  ten  months. 

•  For  :*!•)  clays  this  amounts  to  l-t)  denarii,  or  to  I'JOO  asses  for  the  soldier.  SHOO  for 
the  centurion,  and  3000  for  the  «[<it*.     It  is  not  known  when  this  law  came  into  opera- 
tion :   in  B  c.  217  the  <i*  \va*  reduced  to  a  uncia.  making  it;  a--e>  to  a  ilri,ni't>ix.  instead 
of  10  a-;  formerly  i   reckoned  in  uncial  a~-e-,  the  pay  was  1920  asses,  or  5^  daily. 

'  A  day  laborer  earned   in  Rome  at    this  time   J  of  a  denarius  per  day.  and  if  we 
reckon  330  working  days,  he  earned  about  the  same  a-  a  soldier.  '  See  p.  457,  n.  a 


THE   MILITARY   ORGANIZATION.  375 

days,  sometimes  for  a  mouth,  one  or  more  stakes  for  forming 
the  palisade  of  the  camp,  and  intrenching  tools.1 

17.  The    System  of  Encampment. — About  the   time 
that  the   manipular  legion  took  the  place  of   the  phalanx,  2 
regular  system  of  intrenching  the  camp  was  developed.     The 
place  where  the  army  encamped,  even  for  a  single  night,  was 
s?lected  with  care ;  it  must  be  easily  defensible  and  accessible 
to  wood  and  water,  and  provided  with  a  regular  system  of 
fortifications.      The  system  of  encampment  varied   consider- 
ably at  different  times,  and  as  its    most  essential  features 
are    important    for    all   who   wish  to    understand    the  most 
common  descriptions  of  the  movements  of  the  army,  we  shall 
consider  it  under  three  periods,  viz.:    I.  In  the  days  of  the 
republic.    IT.  In  the  time  of  Caesar.     III.  Under  the  empire. 

18.  First  Period. — Polybius  has  given  a  description  of 
the  Roman  camp  in  the  time  of  the  republic,  for  a  consular 
army  of   two  legions  and  the   contingent  from  the    allies, 
amounting  to  about  18000  infantry  and  2400  cavalry.2     The 
situation  for  encamping  was  generally  selected  by  a  tribune,3 
and  several  centurions  detailed  for  the  purpose.    The  front 
side 4  of  the  camp  was  turned,  according  to  Polybius,  in  that 
direction  where  wood  and  water  could  be  most  easily  obtained. 
After  a  general  survey  of  the  ground,  a  spot  was  selected  which 
would  afford  a  good  view  of  the  whole  camp ;  this  was  called 
the  praetorium,  or  tent  of  the  consul.5    It  was  in  the  form  of  a 
square,  each  side  of  which  was  50  Roman  feet.     The  whole 
camp  was  laid  out  in  a  square  of  2150 6  Roman  feet.    For  forti- 
fications, a  ditch  was  dug  inside  and  a  mound  raised,  and  other 
defences  were  constructed  that  are  not  fully  described  by  Poly- 

1  Some  of  the  soldiers,  if  not  all.  carried  intrenching  tools — saws  and  baskets,  etc., 
(Josephus  iii.,  5,  §  5) ;  the  whole  amounted,  according  to  Vegetius  (i.,  19),  to  60  Roman 
pounds  —  about  45  pounds  avoirdupois. 

*  If  we  estimate  the  legion  at  4300. 

3  It  was  not  until  a  later  time  that  the  place  was  selected  by  castrorum  metatores. 

*  According  to  Hyginus,  who  left  a  description  of  the  camp  in  the  time  of  Trajan,  the 
front  side  was  turned  towards  the  enemy.    Differences  of  opinion  prevail  in  regard  to 
the  side  on  which  the  pnrfu  pr«-tr>ria  wa-.  but  Xissen  seems  to  have  satisfactorily  proved 
that  the  front  side  contained  the  porfu  }tr  iinr'i'i.    Marquardt  (Rom.  Staats.,  p."401)  has 
accepted  this  view  ;  on  the  opposite  side  was  the  porta  ilfcvmana. 

*  So  called  from  praetor,  the  original  designation  of  the  chief  commander. 

*  This  is  the  distance  as  estimated  by  Xissen.  and  it  has  been  accepted  by  Marquardt 
(1.  c.  p.  402);  formerly  the  distance  was  estimated  at  2017  Roman  feet. 


376 


THE  MILITARY  ORCLLNlZATlOH. 


bius.  Parallel  with  tlie  front  side  of  the  pru'torium  and  extend- 
ing 50 feet  from  it,  were  the  tents  of  tlie  trihunes.  In  front  of 
these,  running  from  side  to  side,  \va.-  OIK-  of  the  two  chief  roads, 
the  via  principality  or  priitcipia,  100  feet  wide,  which  divided 

THE  CA-MP  AS  DESCRIBED  BY  POLYBIUS 


Porta  ,  |  praetorla 

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(lociimnna 

the  cam])  into  two  nearly  equal  parts.1  In  the  front  half  were 
the  two  legions  and  the  contingent  from  the  allies.  It  will  be 
noticed  from  the  annexed  plan  that  there  were  four  gates 
defended  by  barriers  and  towers,  two  principal  streets,  and 
that  a  clear  space2  between  the  ramparts  and  the  tents  of  200 


1    From  a  point  in  front  of  the  jinrfori>im  determined  by  the  grf>ma,  n  roa'l  50  feet 
wide  was  made,  running  to  the  two  principal  ix>ri<f .  '  Inffrratt'tm. 


THE   MILITARY   ORGANIZATION. 


PLAN  OF 

CAESAR'S  CAMP 

portajjraetoria 


feet  was  left  to  facilitate  the  marching  in  and  out  of  the  sol- 
diers. The  space  that  the  legions  and  contingents  of  the  allies 
occupied,  the  position  of  the  other  streets,  and  all  the  most 
important  details  pertaining  to  the  camp,  can  be  understood  at 
a  glance  from  the  plan. 

19.  The  G-uard 
of  the  Camp.  —  The 
velites  bivouacked 
outside  of  the  camp 
and  kept  guard  by 
night  and  day  along 
the  ramparts  and  be- 
fore the  gates.  Be- 
sides these,  guards 
were  selected  from 
the  liastati  and 
principes,  for  day2 
and  night3  service. 
Four  maniples  took 
charge  of  the  wide 
street,  via  princi- 
palis,  while  the  re- 
maining thirty-six 
maniples  were  as- 
signed to  the  twelve 
tribunes  to  pitch 
and  remove  their 
tents,  and  to  keep 
watch  before  the 
same.  The  watchword,  inscribed  on  small  tablets4  of  wood,  was 
given  by  the  general.  The  signal  for  breaking  up  the  camp, 
striking  the  tents  and  packing  the  baggage,  was  given  by  the 
l>ri/ui  pili  by  means  of  a  trumpet.5 


porta  ducuniana 


1  On  the  front  side  of  the  prcetoriwn  was  the  ara  where  the  commander  eacriflced. 
on  the  left  side  the  contiones  were  held,  and  the  tribunal  was  there  from  which  the  general 
addressed  the  troops,  pnmouncrcl  decisions,  etc.  The  nnaitrale  was  used  only  foi 
auspicia  ex  tripudns  (see  p.  38.  n.  2,  and  p.  )  :  see  plan.  p.  377. 

•  Excubiae.  3  Vigilite.  '  Tessera.  *  Bucina. 


378  THE    MILITARY   ORGANIZATION. 


20.  The  Camp  in  the  Time  of  Caesar.1— Very  e.-<  'tidal 
alterations  took  place  in  the  camp  after  the  Social  war  when 
full  citizenship   was   Conferred    upon    the    Italian   allies      Al- 
though sufficient  material  from  any  of  the  old  authorities  is 
not  at  hand  for  a  full  description  of  the  camp  at  this  time,  yet 
Riistow's  investigations  have  satisfactorily  determined  its  main 
features.    The  form  of  the  camp2  was  oblong,  the  corners  being 
rounded  off,  the  length  being  to  the  width  as  3  to  2.    The  space 
between  the  ramparts   and   the  tents  was  only  120  feet.     The 
camp  was  divided  into   three  equal   parts   by  the  two  main 
streets,  via  j>/-ti/r{j>(ili*  and   rid  ijinntnna.     In  the  first  part3 
wa-  encamped  next  to  the  ramparts  about  one-fourth  or  one- 
fifth  of  all  the  cohorts.     Between  these  on  either  side  of  the 
via  prcetoria  were  the  spaces  for  the  Icyati  and  the  tribunes,  one 
fourth  of  the  cavalry  and  one-half  of  the  artillery.     In  the 
central  part  '  were  encamped  one-fifth  of  all  the  cohorts,  all  the 
staff  officers  except   the   li'ijuti  and    tribunes,   the  praetorian 
cohorts  and  one-half  of  the  cavalry.      Here  were  also  the  altar5 
for  worship  and  the  tribunal.     In  the  hack  part,6  on  either  side 
of  the  qiKFxtnriidn,  were  the  rest  of  the  cohorts,  about  half  of 
the  whole  number,  and  also  the  foreign  ambassadors,  prisoners 
and  hostages.     The  situation  of  the  legions  and  of  the  different 
cohorts  and  all  the  most  important  details  can  be  understood 
at  once  from  the  plan  given  on  the  preceding  page.7 

21.  The    Tents    of   the    Cohort.— In   the   camp    each 
cohort  had  a  space  of  120  feet  front  by  180  deep.     One-sixth 
of  this  (30  feet  deep  and  120  front)  was  for  each  century.8 
From  the  front,  twelve  feet  were  taken  for  the  street,  leaving 
eighty  feet  for  the  eight  tents  (six  for  the  soldiers,  one  for  the 
centurions,  and  one  for  the  servants),  and  twenty-eight  feet 
for  the  seven  intervals  between  the  tents.     Of  the  thirty  feet 
in  depth  for  each  century,  six  feet  were  used  for  the  street, 

1  See  plan,  p.  377.  '  Castro,  (tstira. 

J  Pi  :  4  La/era  prafrtrii.  A/<>.  'Itetentura. 

1  The  sides  of  the  camp  varied  according  to  the  number  .of  cohorts  ;  the  length  of 
the  front  side  can  be  obtained  from  the  following  formula  :  #  =  200  Ya ;  a  being  the 
number  of  cohort*  :  the  length 

-  Thcro  were  six  centuries  in  each  cohort,  divided  into  three  manipuli,  viz.:  pilani, 
principeg  an 


THE  MILITARY   ORGANIZATION. 


379 


.. 

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PI.  2. 


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UDDDaDDC 

Pr.2. 
H.I. 

nnnnnnn 


ten  for  the  tents,  five  for  the  arms,  and  nine  for  the  animals. 
This  will  be  understood  from  the  following  plan : 

22.  The  Camp  in  the  Time 
of  the  Empire.  —  Under    the 
empire  the  army  became  a  per- 
manent   organization    and    the 
number  of  legions   was  largely 
increased.       IJnder      Augustus 
there  were   twenty-five,1    under 
Septimius  Severus  thirty-three, 
and  after  .the  admission  of  the 
barbarians  into   the  army,   the 
number    increased    enormously, 
while  the  strength  of  each  legion 
decreased.2    The  chief   authori- 
ties for  this  period  are  Hyginus 
and  Vegetinus,   the   former  of 

whom  describes  the  system  of  encampment,  and  the  latter,  the 
organization  of  the  army.  Josephus,  the  Jewish  historian, 
carefully  observed  the  Roman  encampments,  and  gives  many 
details  that  form  a  useful  supplement  to  Hyginus.3 

23.  Military  Engines. — It  only  remains  to  add  a  few 
words  in  regard  to  the  military  engines4  used  by  the  Romans. 
The  Romans  made  but  little  advancement  in  this  method  of 
warfare  until  their  acquaintance  with  the  Greeks.    In  besieg- 
ing a  town,5  the  chief  difficulties  to  contend  with  were  the 
trenches  and  walls.6    The  trenches  had  to  be  filled  up  before 


unnnnnnc 


1  The  first  information  we  have  in  regard  to  the  army  of  Augustus  is  from  Tacitus 
(Ann.  iv.,  5).  in  the  year  A.D.  83,  when  there  were  twenty-five  (see  p.  429) ;  Mommsen 
(Res  gestoE  Divi  A  wjuxti,  p.  49)  thinks  that  Augustus  retained  after  the  peace  only 
eighteen  legions  :  see  p.  429. 

2  In  the  fifth  century  there  were  175  legions  ;  each  legion  was  decreased  on  account 
of  sickness,  desertion  and  dismissals.   Zosimus  (v.  45)  mentions  five  legions  that  num- 


•  jori/f  •  uonaio. 

°  If  the  town  \vas  small  and  accessible  on  all  sides  and  the  besieging  army  large,  the 
own  was  assaulted  oirbern  opintrfnare).  A  ring  of  soldiers  was  drawn  around  the  walls 
(Ofij/iilitm  ctirtiini  nngere),  a  part  of  whom  discharged  their  mis.-iles  upon  those  manning 
the  walls,  while  the  others  advanced,  protected  by  their  shields  joined  above  their  heads 
so  a<  to  form  a  covering  like  the  shell  of  the  tortoise  (testudo),  to  plant  scaling  ladders 


(scote)  and  10  burst  in  the  gates. 


380 


TIM:    MILITARY 


the  walls  could  be  attacked.  Tin's  was  done  with  fascines  and 
earth.  Then  the  wooden  besieging  t.>wers  and  battering 
rams  were  jm shed  forward.  On  the  different  stories  of  these 
towers,  which  were  higher  than  the  walls,  were  placed  soldiers 
armed  with  missiles  to  clear  the  walls  or  to  cross  to  them  by 
means  of  the  drawbridges.  The  long  beams  of  the  battering 


BESIEUISG  TOWER. 


rams1  with  iron  heads,  suspended  under  :>  roof2  were  then 
swung  backwards  and  forwards  to  inake  a  breach  in  the  walls. 
These  engines  were  supported  by  the  artillery,  the  catapults  and 
biiflixttr-..  the  former  of  which  projected  darts,  and  the  latter 
hurled  stones  or  balls  against  the  besieged. 


'An--. 


THE    MILITARY   ORGANIZATION. 


381 


CATAPTJLTA. 


24.  Manner  of  Besieging  a  City. — In  besieging  a  city 
the  battering  ram  was  generally  brought  up  to  destroy  the 
lower  part  of  the  wall,  the  ball  i  she  to  overthrow  the  battle- 


BAI.I.I-T.S 


382 


THE  MILITARY  ORGANIZATION". 


ill*,  .,,:    l,.!i|i    I 


THE   MILITAEY   ORGANIZATION.  383 

ments,1  and  the  catapults  to  shoot  the  besieged.  In  order  to 
protect  the  soldiers  who  were  engaged  in  filling  up  the  ditch  or 
working  the  engines  of  war,2  from  the  missiles  of  the  besieged, 
a  large  number  of  wooden  sheds3  with  strong  roofs  covered 
with  hides  cr  other  incombustible  material  and  open  at  both 
ends,  but  protected  at  the  sides  and  placed  on  rollers,  were 
pushed  forward.  In  order  to  annoy  the  defenders  a  mound 
of  earth4  was  thrown  up,  and  as  it  advanced  to  the  points 
selected  for  attack  it  was  raised  iu  elevation  to  equal  that  of 
the  walls.  On  this  mound  the  towers5  were  constructed,  from 
the  successive  stories  of  which  the  archers  hurled  their  weapons 
on  the  besieged.  Sometimes  mines,  supported  by  beams,  were 
dug  under  the  fortifications. 

24.  Manner  of  Defence.  —In  defence  the  besieged  dug 
counter  mines,  burned  the  beams  that.the  walls  might  give  way, 
hurled  from  the  walls  of  the  town  darts,  stones  and  fire,  threw 
the  besieging  ladders  back  with  forks,6  or  seized  those  on  them 
by  means  of  tongs,7  and  drew  them  within  the  walls  with 
cranes.8  To  divert  the  action  of  the  battering-ram,  large  stones 
were  lowered  by  ropes,  pinchers  were  used  to  catch  hold  of  it, 
or  sand-bags  were  let  down  to  neutralize  its  force.9 


. 

*  Such  as  the  artillery  already  mentioned,  and  falces  wwrafe«,  for  loosening  the  stones 
in  the  wall:  terebra,,  for'boring  into  the  wall ;  dmabrm  (known  to  antiquarians  under  the 
name  of  '  celts  '  from  the  old  Latin  word  ce/tes,  a  chisel)  ;  axes  for  removing  stones  in  the 
walls. 

a  Called,  according  to  their  form,  rinte,  te*tu<nnf*&*  all  these  sheds  with  roofs  were 
called,  or  in  special  cases  tr-i/mlo  ni-i:  furia,  p'ufei  (sheds'),  im/nculi,  wooden  sheds  covered 
with  roofs,  which  were  pushed  against  the  wall  to  protect  the  sappers  who  are  employed 
in  undermining  the  wall. 

*  Agger.  *  Turres.  *  FurctK.  'Forfex  lupus. 
8  For  the  manner  of  besieging  a  city  in  the  time  of  Caesar,  see  Gallic  war,  vii.,  69. 

*  A  catapult  weighed  from  80  to  900  pounds,  and  cost  480  drachmae,  about  $100.    The 
ballista  weighed  between  50  and  200  cwt.  and  cost  sometimes  as  much  as  2000  drachmae 
=  $4iK).    Three  sizes  of  the  ballista  are  mentioned  by  historians,  vi/..  those  that  threw 
stones  weighing  from  2  to  50  pounds  (Vitr.  x..  11),  from  50  to  100.  and  from  100  tc  even 
360  pounds  (Diod.  xx..  48).    The  range  of  a  ballista  was  from  375  to  1000  paces.    The 
besieging  tower  or  walking  tower  (turn*  ambulatorta)  was  often  of  immense  size,  the 
smallest  having,  according  to  Diades,  a  height  of  90  feet  bv  a  base  of  25?  square,  and 
containing  10  stories  connected  to  one  another  by  steps.     The  lushest  story  or  upper 
platform, Covered  with  a  roof,  was  the  place  for  the  light  artillery,  while"  the  water 
and  various  contrivances  for  extinguishing  flames  were  Kept  in  the  bottom  story.    A 
drawbridge    (nonx)  was  constructed  from  the  tower   to   the  walls   of   the  city.    The 
Romans  tirst  learnt  the  use  of  the  ballistic  at  the  siege  of  Syracuse,  when  Archimedes. 
t-y  means  of  these  machines,  hurled  stones   weighing  1200  pounds   upon    the  vessels 
of  the  Romans   lying   in   the   harbor.     Not  many  of   these   engines   were  used  by  the 
Romans  until  the   time  of    the    empire.     When    a   standing   army  was   established 
a  certain  amount  of  artillery  was  attached  to  each  legion  (Tac.  Hist.  Hi.,  23.  25), 


THE  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS.      >  385 


CHAPTER, 

MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS;  EDUCATION;  PRIVATE  AND 
DOMESTIC  LIFE. 

1.  The  Streets;   Public  Buildings;   the  Forum. — As 

the  Komans  advanced  in  refinement,  culture  and  wealth,  they 
gradually  relaxed  their  old  austerity  and  simplicity.  After 
Rome  had  outgrown  the  other  Latin  towns  and  become  the 
capital  of  Italy,  the  narrow  and  irregular  streets,1  often 
overhung  and  darkened  by  wooden  dwelling-houses,  to  which 
story  after  story  had  been  added,  as  the  population  of 
the  city  increased,  seemed  mean  and  insufficient.  Gradually, 
however,  the  tediles  paved  the  streets,  and  after  the  Gallic  COB- 
flagration,  public  buildings  of  considerable  splendor  were 
constructed.  Still,  Rome  remained  even  to  the  end  of  the 
republic,  a  net-work  of  crooked,  narrow  lanes,  along  which 
shops  and  houses  of  poor  and  mean  appearance  were  con- 
structed. There  were  not  more  than  two  streets  in  Rome  suit- 
able for  heavy  carriages  to  pass  in,  and  in  the  others  the  litters 
of  the  wealthy  struggled  to  force  their  way  through  the  dense 
crowd.  The  butchers'  shops  in  the  forum  gave  place  to  the 
beautiful  porticoes,  where  silversmiths  and  bankers  carried  on 
their  business.  Various  works  of  art 2  were  also  erected  in  the 
forum,  most  of  them  being  the  spoils  from  Etruria 3  and  the 
Greek  cities  in  Southern  Italy  or  in  the  provinces.  Here  also 

1  It  was  on  account  of  the  narrowness  of  the  streets  and  not,  as  the  Roman  poets  tell 
us,  to  restrain  luxury,  that  no  one  except  the  vestal  virgins  and  the  Roman  matrons  was 
allowed  to  drive  in  a  carriage  in  the  city. 

a  As  the  statue  of  Attus  Navius,  that  of  Horatius.  of  Code?,  of  Cloelia.  of  Brutus, 
a  bronze  figure  of  the  suckling  she-wolf  (still  preserved  in  the  Capitoline  mneeum);  it  is 
:n  Etruscan  style  and  possibly  the  same  which  the  lediles  Gnaeus  and  Quintius  Ogulnius 
erected  in  B.C.  296.  Here  were  also  the  Fi<->n>  Rn>»>nrilix,  the  sacred  fig  tree,  a  statue  of 
Mnrsyas-.  and  the  ancient  statues  of  the  Sibyls. 

J  When  Volsinii  was  captured,  2000  statues  were  taken  to  Rome.— Plin.  Nat.  Hist 
7, 16. 

17 


386 


A   PLAX    OF   THi:    JOKL'M. 


ROMAN  FORUM 


were  the  temple  of  Vesta,  ami  the  /v/m  or  official  dwelling- 
house  of  the  chief  pontiff.  Besides  these  buildings  then-  uas 
the  senate-house,  on  either  side  of  which  t\vo  magnificent 
basilica2  were  constructed.  On  the  south  side  was  the  famous 


1  The  Volcanal  was  a  space  dedicated  to  Vulcanic  :  the  grtrwtftiiti*  \\  as  a  raised  plat- 
form on  wliich  foreign  ambii— ador-  stood  while  waiting  to  be  admitted  to  the  senut". 
The  furnm  on  both  side*  was  lined  with  simps  ifuftfrmF).  The  row  on  the  south  'i''f 
vas  erected  first  and  \va-  therefore  ca  •'••  n«i  :  those  on  the  north  sid. 

.  Tlv  Fornt.i-  F'lii'i'iintx  was  an  arch  erected  to  Q.  Fabiiis  Maxiinn-.  Tin 
was  the  elevated  platform  from  which  people  were  addressed  (so-called  because  it  was 
adorned  with  the  beak*  of  the  ships  taken  from  the  Antiates  IB.  c.  3"lSt.  On  the  slope  of 
the  Capitoline  hill  towards  the  forum  was  said  to  be  the  spot  where  Romulus  formed 
his  uxyiiim.  The  cul'ininii  .!/•(//;«/  \va-  -aid  to  l>e  so  called  because  Ma>nius.  when  ho  -old 
his  pro|)erty  for  the  IxHtHtrri  Portia  ifhi-.  erected  in  B.C.  184,  was  the  first  ba-iliral. 
d  oiie  column  from  which  he  and  his  de-rondants  could  <ee  the  <rladiatoriaf 
games.  At  a  later  time  the  court-  (fr<>nnriri  rafiiftiff*]  were  Ivld  te-re.  Near  the  ))rison 
were  th  in  which  the  bodies  of  criminals  uho  had  been  put  to  death 

were  exposed  :  for  a  notice  of  the  other  buildings  and  localtfes.  ^e"  p.  41fj. 

•  These  were  covered  porticoes  in  which  persons  met  to  transact  business  ;  in  the«e 
the  courts  of  law  sat ;  many  of  them  were  converted  into  churches  in  the  time  of  Cou- 
stantine  (see  p.  501  c.  6). 


ROMAN   HOUSES. 


temple  of  Castor  and  Pollux,  while  under  the  Capitoline  hill 
were  the  temples  of  Saturn  and  Concord,1  and  the  tabulanum 
or  record  office,  where  the  state  papers  were  kept.  Towering 
above  all  and  overlooking  the  forum  was  the  temple  of  Jupiter 
on  the  Capitoline  hill,  with  its  summit  decorated  with  the  four- 
horse,  chariot  brought  from  Etruria. 

2.  Roman  Houses. — For  many  centuries  the  houses  of  the 
Romans  were  poor,  one  story  high,  and  without  chimneys,  the 


smoke  escaping  through  the  doors,  windows2  or  the  opening3  in 
the  atrium,4  which  was  covered  with  straw,  shingles,  or  unbaked 
clay.  The  interior  of  the  house  consisted  of  the  atrium  only, 
in  which  was  the  household  altar,  the  marriage-bed,  the  table 
for  meals  and  the  hearth.  Here,  in  the  olden  time,  stood  the 
images  of  the  ancestors,  though  this  custom  lost  its  signifi- 
cance and  became  obsolete,  when  many  whose  ancestors  had 
held  no  curule  office,  became  wealthy,  assumed  high-sounding 
names,  and  lived  in  magnificent  edifices.  As  wealth  began  to 


1  See  p.  213. 

1  The?e  were  mere  openings  through  the  wall*  closed  by  shutters  ;  later,  windows  of 
transparent  -=roue  "ere  made. "and  under  the  empire,  glass  wasn*ed.         >  Implmlum. 
'  That  is.  the  ''blackened''  chamher. 


388 


ROMAN  HOUSES. 


flow  into  Rome  from  the  provinces,  houses1  of  great  splendor 
were  erected,  and  finally,  when  the  Romans  began  to  vie  wit  j 


TIIK   VESTIBULE.' 
(The  House  of  Pansa.) 

each  other  in   displaying  the  spoils  that   their  rapacity  had 
wrung  from  the  provincials,  marble  palaces  arose,  adorned 

1  The  Roman  of  wealth  occupied  the  whole  of  hi-  house  :  other*  reut"d.  according  to 
their  mean*,  cithern  whole  hou.-e  or  a  Hut  of  some  larire  inxit!ti.  the  name  by  which  all 
hired  houses  went.  The,  poorer  cla-* e-  took  a  small  rent  in  an  upper  i-tory.  Sulla  paid 
for  the  ground  floor  of  a  house  in  the  capital  a  rent  of  3009  sesterces  a  year,  and  the 
tenant  of  the  upper  story.  2000.  We  learn  from  Cic'To  (p.  C:P!.,  c.  7t,  that,  lodgings 
rented  a*  hiirh  a- :',  M*)!)  --terce*  ($1200;.  C;vlin>  paid  only  10,000.  The  usual  time  for 
•  \  a-  the  Kalend-  of  July. 

1  Or  finitliiifnin.  according  to  the  description  of  Yitnivius  vi..  W.  the  vestibule  KF  an 
open  place  before  the  hou<e  ;  but  in  the  excavation*  at  Pompe.ii.  in  no  in.-tance  ha*  a 
hon-p  been  found  with  a  vcstibnlum  before  it.  Beyond  the  ve*tibu!uiu  i*  the  atrium. 
the  roof  of  which  i*  supporte."!  by  beams  crossing  each  other  at  right  angle*  (f . «.,  tuscar 


FURNITURE. 


389 


with  marble  columns1  and  decorated  in  the  most  costly  manner. 
The  pavements  were  often  inlaid  with  mosaics,  and  at  the 
entrance  of  the  house  was  carved  the  word  salve,  "welcome," 
though  sometimes  the  less  friendly  greeting  cave  canem,"l>e- 
ware  of  the  dog,"  is  found.  Separate  rooms  were  afterwards 
set  apart  for  cooking,  for  banquets,  for  the  domestics,  and  also 
for  a  private  chapel  for  the  worship  of  the  gods,  while  the  atrium 
in  the  houses  of  the  great  was  used  solely  for  the  reception  of 


KOOM  OP  A  PERSON  OF  RANK  ra  ROME. 


clients  and  friends  who  came  to  pay  their  respects  or  to  seek 
help  or  legal  advice,  or  to  learn  their  patron's  plans  for  the  day. 
3.  Furniture.  —  The  rooms  in  the  houses  of  the  wealthy 
were  often  furnished  with  great  splendor  and  magnificence. 
Expensive  cedar-tables,  veneered  Avith  ivory  ;  dinner  couches  of 
bronze,  richly  adorned  with  silver  and  gold,  and  often  inlaid 
with  tortoise-shell  ;  seats  of  cedar-wood  and  ivory  ;  the  magnifi- 
cent candelabra,  the  elegant  lampadaria,  and  lamps  of  various 
patterns  ;  vases,  costly  mirrors,urns,  incense-burners,2  and  costly 


mum").    The  roof  is  supported  by  four  pillars,  one  at  each  corner  of  . 

The  roof  slopes  so  as  to  conduct  the  water  into  the  comjilwtivm  (reservoir).    Beyond  the 
implurinm  is  the  altar,  where  the  penates  were  worshipped.    The  (abAnvtn,  vrtQl  it* 
pavement  of  mosaic,  leads  to  the  perintylvm.  where  the  most  intimate  friend"  were 
rec.-ivd.    The  /VvV/;  //;/>///  i~  in  the  rear  and  to  the  right  of  the  peristyHum. 
'  Marble  columns  were  first  used  by  L.  Cra.->ns.  "  Foculi. 


390 


PLAN   OF   A   HOUSE. 


goblets,  many  colored  carpets  from  Babylon  and  Alexandria, 
beautiful  chairs,1  and  hundreds  of  other  objects,  tilled  the  mag- 
nificent palaces  and  villas  of  persons  of  wealth  and  distinction. 
The  walls  were  usually  brightly  colored  and  adorned  with  fres- 
coes— paintings  from  the  stories  of  Grecian  mythology,  scenes 
from  daily  life,  landscapes — some  of  which  have  been  pivscrvcd 
almost  in  their  original  freshness.  In  the  houses  of  persons  of 
rank,  the  vestibule  was  ornamented  with  masterpieces  of  Gre- 
cian sculpture,  the  walls  overlaid  with  costly  foreign  marble,  and 
the  doors  and  door-posts  richly  decorated  with  tortoise-shell  and 
gold  and  silver.2 

1  The  paintings  at  Pompcji  show  t  hat  the  chairs  used  by  the  Romans  were  very  various 
and  many  of  them  remarkably  iike  ours.  The  general  word  for  chair  \\  as  •-,"/,•  ih<»e 
that  bore  particular  designations  were  the  tmttnin,  wiih  a  b;ick  and  arm-,  the  lep'-  <»,n,-n 
beautifully  carved  :  <'.  or  ea-y  chair,  with  sniffed  back,  gently  sloping,  but 

without  arms.  The  small  foot-stools  were  called  xatMla. 

*  The  principal  parts  of  a  Roman  house  will  be  understood  from  the  following  plan 
of  the  :  .  houi-e  (hoti-e  of  Pan-aj  found  at  Pompeji  : 


PLAN  op  A  ROMAN  HOT-K. 

The  osfii/rn.  jar<>ianr  fore*,*ihe  entrance,  leads  to  the  M  re.?(if»t?Hm .  In  order  to  recon- 
cile the  description  of  a  Roman  house.  a<  given  by  Vitruviu-,  with  the  remaitis  found  at 
Pompe.ji.  we  might  consider  the  uma'l  :e  the  door  as  the  /•/ v/;/,///,/;/,.  ;ind  the 

remaining  space  before  one  enter-;  the  arrtum,  a-  the  ;  rc/tlt >/nnn  •  at  the  side  of  1  wa-  a 
«mall  room  ti^/fni  for  the  porter  (janitor)  and  the  watch-dog  :  2  i*  the  spaeiou-  atrium  : 
in  the  houses  of  the  mid  lie  inn]  poorer  classes  this  war-  the  sitting-room  and  kitchen  :  here 
were  the  bed  and  I  he  imt  rumen  te  for  spinning  and  \veaviiiLr.  In  uie  booses  of  the  wealthy, 
this  was  the  reception-room  for  clients  who  came  to  ask  their  patron  foradvice  or  help,  and 
visitors  who  came  every  morning  to  pay  their  respects  or  ^olicit  favors.  Here  the  images 
of  the  dead  wen  exDoeed.  In  thereof  there  was  an  opening  for  the  admianon  of  light  and 
escape  of  smoke.  In  later  times,  when  whole  troon-i  of  people  crowded  the  homes  of 
the  rich  and  noble,  the  arrangement  of  the  ntri'nn  wa-  changed.  The  hearth  and 
kitchen  were  removed  to  another  part  of  the  building,  while  the  lares  were  placed  in  a 

m  Ttif  ffrx-iT"  'lift  nfit  UK  '•  lit  tutu '!'••  Until  or  ftrtnf  tAtt :  there 

irer?  l-tiocl-erx  on  thf  floor* :  (It?  floor  »••'-  fastened  >'-i/h  a  bolt  or  bar;  inside  doors  by 
locks ;  the  keys  are  of  alt  trlzff  and  often  ofpi-c'iliar  shave. 


ilKTHOD   OF    WARMING. 


391 


4.  Method  of  Warming. — The  houses  were  heated  by 
means  either  of  a  fire-place l  or  of  a  portable  furnace,  many  speci- 
mens of  which  have  been  found  at  Pompeji.  Sometimes  rooms 
were  heated  by  hot  air,  introduced  by  pipes  from,  a  furnace  below. 
Rooms  intended  for  winter  use  were  on  the  sunny  side  of  the 
house,  and  as  the  climate  was  mild  this  enabled  the  occupants 
to  dispense  with  artificial  heat. 


COOKING  UTENSILS. 

a,  b,  c,  (cijatki),  tnia  and  trutta,  ladles  for  drawing  wine  from  deep  casks  :  e,  d,  ladles  for 
dipping  water,  gravy  or  soup  ;  /,  resembles  our  saucepan  ;  g,  a  two-handled  vessel 
for  kitchen  use  ;  h,  sarfago,  shaped  like  our  pans  ;  i,  a  pan  for  poaching  eggs  ;  k,  a 
kind  of  metal  sieve  for  straining  wine  ;  /,  coal  scoop  ;  m  and  n,  cochlear,  liguta,  spoon, 
one  of  which  resembles  a  fork. 

5.    Cooking    Utensils.  —  In    early    times  the    food  was 
cooked  in  the  atrium,  but  when  this  became  the  reception- 

epecial  chapel  (mcrariurri).  In  the  floor  of  the  atrium  was  a  cistern  (compluvium)  for  the 
rain  water  a  which  came  through  the  opening  in  the  top  (impluvium).  On  the  right 
were  stairs  leadkig  to  the  second  story  where  the  rooms  for  the  servants  were  ;  six  side- 
rooms  (ciibinda)  communicate  with  the  atrium  by  doors  ;  the  two  other  rooms  being 
without  doors  are  called  «/<<  or  sidewings  of  the  atrium.  Here  were  rooms  for  guer-ts 
and  the  family,  the  wall*  of  which  were  often  decorated  with  paintings  and  frescoes. 

4  is  the  tnbliiwm,  a  part  of  the  atrium,  where  the  archives  (tabula)  were.      This  was  the 
original  Roman  house.    When  the  atrium  was  used  for  visitors,  other  rooms  were  addi  d  ; 

5  wa<  a  pa—age.  sometime*  passages  (  faucet)  to  the  ;,»->  ixfyH"iii  !"!).  similar  to  the  atrium, 
surrounded  with  marble  (8)  columns  and  intended  for  the  master  of  the  house  and  his 
friends  ;  here  wa*  a  fountain.    Around  the  peristylium  were  the  sleeping  apartments 


. 

of  the  family,  and  dressing  rooms  and  alcoves.  The  large  room  to  the  right 
was  th"  tri'-iininin  or  the  dining-ball,  where  the  conches  (triclina)  were  placed  on 
three  «ide«  of  the  rooms,  the  other  being  left  open  for  entrance.  There  were  two 
sets  of  dining-rooms,  one  for  summer  and  one  for  winter.  In  9  the  L'lie-N  assembled 
<"  etui}.  Larger  entertainments  were  given  in  the  atrium  ;  10  is  a  corridor  communicating 
with  the  {?<•>/.«.  To  the  left  of  the  corridor  were  the  kitchen,  and  another  room  for  wash- 
ing the  dishes  ;  11  is  a  garden  with  regularly  «hnpod  be  •!<  :  r_>  is  an  open  hall.  The  house 
i<  Mil-rounded  on  four  sides  by  streets.  Part  of  the  facade  and  the  right  side  are  rooms 
used  for  various  purposes,  partly  as  sho  «  and  partly  let  to  lodgers,  and  one  connected 
With  the  atrium  was  sometimes  used  by  the  master  for  business. 
1  Foculi  ;  the  Romans  had  no  proper  stoves. 

•  The  roof  sloped  so  as  to  throw  the  water  into  the  cistern. 


392  METHOD   OF    LHMITINQ. 

room,  the  kitchen  *  was  removed  to  another  part  of  the  house. 
In  the  houses  of  the  rich,  the  grain  was  usually  ground  with 
hand-mills,  while  the  middle  classes  bought  their  meal  01 
bread  at  the  bakery.  Among  the  numerous  cooking  and 
household  utensils  may  be  mentioned  stoves,  knives  ami  per- 
haps forks,  strainers,  frying-pans,  vessels2  for  boiling  water, 
kettles3  for  hanging  over  the  fire  and  cooking  food,  sieves,4 
spoons,5  ladles,6  mortars,7  coal-scoops,  andirons,  steelyards,  and 
implements8  for  cleaning  the  walls,  floor,  ceiling,  and  fur- 
niture. 

6.  Method  of  Lighting. — Although  the  Romans  displayed 
great  ingenuity  in  constructing  beautiful  lamps  from  bronze 
and  precious  metals,    still    they  were   unable   to  devise   any 
method  to  prevent  the  ornamented  ceiling  of  their  rooms  from 
being  blackened,  and  their  breath   oppressed  by  the  smoke. 
Their  oil-lamps9  were  without  chimneys  to  consume  the  smoke, 
and  were  either  suspended  by  chains  from  the  ceiling  <>r  placed 
on  a  candelabrum.10    The  wicks  were  made  of  the  tow  taken 
from  flax,  and  the  instrument  for  trimming  the  wick  was  often 
attached  to  the  lamp  by  a  chain.     Many  very  beautiful  lamps 
of  bronze  and  terra-cotta  are  still  extant ;  they  are  usually  of 
a  long,  or  a  round  form,  flat  and  without  feet.     On  the  upper 
part  where  the  oil u  was  poured  in,  there  are  mythological  designs 
in  relief  of  great  beauty.12     The  magnificent  candelabra  and 
lampadaria  were  the  inventions*  of  a  later  age.13 

7.  The   Meals. — The  Ivomans  were   at   iirst  exceedingly 
simple  in  their  mode  of  living;  but  after  the  wars  in  the  East, 
refined  luxury  displayed  itself  nowhere  more  prodigally  than 
at  the  table.     In  early  times  a  sort  of  hasty  pudding  made  of 


1  Cviina.  '  Mliarium.  » Ahce  ni-nn.  '('/if/rum. 

«  CocMear.  •  TrvUce.  '  PUa.  •  Scopa.  *  Lucernce. 

1 "  Candles  (canddoe)  either  of  wax  (cerea)  or  of  tallow  (debated)  were  nsed  before  lamps 
were  invented;  the  candelabrum  was  at  first  a  cundlcsiick.  afterwards  used  to  support 
lamps;  the  candelabra  for  candles  were  also  called  fumt't// ;  the  poorer  c]a~-c-  u-«-<l 
those  mad--  <>f  wood  ;  they  were  sometimes  c<>n>tnicted  so  that  the  lamps  could  be 
raised  or  lowered.  !  1  Perfumed  oi;  was  often  used. 

11  The  name  of  the  maker  is  often  stamped  on  the  bottom. 

11  The  hiciiniiclii  (pensile*)  were  like  our  chandeliers;  the  ltni>ii/i(laria  were  stems  of 
trees,  or  pillars  standing  on  a  base  from  the  top  of  which  the  lamps  were  suspended  : 
see  engraving,  p.  389. 


THE   MEALS.  393 


farina1  with  vegetables,2  fruits,3  and  dairy  produce,  constituted 
the  principal  articles  of  food.  The  Romans  had  three  meals  each 
day — a  light  breakfast,4 , at  noon  a  lunch,3  and  towards  evening6 
came  the  dinner,  which  in  the  houses  of  the  rich  was  often  very 
bounteous  and  consisted  of  three  courses.  First7  came  fish, 
eggs,  and  various  kinds  of  vegetables  served  with  piquant 
sauces,  intended  to  excite  the  appetite  for  the  more  substantial 
dislK-s  which  were  to  follow.  Then  came  the  courses8  consist- 
ing of  many  dishes  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  give  a 
description  of  here.  The  favorite  fish,  which  was  the  chief  object 
of  Roman  epicurism,  were  the  turbot,9  the  shell-fish,10  oysters, 
and  snails;  the  favorite  poultry  were  peacocks,  pheasants, 
pigeons,  geese,  field-fares,11  dncks,  and  chickens.  Among  meats 
the  greatest  favorite  was  the  tame  and  wild  boar ;  this  was 
generally  the  chief  dish,  and  came  whole  on  the  table.  The 
practised  gourmand  pretended  to  be  able  to  tell  by  the  taste 
from  what  part  of  Italy  it  came.  These  courses  were  followed 
by  a  dessert  of  pastry  and  fresh  and  dried  fruits.  The  table 
was  really  the  centre  of  the  luxury  of  the  Romans  after  the 
wealth  of  the  East  was  placed  at  their  disposal.  Foreign 
delicacies  and  wines  became  then  indispensable.  In  spite  of 
the  sumptuary  laws,  meddling  with  the  private  affairs  of  life,12 
which  shallow  moralists  then  as  now  advocated,  the  Romans 
displayed  at  their  banquets  their  hosts  of  slaves,13  their  dancing 
girls,  their  rich  furniture,  their  carpets  glittering  with  gold, 
their  antique  bronzes,  and  their  silver  plate.14 

1  The  flour  made  from  far,  a  kind  of  wheat. 

'  Leyxmina.  *  Olera. 

*  Jentaculurn  ;  consisting  of  bread,  seasoned  with  salt,  with  dried  grapes,  olives  and 
cheese.  .  5  Prandium. 

•  At  the  ninth  hour  =  in  summer,  IJo'clock  ;  in  winter,  2}  o'clock.  '  Gfustus. 

''i :  prima,  nltera,  tfi-fi'i  cena.  '  Rhombus. 

'°  Cochlw,  ostrea,  according  to  Pliny  (N.  H.  xxxii,  6, 1)  the  pcdmn  memarum  dlritum 

1 '  Ttir>l>ix  :  this  was  a  great  luxury  ;  they  were  often  sold,  when  fattened,  for  3  denarii 
(nearly  40  cents)  apiece. 

1 "  The  expense  of  an  ordinary  meal  was  fixed  in  B.  c.  161  at  10  sesterces  (50  cents) ;  in 
B.  c.  81.  at  30  sesterces ;  for  the  same  period  the  expenses  allowed  at  banquets  were  100 
and  300  sesterce-. 

"An  exquisite  cook  cost  100,000  sesterces  ($5,000),  while  an  ordinary  slave  was 
worth  only  i(>0  sesterces. 

"  Scipio  /Emilianus  possessed  32  pounds  of  silver  plate  (§600) ;  Q.  Fabius  (cos. 
B.  c.  121),  1000  pounds  (500.000) :  Marcus  Dru-us  (trib.  plebs.  B.  c.  91),  10,000  pounds 
($200,000);  in  the  time  of  Sulla  there  were  at  Rome  about  150  silver  state  dishes  weigh- 
ing lO'i  pounds  each,  several  of  which  caused  their  owners  to  be  placed  on  the  pro- 
ion  list. 


0(J4  TAI'-I.K    ISA<;|-:S. 


8.  Table  Usages. — Wlieii  eating,  tin-  Komans  reclined  on 
couches  *  which  were  placed  on  three  sides  of  the  room,2  leaving 
the  fourth  free  to  give  the  slaves  access  to  the  table  to  arrange 
the  dishes  and  also  to  hand  round  the  meat  and  bread.     Each 
couch  held  three,  and  the  place  of  honor  was  on   the  middle 
one.8    At  a  later  time  when  round  tables4  came  into  use,  the 
couches  were  changed  for  semicircular  sofas.     There  were  no 
table-cloths,  but  the   tables  themselves  were  often  exquisite, 
being  made  of  the  finest  polished5  wood.    Each  guest  brought 
with  him  a  linen  napkin6  to  fasten  over  his  breast.     Instead  of 
knives7  and  forks,  two  spoons  were   used — the  cocldnn-  and 
ligula — both  being  pointed  at  the  end.     The  food  was  served 
in   a  great  variety  of  dishes,    some    round,    flat,    oval,   and 
others  hollow,  with  and  without  handles,   which,  as  well  as 
the  different  drinking  vessels,  it  would  be  impossible  to  de- 
scribe here. 

9.  The    Roman    Family. — The  word    family  with   the 
Romans  signified  everything  which  a  freeman  had  under  his 
control,8  and  included  persons  whether  free  or  slaves  as  well  as 
articles  of    property.     The  word,  however,   was  generally  re- 
stricted to   the  members  of   the   household,  at  the  head  of 
which  stood  the  pali'rfuniilni*.    Every  free  man  not  under  the 
control   of    another   was   considered   a  patcrfinnilias.      Sons, 
although  married  and  having  children,  were  not  released  from 
the   authority  of  their  father9  until   his  death.     If  we  count 
all  the  members  of  a  family,  the  children  and  grandchildren, 
the  slaves  and  clients,    the  whole   under  the  control  of  the 
paterfuinilidx     assumed     a   very   important    position    in   the 
state.     Several  families  united  to  form  a  house,10  and  indicated 
their  common  descent  by  a  family  name.11     In  this  way  arose  a 

*  Lectl  tr'ii-i'iii'tun*.  In  the  earlier  ages  those  couches  were  not  known  ;  the  Romans 
uscrl  in  rut  -itiin'4.  a  en-torn  to  which  the  women  and  children  adhered. 

'  Triclinium. 

3  The  lowest  place  on  the  middle  one  was  the  seat  of  honor  ;  the  reverse  on  the 
others. 

«  Pliny  relates  that  Cicero  paid  as  much  as  1.000,000  sesterces  for  a  table. 

s  Rubbed  with  (w/t.tii/i'i.  *  3fojiji>i . 

'  Knives  (»tmctores\  were  used  nt  a  later  time.  "  In  potentate. 

'  Pn/r  in />oft -''!•••:  unless  the  son  became  a  flamen  Diali»,  or  the  daughter  a  vestal 
virgin  (virgo  vestali*).  '"Gens.  ' '  Xomen  gentile. 


NAMES.  395 

family  pride  which  caused  the  members  to  preserve  with  great 
care  the  sanctuaries,  the  legends,  and  the  exploits  of  their  own 
house.  In  the  course  of  time,  as  intercourse  with  foreign 
nations  increased,  the  strict  laws  of  the  paternal  authority 
were  relaxed,  and  the  ties  that  bound  the  members  of  a  house 1 
and  of  a  family  together  were  loosened. 

10.  Names. — Every  Koinan  had  usually  three  names,  the 
first  denoting  the  person,  as  Marcus  ;2  the  second,  the  gens,  as 
Tullius,  and  the  third  the  family,  as  Cicero.    A  fourth  or  fifth 
name,  called  the  agnomen,  was  sometimes  added  on  account  of 
some  illustrious  actions  or  by  adoption,  or  from  some  other 
circumstance.    Thus  the  complete  name  of  Scipio  the  Younger, 
was  PuUins  Cornelius  Scipio  Africa nus  JEmilianus  ;  Africanus 
being  added  for  his  exploits  in  Africa,  and  ^Emilianus  because 
he  was  adopted  from  the  ^Emilian  gens.    Women  had  no  per- 
sonal names,  but  were  known  only  by  that  of  their  gens.    Thus, 
the  daughter  of  Cicero  was  called  simply  Tullia ;  a  younger 
sister  would  have  been  called  Tullia  secunda  or  (minor),  tertia 
and  so  on.     The  wife  of  Cicero  was  Terentia. 

11.  Marriage. — The  Romans  had  two  kinds  of  marriage ; 5 
in  one  the  woman  passed  entirely  from  the  control 6  of  her  father 
into  that  of  her  husband;  in  the  other,7  she  did  not  so  pass, 
but  remained  subject  to  her  father's  authority.     In  order  to 
bring  about  a  laAvful  marriage  of  either  kind,  the  parties  must 
be  of  age,  unmarried,  and,  until  the  passage  of  the  Canuleian 
law  in  B.  c.  445,8  of  equal  rank.    A  marriage  of  the  first  kind 
could  be  contracted  in  three  different  ways,  viz.  :  confarreatio, 
coemptio,  i.  e.,  fictitious  purchase,  or  usus,  i.  e.,  prescription.   The 
first,  or  marriage  by  confarreatio,  had  to  take  place  in  the 
presence  of  at  least  ten  witnesses,  the  Pontifex  Maximus,  and 
the  priest  of  Jupiter.9    A  cake  of  sacred  corn10  was  broken  and 
tasted,  and  the  marriage  formula  repeated.     This  form  of  mar- 
riage was  confined  exclusively  to  the  patricians,  and  even  after 
the  passage  of  the  Canuleian  law,  it  could  not  be  adopted  by  the 

1  Gens.  *  Prcenomen.  *  Nomen.  *  Cognomen. 

5  Nu))ti<z justce,.  "  Mann*.  J  .Mtttrimoniumjustum.        •  See  p.  72. 

8  Flamen  Mali*..        ""'  Far,  hence  confarreatio. 


396  CHILDREN. 


plebeians.  In  the  second  way,  or  marriage  by  purchase,  the 
father  sold  his  daughter  to  the  bridegroom  in  the  presence  of  wit- 
nesses, and  in  the  third  way1  the  wife  passed  to  the  control  of 
the  husband  by  living  with  him  during  one  whole  year  without 
absenting  herself  for  three  nights.  The  bridal  ceremony  was 
nearly  the  same  in  all.  First  came  the  betrothal  and  the  pre- 
sentation of  the  ring.  On  the  morning  of  the  wedding  day  the 
auspices  were  first  taken  and  then  the  marriage  formula  was 
pronounced,  and  the  bride  and  bridegroom  were  led  to  the 
household  altar  to  offer  sacrifices.  A  cow,  pig,  and  sheep 
were  offered,  while  the  augur  repeated  the  usual  prayer  and 
the  newly  married  pair  walked  around  the  altar  hand  in  hand. 
When  this  was  finished  the  guests  offered  their  congratula- 
tions,2 and  the  marriage  feast  began.  When  night  came  on 
the  bride  dressed  in  white  covered  with  a  yellow  veil,  and  hav- 
ing her  hair  parted  into  six  locks  with  the  point  of  a  spear,  and 
tied  up  with  ribbons,  was  conducted  by  torch-bearers  and  flute- 
players  to  the  house  of  her  husband.  When  she  reached  her 
new  home,  she  was  lifted  over  the  threshold  lest  her  foot  might 
stumble — omen  of  evil — into  the  <i.fri  11,11  to  share  the  "fire  and 
water,"  the  emblems  of  the  life  which  she  was  to  lead  with 
her  husband.  The  next  day  a  second  marriage  feast  was  held 
in  her  husband's  house,  and  the  new  bride  offered  sacrifices  to 
the  gods  of  the  family  to  which  she  had  been  admitted.  In 
early  times  divorces  were  very  rare,  but  as  Rome  began  to 
decline  they  became  easy  and  very  common.  The  sanctity  of 
the  marriage  tie  was  then  but  little  regarded,  and  both  men 
and  women  vied  with  each  other  in  wanton  indulgences. 

12.  Children. — In  early  times  the  father  had  almost  un- 
limited control3  over  the  life  and  liberty  of  his  children;  in 
fact  they  were  regarded  as  property  which  the  father  could  dis- 
pose of  as  he  pleased.  When  any  matter  arose  that  affected 
the  life  and  liberty  of  the  child,  it  was  usual  for  the  father  to 
summon  a  family  council  to  pronounce  sentence.  The  state, 


1  There  was  a  less  binding  form  which,  under  the  emperors,  superseded  the  others. 
'  In  the  \\oTdfeliciter.  '  Potestas. 


MEDICAL  MEtf.  397 


however,  allowed  the  father,  without  the  family  council,  to 
pass  sentence  *  of  banishment  and  even  death.  The  right  to 
pass  sentence  of  death,  like  that  of  sale,  although  existing,  was 
rarely  exercised.  The  right  of  exposing  or  killing  new-born 
children,  which  was  common  at  Rome  as  well  as  in  Greece, 
was  in  early  times  limited  by  a  law  which  enacted  that  no  one 
should  kill  a  son  or  a  first-born  daughter,  unless  the  child  was 
deformed.  On  the  ninth2  day  after  their  birth,  boys  underwent 
a  religious  ceremony  called  histratio,  and  received  their  names,3 
which  were  entered  in  the  public  register.  The  mother  had 
charge  of  the  children's  early  education,  and  she  carefully 
taught  them  to  worship  the  gods,  to  be  truthful  and  honest,  to 
lovt-  their  country  and  obey  its  laws,  and  above  all,  to  obey 
without  questioning.  The  mother  was  also  very  careful  in 
selecting  attendants  to  take  charge  of  her  children,  that  they 
might  not  hear  any  improper  or  incorrect  expression.  The 
authority  of  a  father  over  his  sons  continued  until  his  death, 
nnless  the  son  lx?came  a  flamen  Dialis,  or  was  adopted  into 
another  family,  or  it  was  voluntarily  resigned.4 

13.  Medical  Men. — The  Romans  had  no  knowledge  of 
medicine  until  they  learned  it  from  the  Greeks.  And  even 
ai'tvr  Greek  medical  men3  settled  in  Rome,  it  was  some  time 
before  a  regular  profession  was  established.  The  patients  were 
at  first  treated  Avith  certain  old  prescriptions  and  nostrums,  and 
in  cases  of  epidemics  the  anger  of  the  gods  was  averted  by 
consulting  the  Sibylline  books.  In  the  year  B.  c.  219  Archa- 
gathus,  a  Greek  surgeon,6  nicknamed  on  account  of  his  burning 
and  cutting,  u  the  butcher,"  settled  in  Rome,  and  his  skill  was 
acknowledged  by  the  erection  of  a  store  for  his  use  at  the  public 
expense  and  by  presenting  him  the  right  of  citizenship.  Hence- 
forth physicians 7  became  more  numerous,  and  squabbled  with 


1  If  the  father  misused  his  power,  the  censor  conld  interfere ;  in  later  times  the 
emperor  :  and  in  about  A.  D.  200  the  power  was  taken  from  the  father  by  law. 

''  GirK  on  the  eighth  day.  '  Prcenomen. 

'  This  eonld  ho  done  by  selling  ^.s  son  three  times  to  a  pater  fidndariu*,  who  manu- 
mitted him  according  to  a  previously -made  contract  ;  the  third  time  the  son  received 
his  liberty.  »  Merlin.  '  tfetttcvg  vulnemm or  efttntryttg. 

1  Physicians  sold  their  own  dni£r>  :  in  Pompeji  two  chemists'  shops  have  been  found 
with  signboards  on  which  wa.-  painted  the  ;-nake  of  the  god  ^Esculapius. 


398  TRADES. 

each  other  in  regard  to  remedies  and  methods.  "  Physicians- 
disagree,"  says  Pliny,  "only  in  order  to  avoid  the  appearance 
of  consent;  hence  the  dreadful  inscriptions  on  tombs — 'The 
number  of  his  doctors  has  killed  him.'"  We  know  of  no  reg- 
ulations in  regard  to  the  amount  of  medical  education  neces- 
sary in  early  times  to  qualify  a  physician  to  practice  at  Home. 
Under  the  empire,1  this  was  under  the  supervision  of  the 
archiatri?  who  examined  and  appointed  physicians3  to  reside 
in  every  town.4  Toward  the  end  of  the  republic,  and  especially 
in  the  time  of  the  empire,  when  dissipation  and  hot-bathing 
produced  frequent  diseases  of  the  eyes,  oculists5  appear  a>  a 
separate  class.  Besides  these  we  hear  of  dentists,  of  specialists 
for  diseases  of  the  ear,  of  lady  physicians,  of  professional 
"  rubbers,"  and  of  vendors  of  ointment,  salves,  and  of  various 
forms  of  quackery  which  the  play  writers  seized  upon  as  favorite 
subjects  for  their  satire.6 

14.  Trades. — A  genuine  Roman  considered  all  manual 
labor  as  beneath  his  dignity.  Landed  property  on  a  large  scale. 
and  even  speculation  in  state  leases,  were  the  only  legitimate 
sources  of  income  of  a  free  Roman.  All  retail  traffic  and  even 
commerce,  if  not  on  a  large  scale,  were  little  esteemed.  Hence 
the  practice  of  the  trades  and  the  retail  traffic  were  given 
over  to  slaves,7  freedmeu,  foreigners,  and  the  lowest  class  of  the 
plebeians.  There  existed  at  Rome  various  mechanics'  guilds 8 

1  At  the  time  of  Nero. 

*  The  arcldatri  palatil,  the  physicians  of  the  palace ;  and  archiatri  popuiareg,  those 
of  the  people. 

*  Physicians  often  received  large  incomes.    Pliny  (H.  N.  xxix.,  5)  mentions  several 
who-.e  incoiiii'  w,is  •J.">:'..nu  sf-teree-   per  annum  (»'.  <?.  about  $13.000).     (J.  Stertinus.  body 
physician  to  Claudius,  received  from  the  emperor  500,000  se-terces  and  from  his  practice 
600,000  sesterces. 

'  These  physicians  received  a  reirular  salary  from  the  town  or  city  :  they  were  com 
polled  to  attend  the  poor  gratis  although  they  were  allowed  to  receive  fees  from 
the  rich.  5  Oculnrii  or  medici  at)  <•,•<•"/;>. 

*  In  the  excavations  at  Pompeji  (in  the  *tra<l«  Consolarti.  many  surgical  instruments 
have  been  discovered,   as  well   as  various  medical   substances,   receptacles   for  drops, 
salves,  and  medicine-boxes  made  of  bronze  with  beautiful  covers  inlaid  with  silver  in 
which  were  little  weights  to  determine  the  quantity  of  medicine. 

7  Among  the  slaves  in  a  household  of  a  wealthy  Roman,  were  those  who  practised 
almost  every  trade— architects,  tailors,  hairdres.-ers,  valets,  cooks  of  various  kinds, 
musicians,  physicians,  -urirenns.  etc. 

•Nine  iruilds.  vi/.:  pipers,  carp. ntcrs.  rroldsmiths,  dyers,  leather-workers,  tanners, 
smiths,  potters  and  one  other  combining  all  the  remaining  handicrafts,  which  afterwards 
developed  into  separate  societies,  trace  their  origin  to  Numa.  'Among  the  later  guild* 
may  be  mentioned  those  of  the  silversmiths,  bakers,  sailors,  ferrymen,  pig-dealers 
physicians,  etc 


EDUCATION.  39& 


which  had  their  festive  gatherings,1  their  by-laws  and  rules  of 
admission  and  expulsion,  their  laws  for  mutual  protection,  and 
special  funds  for  the  support  of  widows.  The  shops  in  which 
the  mechanics  worked  or  sold  their  wares  were  generally 
on  the  ground  floor  of  the  houses  and  opened  towards  the 
streets,  the  sign2  indicating  the  nature  of  the  articles  to  be 
sold.  The  Pompeian  wall-paintings,  the  bas-reliefs  on  the 
monuments,  and  the  various  implements  of  different  trades 
discovered  at  Pompeji  and  Herculaneum,  give  a  vivid  idea  of 
the  shops  and  the  numerous  trades  carried  on  in  them.  At 
Pompeji  numerous  loaves  of  bread  completely  burnt  but  still 
recognizable  have  been  found,3  while  on  the  monuments  and 
painted  walls  are  represented  mills  for  grinding  corn,  flour- 
strainers,  millers'  knives,  machines  for  kneading  dough,  scales 
for  weighing,  the  sledge-hammer  of  the  metal-founder,  as  well 
as  hammers,  saws,  sickles,  knives  of  various  kinds,  folding  foot- 
rules,  sculptors'  tools,  as  well  as  those  of  the  blacksmiths., 
cabinet-makers,  cutters  in  wood,  tanners,  and  shoemakers.  A 
Herculanean  wall-pain  ting  represents  two  men,  one  of  whom  is 
beating  the  leather  on  a  last,  while  the  other  is  sewing  a  shoe  ; 
rows  of  finished  shoes  stand  in  an  open  cupboard  and  on  the 
counter  for  sale.  Another  picture  represents  a  market  scene, 
where  clothes,  bronze  vessels,  ironwares,  and  cakes  are  sold, 
while  shoemakers  are  taking  the  measures  of  persons  who  are 
sitting  on  benches.4 

15.  Education. — In  the  earliest  times  the  father  probably 
taught  his  sons  reading  and  writing,  arithmetic  and  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  laws  and  history  of  his  own  country.  Elementary 
schools  for  boys  and  girls  were  established  at  a  very  early  time 
in  Rome,  as  we  learn  from  the  story  of  Virginia,5  who  was,  in  the 

1  A  Pompeian  wall-painting  depicts  a  millers'  feast  celebrated  June  9.  The  day  was 
celebrated  by  a  dinner,  consisting  of  bread,  salt,  vegetables,  and  fish  served  in  earthen- 
ware. 

"  The  shop  of  a  milkman  at  Pompeji  has  as  a  sign  the  goat  ;  that  of  a  wine-merchant. 
two  men  carrying  an  amphora  on  asiick  over  their  shoulder*  ;  that  of  a  baker,  a  mill 
put  in  motion  by  a  donkey. 

*  In  an  oven  belonging  to  Caw  ill  llartee  Venere.  The  act  of  baking  is  illustrated  on 
the  monument  found  outside  the  Porta  Maz<*iore,  at  the  corner  of  the  Via  Labicana  and 
Via  Pnenestina;  the  inscription  i- :  /;-•/  IKK-  inon mnentum  tfarcei  Veryilei  Enrymcisnistorif 
redemptori*  apparet,  •'  the  monument  of  M.  Vergilei  E'irysacis.  baker  and  bread  dealer." 

'  Gulil  and  Koner.  p.  508  ff .  »  See  p.  69;  Liv.  iii.,  44. 


400  COURSE  OP  INSTRUCTION. 

year  B.  c.450,  on  her  way  to  one  of  these  schools  in  the  forum 
when  arrested  by  the  client  of  Appius  Claudius.  For  many 
centuries  the  instruction  was  confined  to  reading,  writing, 
and  arithmetic.  A  great  change,  however  in  this  respect  took 
place  after  the  Romans  came  in  contact  with  the  Greek  cities 
in  Italy, -and  particularly  after  the  conquest  of  Greece.  Gn-.-ks 
came  to  Rome  and  settled,  and  the  Greek  language-  and  litera- 
ture were  studied  with  great  eagerness,  and  it  became  the 
fashion  for  nobles  to  employ  one  of  these  Greek  slaves  in  their 
families  that  their  children  might  learn  Greek  at  an  early  age. 
The  duty  of  these  slaves1  was  to  watch  over  the  children  in 
their  hours  of  play  as  they  went  to  and  from  school,  and  to 
teach  them  good  manners  and  as  much  of  the  Greek  language 
as  they  could  pick  up  by  talking.  At  a  later  time  it  became 
iso  much  the  fashion  to  learn  Greek  at  an  early  age,  that  Quin- 
tilian  complains  that  children  were  taught  Greek  before 
Latin. 

16.  The  Course  of  Instruction. — After  completing  the 
elementary  course,  the  boys  attended  the  schools  of  the  gram- 
marians and  rhetoricians,  where  the  masterpieces  of  Roman 
and  Greek  literature  w--iv  read.  The  earliest  Latin  school- 
book  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge,  was  a  translation  of 
Homer  in  the  Saturnian  metre  by  Liviu<  Andronicus.  a  Greek 
and  a  freedman  of  Marcus  Livius.  At  a  later  time,  the  poems 
of  Nreviiis,  Ennius,  Plautus,  Vergil,  and  Horace,  as  \\ell  as  the 
speeches  of  Cicero,  were  read  and  studied  in  the  schools.  In  the 
time  of  Cicero  a  complete  course  of  instruction  consisted  (1)  of 
reading.2  writing  and  arithmetic;3  (2)  a  critical  study  of  the 
masterpieces  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages,4  and  (3)  the 
study  of  composition  and  oratory,5  to  which  was  sonxM  imes  added 
a  course  in  philosophy  and  oratory  under  the  celebrated  teachers 
in  Athens  or  in  Rhodes.6 


'  The  i).r,(fiffn'/>  accompanied  tho  boy*,  and  (lie  initrires  the  jrirl-. 
'  In  learning  to  read,  the  method  of  syllabi  -  '1. 

1  This  elomentarv  ronrse  was  taught  '.i\  the  /••  or  literatores. 

'  Taught  by  the  >ji  !-T  rhetores. 

•  For  fuller  information  on  the  system  of  education,  see  Hist,  of  Lit.,  p. 


METHODS  OF  TEACHING.  401 

17.  Method  of  Teaching. — Primary  instruction  was,  to  a 
great  extent,  pursued  as  an  amusement.     Children  learned  the 
alphabet  by  playing  with  pieces  of  ivory  on  which  the  differ- 
ent letters  were  marked.     In  the  school,  reading  was  taught  in 
a  class,  the  boys  repeating  in  a  kind  of  chant  after  the  teacher, 
first  the  letters,  then  the  syllables,  and  then  the  whole  word. 
For  writing,  copies  were  set  on  waxen  tablets,  which  the  pupil 
imitated,  the  master  often  guiding  his  hand.     A  knowledge  of 
arithmetic  was  communicated  by  means  of  a  calculating  board 1 
and  counters.2     On  I  he  board  perpendicular  lines  were  drawn, 
and  the  value  of  the  counter  varied  according  to  the  division  in 
which  it  was  placed.     Practice  was  given  in  orthography  and 
the  rules  of  grammar  by  the  master  repeating  aloud  a  passage  8 
from  some  popular  author,  which  was  written  down  and  com- 
mitted to  memory. 

18.  Holidays  and  Punishments. — Holidays  were  given 
to  the  schools  regularly  in  December4  and  March.5    The  latter 
was  the  end  of  the  school  year  when  the  boys  paid  their  annual 
fees.      There   was  also    in    the  elementary  schools  probably 
a  vacation   during   the    summer   months,  in    order    that  the 
wealthier  citizens    might   take  their  children   with   them  to 
their  country-houses  and  villas.     In  the  elementary  school,  the 
rod  or  ferule  was  used  even  for  very  trifling  offences,  for  miss- 
ing even  a  single  letter  in  reading,  as  Plautus  informs  us.     In- 
struction in  the  schools  must  have  begun  very  early  in  the  day, 
for  Martial6  complains  that  even  before  the  crowing  of  the 
cock  the  air  resounded  with  the  noise  of  flogging  and  the  cries 
of  the  children. 

19.  Books — Writing. — In  early  times  books  were  very 
rare  and  dear  ;  but  towards  the  end  of  the  republic  so  many 
trained  slaves  7  were  kept  by  booksellers  and  speculators  8  con- 
stantly copying  them,  that  they  became  as  cheap,  perhaps,  as 


Abacus.  a  Calculi ;  hence  our  worrt  calculation.  *  Dicfafa. 

At  the  Saturnalia  (see  p.  33,  n.  3);  at  first  only  one  day.  later  two,  and  finally  seven. 
Tho  Q»inr/>/rttria,  in  honor  of  Minerva,  for  five  days  (19th  to  23rd). 
IX..  30  ;   also  Juv.  vii..  222.  '  Librarii. 

Atticns  kept  a  largo  number  ;  he  even  made  a  trade  of  copying  books,  and  kept 
Copifs  of  Cicero V  works  for  sale. 


402 


BOOKS  ;    WRITING. 


with  us.1  The  material  on  which  books  were  written  was  gen- 
erally the  bark2  of  the  Egyptian  papyrus;  parchment3  was 
sometimes  used  though  not  so  generally,  In-cause  it  was  much 
higher  in  price.  The  papyrus  was  rolled  together  iu  narrow 


IMPLEMENTS  OF  WBITINO.* 

strips5  to  form  the  book,  while  parchment  was  folded  into 
sheets  and  sewn  iu  different  sizes  like  our  books.  The  ink  was 
a  kind  of  black  pigment,  prepared  from  lamp-black  ami  gum. 
Instead  of  pens,  the  Romans  used  a  reed6  cut  like  our  quills.7 

1  Martial  d.,  118)  speak*  of  a  book  containing  119  epigrams  a«  costing  5  denarii,  and 
even  less.  In  early  times  authors  like  Piautu-.  Terence  ami  others,  sold  their  comedies 
to  the  aediles  ;  at  a  later  time,  booksellers  paid  the  author  for  the  right  of  publishing. 
Pliny  iKp.  iii..  ~i<  wa<  offered  iiM.OOO  sesterces  for  his  Cuininmtuni  Kl»-t. 

•  Liber  ;  in  the  time  of  the  empire  the  preparation  of  thi.s  bark  by  means  of  bleach- 
Ing,  etc.,  was  brought  to  groat  perfect :'..n. 

•  Invented  by  Enn  LT.UMUS;  sometimes  leather,  linen,  and  even  silk  were  n-ed. 

•  The  circular  wooden  or  ineMl  case  ><•  //;-••'  or  *.•/•>.>. <"t/n.  »t  the  left,  with  a  cover, 
contains  six  volumes  rolled  up  (hence  the  word  volume  i  and  labelled  that  they  may  be 
easily  distinguished.    In  1'rout  of  the  case  are  a  sty/""  and  a  pentagonal  inkstand,  very 
Rimilar  to  those  now  in  nse.    A  little  to  the  right  i«  a  pen  made  of  reed,  hence  called 
calamus.    Next  to  the  ca-e  of  bo >ik<  i«  the  totefib  joined  together  as  with  hinirev  and 
covered  with  wax.     Above  this  H  another,  pinned  as  it  were  to  the  wall  with  a  xfi/F'i*  ; 
to  the  riulit  of  the  la-t  lies  a  book  of  tablets  open.     In   the  centre  are  single  volume-  in 

one  of  fhe  cases  on  the  left  IB  open,  and  the  other  shut.  On  the  right  are  four 
volumes,  two  of  which  have  their  ti'!"-.  one  attached  to  the  fxipi/r'i*  it-elf,  and  the 
other  to  the  >n>i>,'ii;<~>i*  or  cvlinder  of  wood  iii  it-  centre.  The  books  were  carried  in  the 
scrini'/m.  Whon  a  Roman,  either  in  the  city  or  on  a  journey,  wished  to  use  books,  a 
slave  accompanied  him  to  carry  the  fcrininm.  The  children  of  the  rich  were  accompa- 
nied to  <chool  by  a  slave  trap-'firi>/fi  who  carried  th'-ir  book*  and  writing-tablets.  Books 
and  documents  when  not  in  use  wer"  den-)  ife-l  in  the  srrii'V/'n.  which  wa<  sealed  if  the 
documents  were  important.  A  librn-y  of  30.0  0  find  even  ai.OO'i  volume-'  w;is  not  uncom- 
mon. In  the  time  of  AntT'i-tus  there  were  31  libraries  in  Koine.  Others  were  added  by 
later  emperor*.  The  Vlpi'in  I'br-iry  wa-  the  nio-t  imnortant  of  all. 

•  T'io<e  rolls  found  at  Herculaneurn  are  only  six  fintrers  wide. 

•  Calamwi.  '  With  the  scalprum  librarium. 


LETTER  WRITING. 


403 


The  writing  was  usually  only  on  one  side.  The  children  used  in 
the  schools  for  their  exercises  material  which  had  already  writ- 
ing on  one  side.1  When  the  book  was  filled  with  writing, 
a  stick  or  reed 2  was  fastened  to  the  last  leaf,  and  around  this 
the  book  was  coiled,  and  then  the  title3  written  on  a  narrow 
strip  of  papyrus  in  deep  red  ink  was  attached. 4 

20.  Letter  Writing. — In  the  days  when  no  newspapers  ex- 
isted  at  Rome,  letters  were  almost  the  sole  means  of  conveying 
information.  Governors  before  departing  to  their  provinces, 
arranged  to  have  the  news  sent  regularly  to  them  by  their  cor- 


respondents. Cicero  when  proconsul  in  Cilicia,  maintained  an 
active  correspondence  with  Caelius  and  others  in  the  capi- 
tal, and  often  chid  his  correspondents  for  their  delinquency. 
People  of  wealth  generally  dictated  their  letters  to  slaves  or 
freedmen,  but  when  thoir  contents  were  of  great  importance, 
then  they  were  written  by  those  who  sent  them.  Letters 
were  generally  written  with  a  stylus  5  on  thin  slips  of  wood  or 
ivory,6  covered  with  wax  7  and  folded  together  with  the  writing 
inward.  The  slips  were  held  together  by  a  thread8  passing 
round  them,  and  where  the  string  was  fastened,  the  seal  of 
wax  stamped  with  a  ring,9  was  placed.  Letters  were  sometimes 
written  on  parchment  10  with  ink.  The  outside  address  of  the 


If  a  book  was  of  no  valno.  the  writing  conld  be  rubbed  out,  then  called  jMlimp- 
(from  rraAu'  again,  and  *rji<  tor'/&away,ormw«),aiidthe  same  snrface  used  again. 
Hence  Martial  (iv.,  10)  >poaks  of  a  spon<re  n-my  attached  to  a  book. 


Sometimes  the  portrait  of  the  author  was  painted  on  the  first  paeo. 
g.  "  TaMte  ,'  a.  d,  e.  '  tyr  a,,  '  Linym. 


404  DRESS   FOB   MEN. 


letter  was  very  simple,  as  in  one 1  of  Cicero's  letters  to  Atticus  : 
Tu  fasdculum  qui  fxl  M'  <'tnin  ///\r /•//>/«.-•,  n/itn  cure*  ml  <  nm 
perferenduni ;  "1  wish  you  would  forward  the  package  ad- 
dressed to  M'  Curius."  The  letters  deviated  tiie  most  from 
ours  in  the  manner  of  beginning  and  closing.  The  beginning 
consisted  of  the  names  of  the  wriUT  and  receiver,  with  u 
friendly  greeting  as  :  Cicero,  S.  D?  Trrlmlio  ;  "Cicero  sends 
greeting  to  Trebatius."  In  formal  letters  the  full  name  and 
title  were  given,  as:  Q.  M<'t<Hn*,  Q.  F.  (Quint  i  filinxf'  or 
Marcus  Cicero,  procos.;  s.  d.  G.  Curinni  Trib.  PL*  Some- 
times the  greeting  was  followed  by:  N/  /w/r.v,  ln-ne  cst ;  "If  you 
are  well,  it  is  well."  The  letters  ended  with  a  simple  /v/// . 
"farewell,"  and  even  this  was  often  omitted.  Letters  were  sent 
by  special  messengers,  unless  an  opportunity  by  chanee  occurred. 
Officials  might  employ  public  nu^-miivr-/'  and  Cicero  often 
speaks  of  availing  himself  of  the  messenger  of  the  public  tax- 
gatherers6  to  send  letters  to  remote  place>.7  I'nder  the  empire 
after  the  public  and  military  roads  were  constructed  connecting 
the  provinces  with  Italy,  regular  lines  of  post  wagons  \\ere  estab- 
lished and  the  arrangements  for  sending  messengers  and8  let- 
ters were  systematized. 

21.  Dress  for  Men. — The  dress  of  the  men  among  the 
.Romans  was,  during  the  greater  part  of  their  history,  very 
simple,  consisting  of  a  loose  upper  garment  called  the  toga, 
and  of  an  under  garment  which  fitted  more  closely,  called  the 
tmdra.  The  t<><j<i,  was  in  all  ages  the  characteristic  garment  of 
a  Eoman,  and  none  but  citizens  was  allowed  to  wear  it,  hence 
the  Romans  were  called  tu-^tfi,  and  Vergil  speaks  of  them  as 
"lords  of  the  earth,  the  people  that  wear  the  toga."  It  was 
also  the  garb  of  peace  in  contradistinction  to  the  sagum  of  the 
soldiers.9  Although  it  was  customary  to  throw  it  one  side 

'VII..  5,  2. 

1  Salutem  dicit ;   sometimes  witiitfin  fit-  '.  often  simply  salutem ;  even 

this  was  sometime*  omitted,  a-  :   Ci>;ro  Trtbatio ;  "Cicero  to  Trebatius.'' 

*  O.  Metfllui.  the  son  of  Quimu-. 

4  M.  Cici-ro.  procon-ul.  sends  (.'reeling  to  G.  Curio,  tribune  of  the  people. 

*  Statorvg  or  Otm  "  r>iW«-'in'<. 

7  Carrier  pigeons  were  also  u>ed  (Plin.  Ep.  x..  50);  for  further  information  in  regard 
to  the  poet-office,  see  Hi-t.  Lit.,  p.       .  4i"i :  also  IIi»t  of  Lit.,  p. 

"  A  red  >•«'/'/'»  «a~  <-al!'' 


COVEKING  FOR  THE  FEET. 


405 


while  engaged  in  manual  labor,  yet,  when  a  Roman  appeared  in 
public,   lie  reassumed  it.      It  was  made  of  pure  white  wool,1 
and  was  nearly  semicircular  in  form.     In   adjusting  it,  one 
end  was  thrown  over  the  left  shoulder  to 
the  front,  so  that  the  round  side  fell  outward; 
it  was  then  drawn  over  the  right  shoulder  be- 
hind the  body  so  that  the  arm  rested  as  in  a 
sling,  while  the  remaining  portion  was  drawn 
in  front  and  thrown  over  the  left  shoulder.2 
During  the  civil  wars,  the  pallium  or  Greek 
cloak  came  into  fashion,  but 
Augustus  forbade   its   use. 
The  pcenula  or  mantle  was 
worn  by  all  classes. 


«.  b.  Sokfe  of  ordinary  form.  c.  Half-  Figure  of  a  Man  sun- 
sliocs.  d.  Common  shoe,  e.  Man's  shoe  posed  to  be  dressed 
(calceus  senatorius).  ,  m  the  Pcenula. 


Toga. 


22.  Covering  for  the  Feet. —  The  coverings  for  the  feet 
were  very  numerous,  but  they  may  be  classed  under  two  sorts, 
the  calceus  and  the  solece.  The  solece  or  sandals  were  strapped 
to  the  bare  feet,  and  were  worn  in  the  house,  while  the  calceus, 
nearly  resembling  our  shoe,  was  worn  in  the  street.  The  poorer 
classes  and  the  slaves  wore  wooden  shoes.  It  was  customary  for 
a  Roman  to  wear  one  signet-ring  on  the  fourth  finger  of  the  left 


*  All  garments  for  both  sexes  were  at  first  made  of  wool,  but  towards  the  close  of  tho 
republic,  silk  and  various  other  fabrics  were  introduced. 

''  This  was  the  earliest  and  simplest  mode  of  adjusting  the  toga. 


406 


DRESS   FOR   WOMEN. 


hand.  At  first  the  rings  were  of  iron  except  those  of  the  highei 
classes.  When  luxury  and  wealth  increased  it  was  no  uncommon 
thing  for  a  fop,  desirous  of  displaying  his  wealth,  to  have  his 

hands  literally  covered  with  rings, 
and  Juvenal  tells  us  that  the  effem- 
inate Crispimis  had  lighter  rings 
for  summer  than  for  winter.    The 
toga  was  so  cumbrous  that  its  use 
became  in  time  restricted  to  state 
occasions,1  Avhile  wealthier  people 
wore  the   lacerna,  and  the   pool 
classes,  simply    the   tunic.      The 
Roman  boys  wore  a  toga  with 
a  purple  hem,3  until  about  the 
completion   of  the  fifteenth 
year,  when  they  assumed  the 
toga  virilis. 

23.  Dress 
for  Wo- 
men.—  The 
dress  of  the 
Roman  la- 
dies consist- 
ed of  the  in- 
nertumc,the 
stola  and  the 
palla.  The 
stola,  the 

characteristic  dress  of  a  Roman  matron,  con- 
sisted of  a  loose  tunic  gathered  in  and  con- 
fined at  the  waist  by  a  girdle  and  ending  in  a 
deep  border  or  flounce,4  which  extended  to  the  feet.  The  palla 
was  a  shawl  large  enough  to  envelop  the  whole  figure,  and  was 
worn  when  a  lady  went  abroad.  The  Roman  ladies  bestowed 


Handmaiden  wearing  a  eleeved  ftola  and/xzffo, 
drcsMiiir  a  bride  who  wears  a  tunica  with 
open  sleeves,  a  stola  with  the  instita  and  a 
light  palla. 


EMPRESS  LmA.1 


1  Vestisforensis.  '  Toga  prcetexta. 

'  The  cut  is  taken  from  a  statue  of  the  Empress  Livia  found  at  Pompeji  ;  the  innei 
tunic,  the  stola  and  the  palla  are  visible.  *  Instita. 


BATHS.  40? 

great  care  upon  plaiting  and  arranging  their  hair.  The  aid  of 
hair-dressers  and  curling-irons  was  called  in,  and  various  kinds 
of  combs,  pomades,  and  dyes  were  used,  and  when  under  the 
empire  the  great  ambition  was  to  have  yellow  hair,  wigs  of  this 
color  were  worn.  The  women  often  drew  over  their  head  a  net, 
sometimes  made  of  gold  thread,  veils,  caps  or  turbans.  The 
ornaments  worn  by  the  ladies  were  often  very  rich  and  beauti- 
ful. The  necklaces,1  neckchains,  bracelets,  and  earrings  were 
made  of  pearls  decorated  with  gold  and  precious  stones.  Among 
the  toilet  articles  were  fine  polished  mirrors,2  perfumery  bottles, 
instruments  for  the  nails,  combs,  hair-pins,  and  a  countless 
variety  of  cosmetics,  among  which  rouge  and  white  paint  were 
not  forgotten. 

24.  Baths. — The  .Roman  in  early  times  used  the  bath 
only  for  health  and  cleanliness,  and  the  bathing-houses  were 
simple,  consisting  only  of  two  rooms,  one  for  the  cold  plunge- 
bath  and  one  for  the  warm  bath.  As  wealth  and  luxury  in- 
creased, warm,  hot  and  vapor  baths  were  introduced,  and  mag- 
nificent buildings 3  were  erected,  decorated  with  great  splendor 
and  supplied  with  all  the  conveniences  which  a  voluptuary 
could  desire.  These  became  the  popular  resorts  for  amuse- 
ment and  pastime  and  the  exchange  of  the  gossip  of  the  day. 
The  bather  on  entering  paid  his  admission  fee,4  and  then  passed 
to  the  undressing-room5  where  slaves  were  in  waiting  to  take 
charge  of  the  clothes,  and  then  to  the  warm  chamber,6  or  the 
cold  one,7  as  he  wished.  After  this  he  was  rubbed  down  and 
anointed  with  oil.  The  bathing-houses  in  Rome  must  have 
been  very  numerous,  for  Agrippa,  the  friend  of  Augustus, 
added  170.  Under  the  emperors  magnificent  piles  of  buildings 
called  thernue,  including  baths,  gymnasia,  and  libraries,  were 
reared,  all  of  which  were  opened  free  to  the  public.8  The  fol- 
lowing cut  is  a  ground  plan  of  the  thermce  of  Caracalla,  which 

A  necklace  was  found  at  Pompeji  consisting  of  one  bana  of  fine  interlaced  gold, 
vhich  WLTO  suspended  71  pendants  ;  at  the  end  of  the  chain  there  is  a  clasp. 
Made  of  metal. 

*  A  qnadrans.  the  fourth  part  of  an  as  =  about  1  cent. 
Apodyteria.  "Tejndanum.  '  Frirjidarium. 

Hitherto  those  who  desired  to  win  the  favor  of  the  people  gavj  them  a  day's 
bathing  free. 


408 


THE   GAMES   OJb'   THE   CIKt'lS. 


were  more  splendid  tlian  any  of  the  others,  and  the  remains  of 
which  are  the  best  preserved  : 1 


IT   imiTfTiinninnr 


BATES  OF  CARACALLA. 

(THEU>LE  Antoninianae) 


I  I  I  I  •  II  I  •  •  I  •  •  I  •  I  I 


Prigidarium,  room  for  a  cold  bath.  TejMarhim.  warm  room.  C<il<l'i,i»in.  heated 
chamber  for  bot-air  bath.  Ex-<lr(v.  semicircular  rece-ses  for  philosophers  to  hold 
™^r.co.nvt'r'llfttIOI|1<.  '•'<•.  StaOtmrn,  a  room  fur  exercises  and  seats  for  spectators. 
Penstylwm,  a  court  surrounded  by  columns.1 

A  slave  usually  accompanied  his  master  or  mistress  to  the 
bath  with  towels,  oil  and  the  strigih  for  rubbing  the  body. 
The  usual  time  for  bathing  w:is  tlio  eighth  hour.3  ;ui*l  then  tho 
bathers  waited  on  the  various  lounges  watching  the  sports 
of  the  palcBstra  until  it  was  time  for  dinner. 

25.  The  Games  of  the  Circus.—  The  Romans  had  almost 
from  the  beginning  of  their  history  occasions  of  public  rejoic- 

1  Numerous  works  of  art  have  been  found  in  these  baths,  as  the  Fernese  bull, 
a  Hercules,  mosaics,  etc. 

J  The  u<e  for  which  the  other  chambers  were  designed  has  not  been  satisfactorily 
determined  ;  they  were  probably  for  lectures,  public  readings,  etc. 

That  is,  the  hour  before  dinner  time  ;  dinner  wa*  at  1J-  p.  m.  in  winter  and  2J-  in 


GLADIATOKIAL  GAMES. 


409 


ings.  Besides  the  triumphal  processions,1  there  were  the  great 
games2  celebrated  in  the  Circus  Maximus?  in  honor  of  the 
three  great  gods  of  the  capitol4  These  games  consisted 
at  first  of  chariot  races,  boxing  and  gymnastic  contests.  The 
Romans  regarded  these  festivals  and  games  as  religious  cere- 
monies, designed  to  pacify  the  anger  of  the  gods,  and  when 
times  of  great  danger  or  distress  came,  their  number  was  in- 
In  B.  c.  364,  when  a  great  pestilence  desolated  Rome, 


RACING  CHARIOTS. 


theatrical  performances  were  celebrated,  and  in  B.  c.  264,  the 
hideous  gladiatorial  combats  were  introduced. 

26.  The  Gladiatorial  Games. — The  gladiatorial  games 
originated  in  the  custom  of  sacrificing  slaves  at  the  tombs  of 
their  masters,  in  order  to  appease  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  which  it 
was  believed  took  delight  in  human  blood.  The  slaves  were  soon 
allowed  to  fight  with  each  other  for  their  lives,  and  finally  the 
taste  for  these  barbarous  and  inhuman  spectacles  increased  to 
such  an  extent  that  slaves  were  trained  and  let  out  for  this 
purpose.  Although  these  contests  were  at  first  confined  to 

1  See  pp.  154, 181,  n.  2. 

1  Ludl  Mnrimi  ;  they  were  celebrated  at  fir-4  for  only  one  day,  but  after  each  of  the 
great  revolutions  IB.  c/509.  494,  3W)  a  clay  was  added,  and  at  a  later  time  they  were 
extended  to  eight  day-. 

'  See  colored  map;  No.  2.  •  See  p.  18. 


410  GLADIATORIAL  GAMES. 

funerals,  the  gladiators  fighting  in  the  forum,  still  the  taste 
for  these  spectacles  soon  increased  to  such  an  extent  that 
no  entertainment  was  complete  without  them.  Games,  festi- 
vals and  scenic  representations  all  increased  to  such  an  extent 
that  in  the  time  of  the  emperors  the  theatre  with  its  tragedies 


GLADIATORIAL  COMBAT. 


and  comedies,  the  circus  with  its  chariot  racing  and  contests  of 
wild  animals,  and  the  amphitheatre  with  gladiatorial  combats, 
became  the  fashionable  resorts  of  all  classes.  The  gladiatorial 
games  soon  eclipsed  all  other  forms  of  public  amusement. 
The  taste  for  them  grew  to  such  an  extent  under  the  empire 

1  Different  classes  of  gladiators  are  represented  in  the  above  cut.  The  andabatct 
at  the  left  are  protected  by  a  helmet  without  apertures  for  the  eyes  ;  thev  foucht 
therefore,  blindfolded,  and  thus  excited  the  mirth  of  the  spectators.  The  retari'ts 
(in  the  centre)  carries  a  (brae-pointed  lam-p  (fnxrina  or  trident  and  a  net  (rete)  which 
he  endeavors  to  throw  over  his  opponent,  who'  is  usually  a  Kec"tnr  or  mirmillo  (so  called 
because  he  had  the  ima^o  of  a  ti<h  upon  his  shield).  The  Thrace*  (at  the  right)  were 
armed  with  a  round  shield,  and  the  Samnites  (ai  tor  the  defeat  of  the  Samnites  in  B.  c  310 
their  armor  was  adopted  for  jrladiators  as  a  sign  of  contempt)  with  aii  oblong  shield.  In 
the  foreground  are  the puyiUarii. 


AMPH1THEATEE.  41 1 


that  it  corrupted  and  killed  all  the  higher  instincts  of 
humanity.  On  every  occasion  of  public  rejoicing,  the  gladia- 
torial games l  must  be  celebrated ;  schools  for  drilling  gladia- 
tors multiplied;  wandering  bands  of  gladiators  traversed  Italy 
to  supply  the  provincial  amphitheatres.  The  passion  for  these 
shows  pervaded  every  grade  of  society.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
multitude  the  successful  gladiator  became  a  hero.  In  fact 
such  a  halo  of  glory  was  spread  around  the  profession  that 
even  freemen  voluntarily  adopted  it.  Gladiatorial  games  were 
announced  several  days  beforehand  by  bills.  At  the  opening 
of  the  contest  there  was  usually  a  sham-battle  in  which  the 
gladiators  fought  with  wooden  swords;  then  the  trumpet 
sounded  and  the  real  battle  commenced.  When  one  of  the 
gladiators  was  wounded  the  words  "hochabet"  were  shouted; 
if  the  wounded  gladiator,  holding  up  his  forefinger,  appealed 
to  the  people  for  pity,  their  outstretched  thumbs  were  a  sign 
that  the  prayer  had  been  heard  ;  too  often,  however,  the  thumbs 
of  the  spectators  were  pressed  down  to  the  hand 2  as  a  signal 
that  the  gladiator  should  receive  the  sword.  An  attendant 
then  rushed  in,  dragged  the  body  away  with  a  hook,  and 
sprinkled  the  arena  with  fresh  sand.3 

27.  The  Amphitheatre. — The  circus  was  used  for  a  long 
time  for  these  combats,  but  its  shape  was  ill-adapted  for  any- 
thing but  races  ;  so  that  in  the  time  of  Julius  Caesar  two  large 
wooden  theatres4  were  constructed  close  together  in  such  a  way 
that  one  of  them  could  be  turned  on  pivots,  the  audience 
remaining  in  their  seats,  and  be  brought  to  face  the  other,  so 

1  When  the  public  interest  began  to  flag,  new  forms  of  cruelty  were  devised. 
Criminals  dressed  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts  were  thrown  to  maddened  bulls.  Under 
Nero  400  timers  fought  at  one  time  with  bulls  and  elephants  ;  at  the  dedication  of  the 
Colosseum  5000  animals  perished  in  one  day. 

3  See  reliefs  in  Overbeck,  p.  158. 

'  Gladiatorial  exhibitions  (sine  remissione,  i.  e.,  where  the  life  of  the  vanquished  was 
not  spared)  were  forbidden  by  Augustus  •  Constantino  forbade  gladiatorial  shows,  but 
they  were  not  wholly  suppressed  until  the  time  of  Honorius. 

*  Hence  the  term  amphUheatrum,  a  double  theatre,  or  a  theatre  aM  round.  The 
space  in  the  centre  formed  by  the  two  orchestras  of  the  two  theatres  was  called  the 
arena,  and  was  strewed  with' sand.  Here  the  various  exhibitions  were  given.  The 
arena  was  sunk  several  feet,  below  the  lowest  row  of  seats,  and  a  sort  of  balustrade 
constructed  on  the  podium  (a  massive  wall  dividing  the  arena  from  the  first  mcenianivm, 
covered  with  net-work)  that  the  spectators  might  be  protected  from  the  wild  beasts. 
Under  the  arena  were  various  chambers  and  dens  for  wild  beasts.  The  emperor, 
senators  and  vestal  virgins  occupied  the  foremost  tier  of  seats  (podium) ;  the  knights, 
the  first  tier  (mcenianium)  behind  these. 


412 


AMl'HITHEATRE. 


that  the  seats  formed  an  oval  tier  round  an  arena  in  the 
centre.  Other  similar  structures  were  contrived,  and  in  the 
time  of  Augustus  a  stone  amphitheatre  was  erected  in  the 
Campus  Martius.  All  these  structures,  however,  faded  into 
insignificance  when  compared  with  the  Flticimt  ninnliilheatrp, 
one  of  the  most  stupendous  fabrics  ever  reared  by  the  hand 
of  man.  A  description  of  this  will  be  found  on  p.  456.  The 
annexed  view  of  the  Flavian  amphitheatre  will  explain  the 
general  appearance  of  the  interior  of  such  buildings  : 


FLAVIAN  AMPHITHEATRE  IN  ITS  PRESENT  CONDITION  (1879) — INTERIOR. 

The  amphitheatres  were  open  to  the  sky,  but  the  spectators 
were  protected  from  the  sun  by  an  awning,  and  in  case  of 
rain  they  returned  to  the  surrounding  porticoes.  Under  the 
empire  no  cost  was  spared  to  make  the  exhibitions  of  the 
amphitheatre  pleasing  to  the  people.  Gladiators  fought 
equipped  with  silver,  sometimes  with  gold,  the  sand  of  the 
arena  was  strewed  with  vermilion,  the  seats  intwincd  with 
golden  cords,  while  streams,  of  water  dilTused  a  grateful  cool- 
ness, and  statues  placed  in  various  parts  of  the  building  were 
so  constructed  that  from  them  showers  of  perfumes  were 
diffused  over  the  spectators.  Often  at  the  conclusion  of  the 


THE  THEATRE.  413 


games,  in  order  to  increase  the  good  humor  of  the  multitude, 
little  billets  of  wood  were  thrown  down  from  the  upper  story  for 
those  below  to  scramble  for  ;  each  of  these  contained  a  ticket 
which  entitled  the  holder  to  a  present — a  sum  of  money,  a 
slave,  a  horse,  a  robe,  or  some  object  of  more  or  less  value — 
on  applying  to  the  person  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

28.  The  Theatre. — The  theatre  was  never  much  cared  for 
by  the  Romans.  Dramatic  entertainments  consisting  of  ex- 
tempore witticisms,  recited  by  strolling  minstrels  or  ballad- 
singers  who  traveled  from  town  to  town,  were  known  at  a  very 
early  time  in  Latiuni.  These  songs  were  at  first  recited  at  the 
rustic  feasts,  but  in  B.  c.  3G4,  a  stage  was  erected  in  the  circus, 
and  fantastic  dances  and  gestures  were  performed  to  the  music 
of  the  flute.  By  degrees  a  sort  of  unpremeditated  farce  was 
added  to  the  dance,  but  the  art  continued  in  a  rude  state  until 
B.  c.  240,  when  Livius  Andronicus  introduced  the  first  regular 
plays,  comedies  and  tragedies,  translated  from  the  Greek.  His 
example  was  followed  by  Nsevius,  Ennius,  Plautus  and  many 
others,  all  of  whose  pieces  were  close  imitations  of  or  adapta- 
tions from  Greek  originals.1  The  Roman  theatre  was  at  first 
nothing  but  a  rude  platform,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  pro- 
vide the  spectators  with  seats.  In  B.  c.  155,  the  first  regular 
theatre  was  commenced,  but  the  senate  stopped  its  construction 
and  issued  a  decree  forbidding  such  exhibitions  as  demoralizing. 
Afterwards  wooden  theatres2  were  erected,  but  they  were  taken 
down  as  soon  as  the  holiday  was  over.  In  B.  c.  55,  Pompejus, 
after  his  return  from  the  East,  erected  the  first  permanent 
theatre.3  It  was  built  of  stone,  modeled  after  one  at  Mitylene, 
and  would  seat  40,000  spectators ;  a  second  was  erected  soon 
after,  and  the  third,  built  by  Marcellus,4  was  the  most  splendid 

*  These  plays  had  regular  plots  ;  besides  these  there  were  farces  or  interludes 
(mimi).  the  Atallan  farce  so  called  from  Atalla,  a  town  in  Campania,  and  finally  the 
pantomime. 

"  Of  the  two  parts  of  a  theatre,  the  caven  and  scena,  the  former  was  semicircular  and 
wii<  reserved  for  spectators  ;  the  latter  answered  to  the  modern  scene.  In  the  carea,  stone 
or  marble  seat,-*  ro<e  in  sncc<'--ion.  one  above  the  other,  e  ?ch  row  being  farther  removed 
from  the  <iage..  For  e:i«v  access  and  eirrrss.  the  row<  of  -^eats  were  divided  a'  intervals 
by  broad  pa  isasres  (  prceclnfitiontg)  running  round  the  whole  semicircle.  The  orchestra— 
the  "dancing  place  "  occupied  by  the  chorus  in  the  Greek  theatre— was  directly  in  front 
of  the  stage.  The  stage  was  concealed  by  a  curtain  (a>ike>tm  or  *ri>n >•>»»&.  before  the 
play  commenced,  but  this  wa-*  not  pulled  up  a«  in  our  theatres,  but  drawn  dwn  under 
the  stage.  3  T:IJS  ^roo,i  j,,  the  Piazza  Oampo  de'  Tiori. 

"  Twelve  arches  are  still  standing:  they  are.  occupied  bv  smiths  and  other  artisano 
as  workshops. 


414 


THE  THEATRE. 


of  all.  The  citizens  sat  promiscuously  in  the  theatre  until  the 
orchestra  was  set  apart  for  the  senators,  and  by  the  Koscian 
law  the  fourteen  rows  of  benches  directly  behind  those  of  the 
senators  were  assigned  to  the  Equites.  The  theatre,  like  the 
amphitheatre,  was  open  to  the  sky,  but  the  sun  and  rain  were 


THEATRE  OF  POMPBJTTS. 
(Restored  by  Canina.) 

kept  out  by  an  awning,  while  the  air  was  cooled  and  scented  by 
fragrant  spray.  Actors l  were  never  held  in  esteem  at  "Rome  ; 
they  were  mostly  slaves  hired  from  their  masters  by  the  magis- 
trate for  the  occasion,  although  in  the  time  of  Cicero  we  hear 
of  the  comic  actor  Roscius  and  the  tragic  actor  ^sopus,2  who 
were  held  in  high  esteem  and  obtained  great  wealth. 

29.  Funerals. — The  ceremonies  of  the  Romans  in  cases  of 
death  and  at  funerals,  were  intimately  connected  with  their 
religious  notion  of  a  future  life.  The  belief  was  at  an  early 

1  The  actors  (hlst.none.if)  in  tragedy  wore  a  boot  called  cat.fi'irnw.  while  the  comic 
actors  wore  a  thin  slipper  called  ttoccnx,  and  hence  cfithnrnim  arid  soccug  are  sometimes 
figuratively  employed  for  rrasri'dy  and  comedy.  Actors  of  mimes  anpeared  with  bare 
feet  (hence  called  ptoHiptCbs).  Actor-  irrm-ralh  \\orr  mask-;  FCC  Hist,  of  Literature 

'  The  esuvt.-  of   .K-opu-  ..mounted  to  20.000.000  sesterce-  <$!  ,000.000V 


THE   FUXERALS.  415 


time  very  deeply  rooted  in  their  minds  that  the  spirit  of  the 
unburied  wandered  restlessly  about  without  gaining  admit- 
tance to  Hades.  The  burial  of  the  dead  then  became  the 
most  sacred  duty.  The  nearest  relatives  closed  the  eyes  of  the 
deceased  and  raised  a  loud  shout  of  woe.  Notice  was  at  once 
sent  to  the  temple  of  Venus  Libitina,  where  a  register  was 
kept  and  a  fee  paid,  and  where  undertakers 1  were  in  attendance. 
A  slave  was  sent  at  once  by  one  of  these  to  wash  and  anoint 
the  corpse,  and  dress  it 2  and  lay  it  in  the  atrium,  where  the 
images  of  the  ancestors  of  the  deceased  were  exhibited.  A 
cypress  tree  or  a  pine  was  then  placed  before  the  house  as  an  em- 
blem of  death  and  to  give  warning  to  priests  that  they  might 
not  enter.  The  funeral  procession  moved  solemnly  to  the 
sound  of  music  and  the  loud  wailing  of  women.  The  bier  was 
followed  by  all  the  family  attired  in  black,  and  was  preceded  by 
a  line  of  men  who  represented  the  ancestors  of  the  deceased, 
clad  in  the  insignia  of  their  office.  If  the  deceased  had 
gained  warlike  renown,  won  great  victories,  conquered  towns, 
then  a  tablet  was  carried  inscribed  with  these  deeds.  In  this 
way  the  procession  moved  to  the  forum,  where  some  one  of  the 
relatives  delivered  the  funeral  speech,3  extolling  the  deeds  of 
the  departed  and  those  of  his  ancestors.4  The  procession  then 
resumed  its  course  and  proceeded  to  the  place — which  must  be 
outside  of  the  walls — where  the  body  was  to  be  interred.  To- 
wards the  close  of  the  republic  cremation  was  common. 
After  the  body  was  consumed,  the  embers  were  extinguished 
with  wine,  the  charred  bones  collected,  sprinkled  with  wine, 
then  with  milk,  dried  with  a  linen  cloth,  mixed  Avith  costly 
perfumes  and  deposited  in  one  of  the  niches  in  the  family  tomb.5 
On  the  ninth  day  after  the  funeral,  a  repast  consisting  of  a 
few  simple  articles  of  food  was  placed  beside  the  tomb,  which 
was  adorned  with  garlands  and  sprinkled  with  essences.  Be- 
side the  niches  in  the  tomb  were  placed  lamps,  lachrymatories 
and  the  inscription.7 

1  Libitinarii.  *  In  the  toga, ;  in  the  case  of  magistrates  in  the  toga  prtetfxta. 

*  Landatw. 

1  In  case  of  the  poor,  these  ceremonies  were  entirely  omitted  ;  poor  persons  often 
belonged  to  burial  clubs  which,  on  the  death  of  a  member,  advanced  a  sum  to  pay  the 
funeral  expenses.  s  Columbarium.  '  On  the  cir/piu. 

7  For  further  information  on  these  subjects,  see  Guhl  and  Koner  and  Becker's  G«llus. 


1.  .Viliarium  vtkrooi 
' 


I  T.8*t«r~i 

3.  ScMa  Xantka 

4.  T.*.  >V*p<uuii< 

5.  Soala*  Gtmo 
IS.  Grataattait 
7.  ^r 


10.  .fiytiiu  Domitiani 

11.  Hottra   ~ 
11  Sottra 

18.  Junu»  Q*adr\fr<mi 
14.  CAainJicKm 

i'-.'v 


TIIK  1JOMAX  FOKI'.M 

The  FORA  of  the  CAESMIS 
and  the  CAPITOL 


Si  T.D.KomuU 

»'..  Curia  < 

38.  C'ftn«  Oy4Mtoiu 

39.  7  J,.i 


•OT.I 
.   I'm* 
4S.  T.  IVn-, 

00.  CVlunita  Trivani 


The  plan  of  the  fornm  to  which  a  brief  enumeration  of  the  building  of  most  impor- 
tance is  annexed  can  he  found  on  pat'e  3SO.  Under  the  empire  the  forum  was  much  too 
small,  as  it  was  u-ed  not  only  ,fnr  political  and  commercial  purposes,  but  also  for 
gladiatorial  show- and  fonerala  (see  p.  4ir>'.  C;e-ar  iilanned  manv  improvemenU,  but 
they  were  carried  In  to  execution  by  h:  The  forum  Julium  was  constructed, 

and"  before  the  time  of  Trajan  the  other  new  fora  were  built,  connecting  the  old  forum 
with  the  magnificent  structures  in  the  Cuni|in<  Martins.  Near  the  temple  of  Saturn  was 
the  triumphal  arch  of  Tiberius  i-ee  fronii-piece'.  The  •  have  not  yet  been 

extended  farther  than  tlie  modem  road  running  along  the  northern  side  of  the  Roman 
fonim.  The  fornm  of  Trajan  has  been  excavated  :  the  magnificent  column  of  Trnjan  is 
ptill  standing.  The  foundations  of  several  columns  belonging  to  thi?  five-balled  basilica 
in  thi~  fonnn.  have  been  discovered.  Remains  of  the  forum",  properly  so-called,  can  b» 
•  Vo.  r>.  Via  del  Campo  Carleo. 


THE  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER  L.VII. 

THE  EMPIRE  ESTABLISHED  BY  AUGUSTUS. 

1.  The  Policy  of  Octavius.— The  great  Roman  revo- 
lution which  began  with  the  tribunate  of  Gracchus  ended  with 
the  battle  of  Actium.  It  resulted  in  centralizing  the  adminis- 
trative as  well  as  the  military  power  into  one  man's  hands. 
The  people  realized  that  the  only  hope  of  domestic  tranquillity 
rested  in  a  supreme  ruler,1  and  the  senate  was  ready  to  confer 
the  necessary  powers  and  dignities.  Octavius,  however,  had 
learned  circumspection  from  the  fate  of  his  illustrious  prede- 
cessor. He  therefore  rejected  the  position  of  dictator  raised 
above  the  laws,  and  the  hateful  name  of  king,  and  sought  to 
veil  his  supremacy  under  the  forms  of  the  republic.  The  most 
vigorous  and  restless  spirits  among  the  aristocracy  he  enlisted 
in  his  service,  and  subdued  their  energies  by  the  restraint  of 
discipline,  the  allurements  of  honor,  and  the  ideas  of  military 
devotion.  He  was  well  aware  that  the  fidelity  of  his  legions 
could  defend  his  authority  against  rebellion,  but  their  vigilance 
could  never  secure  his  person  from  the  dagger  of  the  repub- 
lican. Caesar  had  provoked  his  fate ;  a  consular  tribune  might 
have  reigned  in  peace,  but  the  title  of  king  had  aroused  the 
Romans  against  his  life.  Octavius,  therefore,  determined  to 
deceive  the  people  by  the  image  of  liberty  ;  he  knew  that  they 
would  submit  to  slavery  provided  they  were  assured  that  they 
still  enjoyed  their  ancient  freedom.  In  this  pleasing  illusion 
the  feeble  senate  and  the  enervated  people  cheerfully  ac- 
quiesced.2 

1  Tacitus  Hist,  i,  1.     Omnem  pofenfiam  ad  vnvm  conferri  pads  interfmt. 
*  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 


418  THE  EMPIRE  ESTABLISHED  BY  AUGUSTUS.        [u.r.  :Jl- 

2.  Changes  in  the  Constitution.— The  system  of  admin- 
istration devised  by  Octavius,  although  actually  combining 
within  his  own  hands  the  prerogatives  of  the  several  repub- 
lican offices  and  the  functions  of  the  legislative  and  the  judicial 
departments  of  the  state,  preserved  the  show  of  republican 
government.  The  framework  of  the  old  constitution  still  ex- 
isted. The  senate  and  the  people  still  exercised  their  preroga- 
tives, and  Octavius  had  professed  to  act  hitherto  in  obedience 
to  these.  According  to  law,  the  imperator  must  disband  his 
army  after  the  triumph  was  over.  This  necessity  lie  avoided, 
and  henceforth  the  legions  swore  fidelity  to  him  alone.  The 
aim  of  Marius  and  Csesar  had  been  to  subvert  the  rule  of  the 
senate.  Octavius  was  sensible  that  such  an  assembly,  consist- 
ing ostensibly  of  six  hundred  members,  now  that  it  was  hum- 
bled and  disarmed,  would  be  a  useful  and  tractable  instrument 
to  secure  his  dominion.1  On  its  dignity,  therefore,  he  sought 
to  found  his  empire.  With  the  view  of  raising  its  authority  in 
general  estimation,  he  revised2  the  list  of  senators,  ejected 
unworthy  members,3  limited  the  number  to  six  hundred,4  raised 
the  property  qualification5  for  admission,  admitted  worthy 
members  from  the  provinces,  and  henceforth  conducted  the 
government6  through  its  name  and  agency.7  The  most  im- 
portant concerns  were  deferred  to  the  decision  of  the  senate. 
It  still  retained  jurisdiction  in  criminal  matters,  and  many 
important  cases  were  pleaded  before  it.  In  this  way  it  afforded 
the  last  refuge  to  the  spirit  of  ancient  eloquence.  In  its  legis- 
lative capacity  it  was  nominally  the  source  of  power,  as  it  still 


1  Gibbon.  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

1  This  was  accomplished  in  virtue  of  \i\-  poteslas consularl*,  which  originally  included 
the  power  of  the  censors,  with  Agrippa  a*  hi-*  colleague. 

'  190  in  all.  •  It  had  been  increased  to  1000  by  Antonius. 

5  Gradually  raised  from  400.000  to  1.200.000  sesterces.  This  \\a-  the  minimum  cen- 
sus. Lentums  the  augur,  the  richest  man  in  Rome.  was  worth  400  million  sesterce* 
($20.000.0001.  A  man  who  possessed  half  that  sum  was  considered  very  wealthy. 
"Richer  than  Crii-pus,"  says  Martial  (iv,  54.  7).  to  express  L'reat  wealth.  Crispus  was 
worth  300  million  -  •  l.'i.OOO.OOO).  The  income  of  a  man  worth  300  million  ses- 

terce-; v.us  about  SI. 000.000. 

0  It  is  sometimes  asserted,  on  the  authority  of  Bid.  i'liii..  28V  that  Augustas  was 
r'-lea<ed  from  all  the  laws  of  thesena-  ,,/;!,, i.<  *i,i., /,,*<,.  This  is  hardly  po<-i- 

ble  ;  it  is  probable  that  he  was  released  from  some  particular  law.  Critics  have  sup- 
posed it  to  he  the  If.r  ("//,<•><!  il>  //.,/, is  -I  in'1/ifrV/ux. 

'  He  ennobled  many  plebeian  houses  and  supplied  them  with  sufficient  means  foi 
supporting  their  rank  by  creatiusr  a  vast  number  or  civil  oftices. 


A.  D.  14.]        THE  EMPIRE   ESTABLISHED   BY   AUGUSTUS.  419 

had  the  right  of  ratifying  all  the  laws.  Regular  meetings  were 
held  on  three  stated  days  of  every  month,  the  Calends,  the 
Nones,  and  the  Ides.  The  emperor  sat  and  voted  with  the 
other  senators. 

3.  The   Artful  Policy  of  the  Emperor.— In  B.  c.  29 
and  28  Octavius  was  consul,  with  Agrippa  as  his  colleague. 
He  had  a  census *  of  the  people  taken.     It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Agrippa  named  him  the  chief  of  the  senate,2  a  title  that 
had  been  in  abeyance  since  the  death  of  Catulus  in  B.  c.  60. 
In  the  year  B.  c.  28,  Octavius  issued  an  edict  resigning  the 
powers  conferred  upon  him  by  the  triumvirate,  and  declared 
that  lie  was  satisfied  with  the  consular  and  tribunitian  powers, 
but  would  retain  only  the  latter,  as  this  alone  was  sufficient  to 
protect  the  citizens.3     On  the  13th  of  Jan.,  B.  c.  27,  however, 
he  made  an  oration  to  the  senate,  exhorting  it  to  preserve  the 
dominion  he  had  acquired  and  the  peace  he  had  restored,  and 
professed  that  he  wished  to  be  relieved  of  the  burdens  of  power.4 

4.  Senatorial  and  Imperial  Provinces. — The  senators, 
either  mistrusting  his  sincerity  or  fearing  the  return  of  anarchy, 
begged  him  with  one  voice  to  retain  the  military  power,  which, 
after  long  apparent  resistance,  he  consented  to  do,  but  only 
under  the  pretext  of  using  it  for  the  security  of  those  provinces 
which  still  required  military  control.     The  quieter  and  well 
organized  ones  were  to  be  left  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 

1  There  were  4,063.000  citizens  between  17  and  60  years  of  age,  representing  a  total  of 
both  sexes  of  about  16  millions  ;  in  B.  c.  70  there  were  900,000  ;  this  difference  is  par- 
tially explained  by  the  fact  that  in  the  last  census  citizens  living  out  of  Italy  were 
included. 

"  Princep*  xenatii*. 

3  The  jus  (rib.,  i.  e.,  the  original  powers  of  the  tribunate,  innnlaMlity  and  interces- 
sion, and  not  tin.-  jK>te<(ax  trib..  the  powers  that  the  tribunate  had  acquired.  The  tri- 
umvirate expired  at  the  end  of  B.  c.  33.  The  measures  carried  since  that  time  he 
declared  illegal.  He  was  still  in  possession  of  the  imperium  conferred  in  B.  c.  32  (it 
was  prolonged  in  B.  c.  29).  It  was  in  no  way  connected  with  the  triumvirate.  No  one, 
however,  reminded  him  of  it. 

'  That  is.  he  wished  to  give  the  imperium  and  the  government  of  the  provinces  back 
into  the  hands  of  the  senate.  This  cannot  mean  that  the  emperor  meant  to  resign. 
Mommsen  (Mon.  Anc..  p.  98)  thinks  that  he  did  actually  give  the  imperium  (militin;  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  word  kept  its  full  meaning  only  in  the  cam])),  and  with  it 
the  government  of  the  provinces  back  to  the  senate;  he  had  already  commenced  this 
policy  in  B.  c.  -J8.  when  he  made  Asia  a  senatorial  province,  and  now  simply  completed 
what  he  had  bc<_'im.  This  view  rests  almost  u  holly  on  one  inscription  on  a  coin  found 
in  Asia,  viz. :  imp.  C;esar  divi.  f.  cons.  VI.  liberta'tis  p.  R.  vindex,  also  Ovid.  Fast.  I., 
589.  This  inscription,  however,  agrees  equally  well  with  the  view  expressed  in  the  text 
(which  is  also  reconcilable  with  the  whole  policy  of  Octavius;,  that  he  gave  the  provinces 
to  the  senate  and  received  them  back  again. 


420  THE   EMPIRE   KST.MU.ISUKI)   BY   AUGfsTrs.        [if.C.  31- 

senatc.  This  arrangement  secured  him  the  command  of  the 
armies  and  the  conduct  of  the  foreign  wans.  Although 
assumed  for  only  ten  years,  it  became  permanent.  Hence 
arose  the  distinction  between  the  winilnriul  and  the  im/n-rial 
provinces.1  Into  the  former  the  senate  sent  proconsuls  and 
propraetors  as  governors,  while  the  governors  of  the  latter  were 
the  lieutenants 2  of  the  emperor,  who  reserved  the  proconsular 
power  to  himself.  In  all,  the  chief  taxes  were  substantially 
the  same  as  under  the  republic.  The  income  of  the  one  found 
its  way  into  the  treasury3  of  the  senate,  that  of  the  other  into 
the  imperial  chest.4  The  governors  in  all  the  province's  as  well 
as  all  other  public  officers  received  a  regular  salary.5 

5.  Titles  and  Powers  Conferred  upon  Octavius. — 
By  this  deference  to  the  old  republican  institutions,  Octavius 
managed  to  have  the  powers  which  he  already  possessed  legal- 
ized, and  at  the  same  time  satisfied  all  parties.  In  the  senato- 
rial provinces  no  regular  army  was  kept,  so  that  Octavius  still 
retained  control  over  all  the  troops.  The  senate  and  the  people, 
however,  were  so  impressed  by  his  magnanimity  that  they  con- 
ferred additional  titles  upon  him,  the  most  important  of  which 
was  Augustus,6  an  epithet  against  which  no  objection  could  be 

1  The  imiterial  prori//'  '«P.  Ccetaris)  were,  although  from  time  to  time 

changes  wt-rc  mule:  1 1 ' //7*/>«"<'' /'"  :""!   '-)   L".--itit/iia,  (3)  OaUia  Xa-rbo~ 

I)  Li/rfdtinfiudfi,  (5)  Aq<"  / '.'•  fffico.  (7)  Germania  superior,  (8)  Germania 

inferior,  (9)  Syria,  (10)  CUicia,  (11)  Cypr>i.-;  (12)  ^Egypt. 

The  senatorial  provinces  (;//  itw)  :    (1)  Africa,    (2>  A*ia.    (3i  A 

(4)  Illyri'- mil ,  i3i  M'K-'iioit'ia.  (('<>  >'<'< •/'/<«  <7i  r/./<;  uiih  Cyrenaica,  (8)  IHthynia,  (9)  oar- 
:  gee  map.  ji.  •«:«). 

*  Lerjati  A'i'in*ti.  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Itr/nti  leyionix  «lio  took  tli<-  place  of 
the  military  tfibinu-s  (\>.  37'Ji  ;  tfu-y  wore  tlie  civil" governors  with  the  coniuiand  of 
two  or  tluvi'  lr_'ion-.  and  as  many  all'icil  troops  ;  these  commands  were  permanent.  The 
governors  uc  re  seh  cted  for  tlieir  ability,  and  they  conducted  themselves  with  modera- 
tion and  justice  as  \\ell  us  ability. 

s  jErarium.  In  the  j)ro\  inces  the  chief  direct  impost  was  the  capitation  tax,  which 
comprehended  both  a  land  and  a  poll-tax.  Ten  per  cent,  was  as-e— <-d  on  the  annual 
produce  of  trrain  and  live  percent,  on  that  of  wine,  fruits,  oil.  etc.  The  land  in  the 
provinces  was  divided  in  portions  (ctipif/n  estimated  at  1000  xrJi'Ji.  about  :£5.;io  ;  (hence 
French  #(A  or  sou.)  Tho.-e  who  po-.-e.-M-d  no  land  paid  on  personal  effects,  or  a  poll-tax. 
The  mines,  --alt-works,  quai-vie-.  forots,  ti-heries  in  the  provinces,  were  either  farmed 
by  speculators,  or  leased  at  a  tix.'d  rate.  To  these  sources  of  revenue  mii-t  be  added  the 
customs'  duties,  the  tolls  of  roads  and  bridges,  and  the  various  other  impo-ts  (as  those 
on  dress,  furniture,  articles  of  luxury,  columns  in  hou-es.  etc.).  The  revenues  from  the 
•ial  provinces  were  paid  into  the  treasury  at  Home  ;  those  of  the  imperial  pro- 
vinces were  applied  to  the  expenses  of  government  in  each  province. 

1  Fisru*  ;  this  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  private  property  of  the  emperor  (res 
privat" 

'A  proconsul  in  Africa  received  1.000.000  sesterces  =  £54.000 :  a  procurator  who 
acted  a-  quipstor  in  the  imperial  provinces,  n r -ived  from  60.000  to  100.000  .-ester' 

"  Skr.  (/hiifh.  'I'  dare;  cf.  augura,  auyurium,  augustus  :  the  rights  of  the  godr-  ucn 


A.  D.  14.]        THE   EMPIKE   ESTABLISHED   BY   AUGUSTUS.  421 

advanced,  for  no  man  had  ever  borne  it  before.  This  was 
another  step  in  the  artful  system  by  which  he  established  his 
imperial  authority.  His  moderation  was  remarkable;  it  was 
in  .spired  by  fear.1 

6.  The  Tribunate  Conferred  on  Octavius. — The  next 
step  taken  by  Augustus,  as  we  shall  henceforth  call  him,  was 
in  B.  c.  23,  when  he  was  suffering  from  a  fever,  from  which  it 
seemed  likely  he  would  never  recover.  He  gave  it  to  be  under- 
stood that  in  case  of  his  death  he  wished  the  supreme  power 
to  return  to  the  senate  as  in  the  days  of  the  republic.  After 
his  recovery  he  wished  to  read  his  will  to  the  senate  to  prove 
that  he  had  not  attempted  to  interfere  with  its  prerogatives  by 
appointing  a  successor.  This  was  a  new  reason  for  gratitude. 
When  he  therefore,  during  this  year,  resigned  the  consulship 
which  he  had  held  for  the  eleventh  time,  an  opportunity  was 
offered  for  conferring  upon  him  the  powers  of  the  tribunate,2 
thus  making  him  the  chief  of  the  people  as  he  was  already  of 
the  senate.  About  the  same  time  the  proconsular  power,  and 
soon  after  the  consular  power,  with  permission  to  have  twelve 
lictors  and  to  sit  upon  a  curule  chair  between  the  two  consuls, 
\\viv  conferred  upon  him  for  life.3  This  invested  Augustus  with 
the  most  important  powers  that  the  state  had  to  bestow.  From 
this  year  he  well  might  date  the  period  of  his  supreme  authority. 

caiicd  "  august,"  and  the  word  was  derived  from  a  root  which  means  to  announce,  reveal 
so  Ovid  Fast,  i.,  608  ft.).  The  title  was  always  reserved  for  the  emperor;  the 
name  of  Caesar  was  often  assumed  by  his  relatives  ;  from  the  time  of  Hadrian  it  was 
given  to  the  per-on  who  was  considered  the  future  heir  of  the  empire. 

1  "After  lie  had  cajoled  the  soldiery  by  donations,"  says  Tacitus,  "the  people,  by 
distribution  of  corn,  and  all  by  the  charms  of  peace,  he  began  gradually  to  exalt  himsefr 
above  them  ;  to  draw  to  himself  the  functions  of  the  senate  and  of  the  magistrate,  and 
the  framing  of  the  laws  ;  in  which  he  was  thwarted  by  no  man,  for  the  boldest  spirits 
had  fallen  in  battle  or  by  proscription.  The  surviving  nobility  were  distinguished  by 
weai'li  and  public  honors  according  to  the  measure  of  the  promptness  to  bondage  :  and 
as  Hi  >>e  innovations  had  been  the  cause  of  their  aggrandizement,  they  preferred  the 
prcM nt  state  of  things  with  safety  to  the  revival  of  ancient  liberty  with  personal  peril. 
Neil  her  were  the  provinces  averse  to  this  condition  of  affairs.  They  mistrusted  the 
government  of  the  senate  and  people  on  account  of  the  contentions  of  the  great  and  the 
avarice  of  the  niairi-frates.  The  protection  of  the  laws  was  enfeebled  and  borne  down 
by  violence,  intrbrue,  and  bribery." 

-  Ffittxta*  trib.  This  seems  to  be  the  view  of  Tacitus,  though  many,  among  others 
Monimsen  (Mon.  Anc.,  p.  2S>,  have  from  Diod.  (li.  19  and  xlix.  15)  arrived  at  a  different 
conclusion  ;  that  the./'/--  Mb.  should  be  conferred  in  B.  c.  36  and  then  again  in  B.  c.  30, 
and  now  the  jiotestas  trib.  seems  contradictory.  Monimsen  has  supposed  that  it  was  not 
accepted  in  B.  c.  36  and  30 :  but  Tacitus  (Ann.  i.,  26)  expre^ly  says  that  he  possessed 
in  B.  c.  -28  the  jit*  trib.  By  the  distinction  between  jus  tnb.  and  pofestas  trVti.  the 
difficulty  is  obviated.  See  p.  4iy,  n.  3. 

3  That  this  prerogative  was  conferred  upon  Augustus  i«  questioned  by  Momiuseo 
(A.  S.,  p.  13;,  because  it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Monumentum  Ancyranum. 


422  THE   EMPIRE   ESTABLISHED   BY   AUGUSTUS.        [B.  C.  31- 

for  he  well  deserved  the  title  of  emperor.1  Without  being  con- 
sul or  tribune  he  had  control  over  legislation  hy  these  anoma- 
lous consular  and  tribunit  ian  powers.  The  regular  consuls  were 
too  much  overshadowed  by  his  superior  eminence,  and  too  well 
drilled  in  compliance  to  exercise  their  initiatory  functions. 
In  this  way  Augustus  became  the  fountain-head  of  all  legislation, 
but  he  had  not  the  authority  to  issue  ordinances  with  the  full 
force  of  law.  This  power2  was  granted  to  him  in  H.C.  19,  when 
the  supervision s  over  the  laws  and  customs  was  transferred  to 
him.  Tliis  substantially  completed  the  fabric  of  his  imperial 
functions.  A  few  years  later,  on  the  death  of  Lepidus  (B.  c.  12), 
the  last  dignity  of  the  state,  the  chief  pontificate  was  added. 

7.  Imperialism  Disguised  under  Republican  Forms. — 
To  all  outward  appearance-;  (lie  republic,  was  fully  restored. 
The  senate  still  met  and  transacted  business  with  apparently 
the  old  freedom  of  debate.  The,  magistrates  and  priests  dis- 
charged their  fund  ions  as  in  the  days  of  the  republic.  The 
popular  assemblies  elected  the  magistrates  and  passed  laws,  and 
the  whole  republican  machinery  w;;s  in  operation.  Augustus 
demeaned  himself  as  an  ordinary  citizen ;  his  dress  was  ihat  of 
a  plain  senator,  and  he  walked  the  streets  as  a  private  citizen. 
In  the  senate  he  appeared  only  as  one  among  his  equals.  At 
his  table  he  set  an  example  of  sobriety  and  temperance,  and 
his  daughter  and  granddaughters  busied  themselves  like  their 
neighbors  with  spinning  and  weaving.  He  avoided  all  pomp 
and  show.  His  mansion  on  the  Palatine  was  moderate  in  size. 
He  voted  in  the  public  assemblies  like  an  ordinary  citizen,  and 
appeared  in  the  courts  when  summoned  by  his  neighbors  as  a 
witness.  The  ancient  free  forms,  however,  only  threw  a  trans- 
parent veil  over  an  actual  despotism.  Augustus  wished  to 


1  Tacitus  (Ann.  iii.,  5ft)  recognize*  this,  for  he  says  :  Augustus  devised  this  designa- 
tion of  supreme  power,  ihat  by  avoiding  the  title  of  king  or  dictator,  he  might  yet 
have  an  appellation  by  which  he  would  overtop  all  the  other  author!:  ie». 

*  This  function  has  b"'en  denied  to  Augustus  by  H'l-ck  (ROui.  (Jesch.,  vol.  i.,  p.  398) 
and  by  Merivaie  (vol.  iii.,  p.  :wr»i.  The  absence  of  it  would  really  be  in  contradiction  to 
liis  whole  system.iu  which  he  sought  to  invent  every  net  with  the  form  of  legality.  The 
vi"\v  rests  primarily  on  Diod.  iliv..  10>,  i<  confirmed  by  the  law  de  imperio  Ve.spasiani 
(Orelli  Inscrip.  i..  p.  5firi.  indirectly  by  the  new  (Jreek  text  of  the  Monumentiim  Ancy- 
rantim  (Mommsen,  p.  14t.  This  is  also  ;h''  opinion  of  Walter  (Gesch.  des  rom.  Rechts., 
vol.  i.,  p.  418),  of  Rudorff  (ROm.  Rechtsgesch,  vol.  i,  p.  142\  and  of  Moramscn  (Men. 
&nc.,  p.  101).  *"  '  Cura  Cegum  et  morum. 


A.  D.  14.]          THE    EMPIRE    ESTABLISHED   BY   AUGUSTUS.  423 

accustom  and  reconcile  men's  minds  to  the  new  regime,  and 
remove  every  obstacle  to  his  supreme  authority,  and  so  skill- 
fully did  he  do  this,  that  both  republican  and  monarchist  were 
satisfied;  for  the  one  flattered  himself  that  the  republic  still 
existed,  while  the  other  was  convinced  that  it  had  passed  away 
forever.  The  power  of  the  Koman  aristocracy  had  been  broken 
by  the  civil  wars.  Augustus  sought  to  humiliate  it  still  further. 
The  honor  of  a  triumph  was  limited  to  the  imperial  family. 
The  dignity  of  the  consulship  was  lowered,  by  limiting  its 
duration  first  to  four  and  then  to  two  months.  New  patrician 
houses  were  created.  The  senate  was  purified  from  time  to  time 
by  ejecting  unworthy  members.  The  people,1  satisfied  with 
bread2  and  public  shows,  viewed  with  secret  pleasure  the 
humiliation  of  the  aristocracy,  while  the  Italians,  deeply  im- 
bued with  the  philosophy  of  Epicurus,  sought  to  enjoy  their 
present  blessings  and  tranquillity  without  being  interrupted  by 
the  memory  of  their  old,  tumultuous  freedom.  To  all,  he  held 
out  the  prospect  of  honorable  employment  in  the  service  of 
the  state. 

8.  His  Policy  Compared  -with  Caesar's. — His  great 
predecesso"  had  sought  to  break  down  the  barrier  between  Italy 
and  the  provinces,  and  to  mould  the  whole  vast  empire  into  one 
body  politic  under  the  sway  of  one  supreme  ruler.  The  same 
policy  is  visible  in  the  measures  devised  by  Augustus.  Just  as 
the  aristocracy  had  become  a  privileged  class  in  respect  to  the 
people,  so  the  people  had  prided  themselves  on  their  superiority 
to  the  provincials.  These  distinctions  Augustus  wished  to 
obliterate  both  by  humbling  the  aristocracy  and  by  elevating 
the  provincials.  Citizenship  was  more  widely  extended  by 
founding  colonies  in  the  provinces,  and  municipal  rights  were 
bestowed  upon  many  provincial  cities,  while  on  the  other  hand 
Italy  was  deprived  of  the  two  most  important  privileges  that 
it  had  hitherto  enjoyed — freedom  from  a  standing  army  and 
from  taxation.  Now  nine  praetorian  cohorts3  were  organized 

1  He  provided  for  the  poorer  classes  by  settling  them  in  colonies. 
*  The  recipients  of  the  largesses  of  com  wore  reduced  from  320.000  to  200,000. 
'  This  \va*  the  beiinninc;  of  the  so-called  praetorian  guard  ;  it  took  its  name  from  the 
praetorian  guard  of  the  general  (see  p.  210,  u.  5),  and  consisted  of  picked  troops,  each  of 


4:>4  ITALY    AND    Till;    i'UOVIN'  [B.  (.'.  ol- 

under  the  command  of  praefects,1  of  which  throe  were  stationed 
in  Rome, while  the  others  kept  order  in  different  Italian  towns. 
Besides  these  there  were  the  three  city  cohorts,'*  a  soil  of  armed 
police,  the  seven  cohorts  8  comprising  the  regular  police  force, 
and  the  body-guard  of  German  or  Batavian  soldiers  for  the 
imperial  household.  In  regard  to  taxes  within  the  city,  a  duty 
of  one  percent  was  imposed  on  articles  sold  at  auction,  five  per 
cent,  on  inheritances,  and  two  per  cent  on  the  sale  of  slaves. 


H.VIII. 

ITALY  AND  THE  PROVINCES. — LXTKRNAL  IMPROVEMENTS. 

1.  Measures  to  Restore  Order. — Throughout  the  whole 
empire  Augustus  was  unwearied  iu  his  exertions  to  preserve 
order  and  tranquillity.  In  the  city  of  Home  particularly  Augus- 
tus felt  that  during  his  absence  it  was  necessary  to  have  some 
one  whom  he  could  trust  to  control  the  people  and  watch  the 
senate.  For  this  purpose  he  divided  the  city  into  fourteen 
regions,  and  each  region  into  several  smaller  divisions  called 
vici.  A  magistrate4  with  suitable  police  force  was  placed  over 
each  vicus,  and  all  these  officers  were  under  the  prefect  of  the 
city.  To  the  position  of  prefect,  Augustus  appointed  first  his 
most  trusted  friend  and  confidant,  Marenas/'  and  placed  the 
city  cohorts  under  his  command.  Augustus,  however,  did  not 
stop  here.  He  tried  to  restore  the  old  simple  habits  of  living 
and  the  religious  c'^.vms  of  the  people.  He  erected  new  tem- 
ples to  the  gods,  repaired  old  ones,  had  the  Sibylline  books 

1000  men  ;  the  city  cohorts  were  commanded  by  two  /'/<>/'  <•>>  pr&toris  ;  under  Tiberius 
these  cohort-  \\ere  collected  at  Rome  and  were  cnininunil<-d  by  Sejjinus  alone. 

1  A  prefect  (protfertus)  acted  as  the  deputy  of  an  officer.  '  Tin  ///v/W7</x  nrlii  under 
the  republic  governed  the  city  while  the  consuls  were  absent  (to  celebrate  the  Latin 
Games  on  the  Alban  Mount). 

3  Cohort  ft  t/rbana>.  '  Cohort- *  ri'/Unm. 

'  Prctftetut  Hrtti ;  this  office  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  citv  prefecture  which  had 
existed  under  the  republic.  Its  jurisdiction  extended  in  a  circle  within  twenty  miles 
of  the  city. 

5  Itooenat  had  held  this  office  in  B.  c.  36  durin?  the  war  in  Sicily,  and  also  in  B.  c.  31 
daring  the  war  with  Antonius  ;  in  B.  c.  Co  it  became  a  permanent  office. 


A.  D.  14.]  ITALY   AND  THE   PROVINCES.  425 

revised,  filled  up  the  priestly  offices,1  issued  laws  to  restrain 
luxury,  limited  the  expense  at  the  public  games  and  prescribed 
that  not  more  than  sixty  pairs  of  gladiators  should  appear  at  one 
time,  and  strengthened  the  laws  against  bribery  and  corruption. 
Celibacy  was  punished  by  incapacity  to  receive  bequests,  and 
the  childless  married  man  was  deprived  of  half  of  his  legacy.2 
Above  all,  Augustus  encouraged  every  one  by  his  own  example, 
while  the  literary  men  under  his  patronage  attempted  to  lead 
men's  minds  back  to  the  good  old  times,  and  to  restore  the 
antique  virtues  by  which  Rome  had  won  her  greatness. 

2.  The  Military  Roads. — In  the  provinces  this  system 
of  administration  was  felt.  The  sense  of  unity  and  common 
dependence  was  fostered.  The  provincials  no  longer  feared  the 
exactions  of  the  proconsuls,  for  the  governors  were  directly 
responsible  to  the  emperor.  The  laws  were  administered  with 
justice  and  impartiality,  and  intercourse  and  intercommunica- 
tion were  encouraged.  This  was  a  great  gain,  for  in  almost 
c\  cry  country  throughout  the  Roman  world,  towards  the  end  of 
the  republic,  misgovernmcnt  and  anarchy  had  brought  untold 
miseries  upon  the  people.  A  new  order  of  things  was  to  begin, 
and  the  provincials  welcomed  any  change  that  would  bring 
peace  and  security.  Geographical  and  statistical  information 
was  collected,  public  roads,3  and  particularly  those  great  high- 
ways4 which  had  hitherto  been  confined  to  Italy,  were  extended 
to  the  whole  empire.  From  the  golden  milestone 5  in  the  forum 
as  a  centre,  these  roads  radiated  in  every  direction  over  the 
vast  empire.  Throughout  their  course  mile-stones  were  erected, 
and  they  were  kept  in  repair  by  tolls.  To  promote  easy  and 
quick  communication,  first  messengers  and  then  post-wagons, 
changing  from  station  to  station,  carried  the  news  and  ordi- 
nances to  every  corner  of  the  empire.6  Houses  were  erected 

1  That  of  thejlamen  Dialis  had  been  vacant  since  the  massacre  of  Merula  by  Marine 
and  Cinna. 

2  The  so-called  lex  Papia  Poppcea.  "  VUE  publlcce. 

*  Vice  mitttares  ;  they  were  called  highways  because  they  were  raised  above  the  leve! 
of  the  plain  and  banks  of  the  rivers. 

6  Avreum  rnitiarium  erected  in  B.  c.  20.  Some  few  remains  of  this  are  supposed  to 
have  been  found  at  one  end  of  the  arched  wall  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  the 
rostra,  near  the  arch  of  S.  Severn*  ;  at  the  other  end  are  remains  of  the  Umbilicus  urbit 
Jtom,(e,  or  ideal  centre  of  the  city  and  empire. 

•  Suet.  Ausr.  49:  the  people 'were  compelled  to  furnish  at  their  own  expense  post- 
wagons,  horses,  and  couriers.    This  became  in  time  an  intolerable  burden  (see  p.  402,  n.  2\ 


426  ITALY  AND  THE   PROVINCES.  [b.  C.  31- 

along  the  roads  at  a  distance  of  live  <>r  six  miles,  and  at  each  of 
the  houses  forty  horses  were  constantly  ready.  By  the  help  of 
these  relays,  it  was  easy  to  trau'l  a  hundred  miles  in  a  day.1 
This  vast  system  of  life  Agrippa  exhibited  in  his  painted  world,2 
as  it  was  called,  which  contained  a  list  of  countries,  rivers,  and 
places,  with  the  order  and  distance  of  each  from  Home.  The 
census  was  taken  in  the  provinces,  so  that  the  direct  t. 
the  poll  tax  and  the  land  tax,  as  well  as  the  indirect  taxes,  could 
be  justly  apportioned. 

3.  Commerce. — Rome  still  remained  the  emporium  of  the 
vast  commerce  from  the  populous  provinces.     Gaul  and  Spain, 
Sardinia  and  Sicily,  Africa  and  Egypt  were  all  wheat-growing 
countries,  and  all  contributed  their  produce  to  the  support  of 
Rome  and  Italy.    The  products  of  India — fabrics  of  cotton  and 
silk,  both  then  rare  and  costly,  pearls  and  diamonds,  gums  and 
spices — found  their  way  directly  from  the  mouths  of  the  Indus 
and  the  coast  of  Malabar  to  Berenice*  and  thence  to  Alexandria. 
Papyrus,   the  best   writing-material    (hen    known,   came   from 
Egypt;  woollens  from  Miletus  and  Laodieeia,  and  win-*  from 
Greece.     Each  community  retained  for  the  most  part  its  own 
commercial  laws  and  custom  duties,  and  the  direct  trallic  with 
Home  was  free  to  all.     The  awe-stricken  provincial  gazed  in 
wonder  on  the  imperial  city.     Along  her  great  highways  the 
armies  marched,  and  a  knowledge  of  her  laws  and  institutions 
was  carried  to  every   corner  of  the  earth.3     All   this  helped 
to  foster  the  sense  of  unity  and    common   dependence,    and 
paved  the  way  for  fusing  into  one  family  the  manifold  nations 
of  the  Italo-Hellenie  empire. 

4.  The   Imperial    City. — The   imperial  city  itself   grew 
more   magnificent    and    imposing.      The  great   highways   that 
pierced  the  Servian  walls  and  found  their  centre  in  the  forum, 
the  vast  aqueducts,  the  temples,  the  baths,  all  made  it  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Orientals  and  the  Greeks,  an  object  of  veneration4  and 

1  At  a  later  time  it  is  known  that  a  magistrate  traveled  from  Antioch  to  Constan- 
tinople in  5\  clays,  a  distance  of  725  Roman  miir-       i;:'>5  KnirlHi  mile-. 
»  OrUtptctut.  M  Hvale. 

*  Un-ler  the  reizn  of  Augustus  \\as  completed  the  Ba<il!ca  Julia,  th1  Pantheon,  the 
Septa  Julia  of  marble,  th  •  ih  ;r  r  •  <>f  Mure.'lhi-  1 1  'ill  sM'i.lin;;  on  t'le  via 
del  Theatro  di  Mareello)  erected  in  B.  c.  13  by  Marcellas,  aiid  the  Portico  of  Oc.avia. 

*  At  the  foot  of  the  S.  Arabicus;  see  maps  N- >?.  7  and  4. 


A.  D.  14.]  ITALY   AND  THE   PROVINCES.  427 

wonder.  Within  its  walls  the  three  great  civilizations — the 
Latin,  the  Greek,  and  the  Oriental — found  their  centre,  while 
from  it  emanated  influences  before  which,  as  Roman  culture 
gradually  -spread,  the  laws,  customs,  and  languages  of  the 
provinces  yielded  more  and  more. 


THE  PANTHEON  '—(ITS  PRESENT  CONDITION,  1879). 

5.  The  Aristocracy  Humbled. — We  have  already  spoken 
of  the  measures  of  Augustus  to  humble  the  aristocracy.  The 
former  powers  and  privileges  of  the  aristocracy  he  took  to  him- 
self, and  sought  to  open  to  them  new  avenues  of  honor  accord- 
ing to  the  promptness  of  submission.  The  senate,  as  formerly, 
formed  the  centre  round  which  the  new  aristocracy  revolved. 
Its  chief  task  was  to  devise  and  carry  into  execution  the  will  of 
the  emperor,  while  preserving  before  the  eyes  of  the  world  the 
appearance  of  independence.  Beside  the  senate,  Augustus  insti- 

1  This  was  one  of  the  many  edifices  erected  in  the  Campit*  Martin*  by  A^rippa  in 
B.  c.  27,  and  was  dedicated  to  Mars.  Venus,  Julius  Caesar,  and  all  the  deifies  of  the  Julian 
line,  and  hence  called  Pantheon.  If  is  now  the  church  of  ,9.  Maria  ail  .Wnriyrts.  The 
belfries  at  the  corners  are  modern  additions.  This  is  the  only  ancient  edifice  at  Rome 
which  is  still  in  a  srood  state  of  preservation.  The  original  statues  and  decorations 
ha- e  been  I'epl'ccd  by  modern  work-.  Five  steps  formerly  ascended  to  the  pavement, 
but  the  ground  has  now  been  raised  to  the  pavement.  Two  marble  reliefs  excavated  in 
front  of  tne  temple,  are  now  in  the  vestibule. 


428  ITALY    AND  THE   PROVINCES.  [fi.  C.  31- 

t  uted  in  B.  c.  27  a  privy  council,1  selected  from  the  number  of 
his  most  devoted  and  trusted  confidants,  which  prepared  and 
put  into  shape  important  affairs  of  state  or  legislative  measures. 

6.  The  Equestrian  Order. — As  a  connecting  link  between 
the   senatorial  class  and  the   mass  of  the  people,   stood  the 
equestrian  order,2  whose  chief  business  was.  as  former!  v,  that 
of  bankers  and  merchants.     To  this  class,  belonged  also  the 
sons3  of  senators,  until  they  were  admitted  to  the  senate,  as 
well  as  those  who,  like  Maecenas,  possessed  the  requisite  census, 
but  still  were  not  members  of  the  senate. 

7.  The    People.— Below   these   stood   the   mass   of    the 
people  that  only  demanded  ease  and  tranquillity,   bread  and 
public  shows.4    The  number  of  festivals  \\  as  largely  increased. 
Augustus   himself    instituted   extraordinary   festivities— eight 
gladiatorial  games  in  which  as  many  as  ten   thousand  gladia- 
tors appeared,  cm  tests  with  athletes  and  running  in  the  circus, 
animal  hunts,  and  feasts  at  the  dedication   of  the  temple  of 
.Mars  Ultor.     Poorer  citixens  were  provided  for  in  new  colonies. 
The  recipients  of    the  largesses  of  corn,  which,  under  C;esar, 
had  fallen  to   170,000,  were  raised  again   to  200. <><)(»,  and  in 
B.  c.  5,  to  320,000.     This  number  receiving   the   largesse-   of 
corn  which  was  bestowed   upon  all  males  down  to  the  small 
children,  shows,  if  we  count   the  women,  an  unemployed  and 
thriftless  population  of    600,000.5     This  vast  mass,  swayed  by 
every  gust  of  passion,  although  wholly  deprived  of   political 
power,  for  the  popular  as-em!>lies   had  lost  all   real  share  in 
legislation,  exercised  considerable  influence.     They  still  prided 
themselves   that,   they  represented  the   Roman  people,  and  the 
emperor  sought  to  conciliate  their  favor. 

8.  The  Condition  of  Italy. — The  rest  of  Italy  might  be 
considered  the   suburbs  of    Rome.     The   energy  and   native 
vigor  of  the  Italians  had,  for  the  most  part,  perished  in  their 

1  CtmcUliim  secretum  principis. 

2  Those  who  possessed  400,000  sesterces  and  were  born  from  free  parents. 
5  They  were  oi*tingai*hed  by  the  name  of  equites  Ulustres. 

•  J'ariem  et  Circenses. 

*  The  population  of  Rome  was  in  B.  c.  4.  according  to  FriedlSnder  (Sittengc.sch.  Roms, 
p.  54  ff)  and  Gibbon,  about  one  million  :  according  to  Lipsius.  at  about  the  same  time, 
four  million;  Zumpt  and  Marquardt  .-(tit  at  two  million* :  Merivale,  at  about  5fi2.000. 
The  onlv  means  of  determining  the  population  is    from  the  number  of  recipients  of 
corn.    Hock's  estimation  based  on  the  Mm.  Ancy.  has  been  disproved  by  the  discovery 
of  the  r.c-v  Greek  text. 


A.  D.  14.  ITALY  AffD  THE   PROVINCES.  429 

contest  with  Rome  for  independence.  Augustus  tried  to 
remedy  the  confusion  occasioned  by  the  confiscations,  and 
sought  to  restore  order  and  peace.  For  this  purpose  he  divided 
the  whole  of  Italy  into  eleven  regions,  and  magistrates  were 
appointed  who  made  life  and  property  secure.  In  order  to 
promote  the  participation  of  the  Italians  in  the  popular  assem- 
blies at  Rome,  it  was  arranged  that  the  decuriones*  of  each 
city  could  vote  at  home  and  send  the  result  to  Rome,  which 
is  as  near  an  approach  to  the  modern  representative  system 
as  any  nation  in  antiquity  ever  attained. 

9.  The  Army. — On  the  army  the  existence  of  the  whole 
fabric  of  the  Roman  state  mainly  depended,  for  it  guaranteed 
security  against  internal  as  well  as  external  foes.  At  the  close 
of  the  civil  war  Augustus  had  fifty  legions,  of  which  he  re- 
tained eighteen  in  his  service.  To  this  number  he  added,  in 

B.  c.  4,  eight  new  legions,  but  afterwards  lost  three  in  the 
defeat  of  Yarns,  which  he  replaced  by  two  new  ones,  thus  leav- 
ing at  his  death  twenty-five  legions.     Their  stations  for  the 
most  part  remained  fixed  and  permanent.     Eight  were  stationed 
along  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  three  in  Spain,  seven  in 
Dalmatia,  Pannonia  and  Mcesia,  four  on  the  eastern  frontier 
of  Asia,  two  in  Egypt,  and  one  in  Africa.2    Rome  and  Italy 
were  protected  by  the  praetorian  and  city  cohorts.     The  aggre- 
gate of  these  legions  formed  an  army  of  at  least  three  hundred 
thousand  men.3     The  soldiers  formed  a  separate  class,  and 
being  far  removed  as  they  were  for  the  most  part  from  the 
demoralizing  influences  of  the  capital,  they  preserved  much 
of   the  old  virtue,    pride   and  bravery  of  Ro-re     The  time 
of  service  was  fixed  in  B.  c.  5,  for  the  praetorians,  at  sixteen 
years,  and  for  the  others,  at  twenty.4     On  the  army  rested  the 
strength  -of  the  empire,  and  it  was  not  long  in  discovering 
the  secret.    Soon  the  praetorians,  and  later  the  'esrions  in  the 
provinces,  disposed  of  the  throne  at  their  will. 

1  The  mernbers  of  the  provincial  senate. 

*  For  the  stations  of  the  lesion-  in  A.  D.  23.  we  map.  p.  439;  alsoMarqnardl  I.e.,  p.  433. 

3  MerivaleV  (vol.  iii.,  p.  411  S.  i  e-tiniate  is  a  little  different ;  the  number  ir.  the  text 
isba-cd  on  the  estimate  of  Mommsen  (Mmi.  Anc.,  p.  47). 

4  Each  legionary  received  225  denarii ;   each  pnetorian,   720  denarii  or  daily  two 
denarii.    Domitian  increased  the  pay  of  the  legionaries. — Maryuardt,  1.  c..  p.  4(i.i. 


430  MILITARY  OPERATION-.  [B.  C.  27. 

10.  Fleets. — A  regular  navy  was  organized  to  keep  the 
seas  clear  of  pirates,  to  guard  grain  -hips,  and  convoy  the 
vessels  bringing  tribute  from  the  East  or  the  West.  It  \\us 
under  the  command  of  Agrippa,  and  was  stationed  at  Ravenna, 
Misenum  and  Forum  Julii  (Frejus)  in  Gaul. 


CHATTER  H.IX. 

THE  MILITARY   OPERATIONS — INVASION  OF  GERMANY — THE 
IMPERIAL  FAMILY. 

1.  Measures  in  Gaul. — Augustus  carried  on  numerous 
and  important  wars,  either  in  person  or  by  his  lieutenants,  but 
his  efforts  were  directed  to  secure  peace  and  tranquillity,  not  to 
extend  the  boundaries  of  the  empire.     In  B.  c.  27,  he  departed 
by  the  Flaminian  way,  through  northern  Italy  to  Lugdunum 
(Lyons),  where   he   remained  for  some  time  in  settling  the 
boundaries  of  the  four  provinces  into  which  Gaul  was  divided, 
and  in  devising  a  system  of  roads  centering  in  Lugduuum. 
Here,  as  in  Italy,  he  humbled  the  aristocracy.     The  re-public 
had  found  it  for  its  interest  to  elevate  the  aristocratic  party 
first  in  the  Italian  towns,  then  in  the  provinces.     In  this  more 
than  in  anything  else,  the  monarch  found  it  for  his  interest  to 
change  the  old  policy.    The  defence  of  the  frontier  along  the 
Rhine  was  carried  out  on  the  plan  in  which    (Ja>sar  had  con- 
ceived it.     These  encampments,  which  were  for  the  most  part 
lixcd  and  permanent,  were  the  foundations  for  the  flourishing 
cities  that  grew  up  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine. 

2.  Other  Conquests. — Augustus  then  employed  his  army 
against  the  rebellious  Iberians,  but.  being  taken  sick  he  left  the 
conquest  of  the  Cantabri  to  his  lieutenant.     Military  colonies1 
were  founded  for  the  protection  of  the  country,  and  the  Latin 
language  and  customs  were  introduced.    The  Salassi 2  were  chas- 

About    sixteen  colonies,  among  which   were    Cord>iba  (Cordova),   and   Cuesarea 

>ixtn  iSani'_'n-sn. 

They  hail  offered  resistance  when  Au^u.-iu.-  puued  through  their  country  to  Gaul. 


432  MILITARY  OPERATIONS.  [B.  (..'.'. 

tised,  the  colony  of  Augusta  Prcetoria  (Aosta)  was  founded,  and 
thus  the  great  highways  over  the  Little  and  Great  St.  Bernard 
were  rendered  secure.  An  expedition  was  undertaken  into  the 
spice  region  of  Arabia  Felix  under  ^Elius  Gallus  in  B.  c.  24, 
but  it  was  unsuccessful.  On  the  southern  borders  of  Egypt  some 
successes  were  gained  against  Candace,  the  Ethiopian  queen. 

3.  Visit  to  the  East. — In  B.  c.  22,  Augustus  made  a  pro- 
longed visit  to  the  East.     On  his  way,  colonies  were  planted 
in  Sicily,  special  privileges  were  conferred  on  Sparta  ;  Tyre 
and  Sidon  felt  the  powerful  arm  of  the  monarch.     The  great 
object  of  the  tour — to  secure  the  standards  taken  from  Crassus 
by  the  Parthians — was  accomplished. 

4.  Secular  Games. — When  Augustus  returned  to  Rome 
the  imperium  was  conferred  upon  him  for  another  five  years, 
and  as  the  empire  could  be  considered  as  securely  established, 
he  determined  to  celebrate  the  event  by  secular  games.    The 
Sibylline  books  were  examined  ;  and  the  forms  of  the  ceremony 
were  investigated  with  great  care.     Heralds  traversed  the  streets 
inviting  the  citizens  to  witness  a  spectacle  which  "  none  of  them 
had  ever  seen,  and  none  could  ever  see  again."    Sacrifices 
were  offered,  the  "  game  of  Troy  "  was  enacted,  presents  were 
distributed  to  the  people,  and  the  festival  ended  by  singing 
a  choral  ode  composed  by  Horace  for  the  occasion. 

5.  Campaigns  on  the  Rhine.— In  B.  c.  15  the  Rhaati  and 
the  Yindelici  were  subjugated  by  the  emperor's  stepsons,  the 
former  by  Drusus  Claudius  Xero,  who  entered  the  country  of 
the  Rhaeti  over  the  Tridentine  Alps  ;  the  latter  by  Tiberius,  who 
ascended  the  valley  of  the  Rhine  from  Gaul  as  far  as  Lake 
Constance.1     Severer  and  bloodier  contests  were  met  with  on 
the  Rhenish  and  the  Danubian  frontier.    The  Rhine  had  long 
been  regarded  as  the  permanent  boundary  of  the  empire  in  that 
quarter,  and  the  chain  of  fortified  posts  along  the  left  bank 
had  served  to  check  the  incursions  of  the  Germans.     The  em- 
peror's stepsons  were  desirous  of  extending  the  Roman  power 

1  The  road  over  the  Brenner  to  Augsburg  (Augusta  Vindelicorum)  was  constrticteu 
(extended  by  Claudius  to  the  Danube).  About  the  s-ame  time  king  Cottius  submitted, 
and  the  roads  over  Mont  Onis.  M.  Genevre.  and  M.  Viso  secured;  a  column  was  erected 
at  Se<rusio  (.S?/*a)  in  memory  of  this  victory,  which  is  still  preserved,  on  which  the  names 
of  fifteen  Alpine  subjects  of  Cottius  were  inscribed. 


B.  C.  12.]  MILITARY  OPERATIONS.  43l 

into  Germany.  Ca\sar  had  conquered  the  Gauls;  Drusus  wished 
to  conquer  the  Teutons.  lie  strengthened  the  line  of  fortifica- 
tions along  the  Rhine  from  Basle  l  to  the  Waal.  In  order  to 
open  communication  with  the  country  he  constructed  a  canal2 
from  the  lower  Rhine  to  the  Znyder  Zee,3  and  thence  to  the 
mouths  of  the  rivers  emptying  into  the  North  sea.  In  B.  c. 
12,  Drusus  conveyed  his  army  up  this  canal  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Ems,4  subdued  the  island  of  Burchana  (Borkum)  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  then  proceeded  up  the  river  to  the  Bruc- 
teri,  whom  he  defeated  in  battle.  The  next  year  he  entered  the 
country  of  the  Usipii  and  planted  an  outpost  on  the  Lippe. 
This  success  so  encouraged  Drusus  that  he  urged  another  expe- 
dition beyond  the  Rhine,  and  Augustus  unwillingly  yielded 
Drusus  crossed  the  Rhine  near  Mayence,  subdued  the  Chatti 
penetrated  into  the  country  of  the  Cherusci,  and  reached  the 
Elbe.  Great  dangers  beset  his  path.  Omens  were  invented  to 
excuse  his  hasty  return.  A  woman  of  more  than  mortal  stature 
warned  him  of  the  fate  that  was  impending  over  him.  Before 
the  army  gained  the  Rhine,  Drusus  fell  from  his  horse  and  died 
of  his  injuries.  Tiberius  was  summoned  to  the  Rhine  to  com- 
plete the  conquests  which  Drusus  had  begun.  The  tribes 
nearest  the  Rhine  seemed  exhausted  by  the  long  continued 
wars ;  even  the  Sigambri  sent  ambassadors  to  treat  for  peace. 
These  ambassadors  were  seized  by  Augustus  and  distributed 
among  the  cities  of  Gaul.  The  people,  deprived  of  their  leaders, 
submitted,  and  remained  peaceful  until  the  severity  of  the 
governor,  Q.  Varus,  aroused  their  patriotic  spirits. 

6.  The  Emperor's  Popularity. — Augustus  had  carried  on 
his  great  enterprises  thus  far  with  success  at  home  and  abroad. 
Security  of  life  and  property  was  guaranteed  throughout  the 
empire.  He  was  unwearied  in  his  efforts  for  his  people.  For 
this  prosperity  they  were  invited  from  time  to  time  to  thank 
the  gods.  The  poets  celebrated  the  feeling  of  gratitude  and 
love  between  the  people  and  the  emperor.  He  looked  upon 
the  people  as  his  children,  and  they  hailed  him  as  "father  of 

1  Augusta  Rauracorum.  *  Fossa  Drnsiana. 

3  Flevo  L.  "  Amisia  P. 


i:)J  Till-    IMPERIAL    FAMILY.  [n.  C.  l'». 

his  country."  When  Valerius  .Messala,  in  \;.(.-!,  giv-trd  him 
in  the  senate  as  "father  of  his  country,"  Augustus  replied  with 
tears  that  "  his  wishes  \\.MV  fulfilled  ;  that  hi.-  vows  \\viv  accom- 
plished, and  that  nothing  more  remained  for  him  to  ask  from 
the  immortal  gods  than  that  he  might  retain  to  his  dying  day 
the  unanimous  approval  of  all  orders."  The  people  and  the 
ei[iicstrian  order  took  up  the  voice  of  the  senate.:  still  there  weiv 
Mime  remains  of  that  old  republican  stoical  spirit.  Several  con- 
spiracies alarmed  the  emperor.  Ins. c.  30,  Lepidus,  the  son 
of  the  triumvir,  formed  a  plot  against  his  life.  It  was  detected 
by  Maecenas,  and  the  author  put  to  death.  In  B.C.  22,  and 
again  in  B.  c.  19  and  B.C.  2,  others  were  discovered  in  similar 
attempts,  hut  these  were  mere  isolated  evidences  of  dissatis- 
faction. The  people  in  general  called  down  blessings  on  Augus- 
tus, the  father  of  his  country. 

7.  The  Imperial  Family. — In  the  circle  of  his  own 
household  and  family,  Augustus1  was  not  exempt  from  bereave- 
ment and  sorrow.  In  B.  c.  12  and  B.C.  8,  he  lost  his  two  most 
trusted  friends,  Agrippa  and  Marenas.  Of  his  stepsons,  the 
nobler  and  more  beloved.  Drusus.  was  taken  from  him  in  B.C. 
9  ;  while  Tiberius,  indignant  at  the  dissolute  conduct  of  his 

1  Genealogical  list  of  Augustus  and  his  family  : 

GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 

JULIUS  CJEBAR  OCTAVIANUS  Au«t>Tf«  m. 
1.  CLAUDIA.  •,:.  SCUIBONIA.  3.  LIVIA  DRUSILLA. 

(j.p.  Siland  140..) 

JULIA  m. 

1.  M.  MAIN-KLLI-S.      2.  M.  V.  AUUIPPA.     8.  TiBKUirs  (emperor), 
(no  i^ne.)  in"  tana) 


1.  O.  CESAR  m.  LIVIA,     2.  L.  O£SAB.     3  JULIA  m.  4.  AGRIPPINA  m.  5.  A-.IMI-I-A  I'osrr- 
the    «i«ter   of    Ger-  L.  ^EMILIUS    GEKMAMCUS.        MIS  :       put      to 

niaiiicns,  died  A.  D.4.  PAULLDS.  death  in  A.  D.  14. 


1.  M.  .KMILIUS  LEPI-          2.  ^Kmi.iA  LEPIBA 

i.  l)ur>u.i.A,  m.  1.  A.  J.  SILA- 

d.  of  Gcnuauicus.  NUS  ;  2.  DRCSCS. 


1.  L.  SII.VM-.      -,;.  M.  SILANUS.     3.  JUNIA  CALVINA. 


1.   NERO  m.  JULIA,  d.  of  Drusus,       2.  I>i:r-i>  in.  EMILIA       3.  CALIGULA  (emperor). 

son  of  Tibrru-.  LEPIBA. 

4.  AGRIPPINA  m.  Cx.  DOMITIUS.        5.  DUUSILI.A  in.  1.  L.  UABnin  ;        0.  LIVIA  m.  I.  M. 

a.  M.  JiMiLius  LEPIDUS.  VK-IVH>  :  -j.  c;. 

VARUS. 
NERO  (emperor). 


A.  D.  G.]  TROUBLES  IN  THE  IMPERIAL  FAMILY.  435 

wife  Julia,  and  the  honors  bestowed  by  Agrippa  upon  her  sons, 
withdrew  to  Rhodes,  where  he  remained  seven  years  a  discon- 
tented exile.  At  length  the  dissolute  conduct  of  Julia  com- 
pelled Augustus — instigated  as  he  was  by  his  wife  Livia,  who 
hated  Julia  and  looked  upon  her  children  as  a  hindrance  to 
the  aggrandizement  of  her  own — to  banish  her  to  the  island  of 
Pandataria*  on  the  coast  of  Campania.  There  still  remained 
to  Augustus  his  five  grandchildren,  sons  of  Julia  and  Agrippa, 
on  the  two  oldest  of  whom,  Gajus  and  Lucius  Caesar,  rested  the 
foundation  of  his  joy  and  hope  and  plans  for  the  future. 

8.  Troubles  in  the  Imperial  Family.1 — The  position  of 
the  empeior  was  becoming  lonely  and  precarious.     The  world 
was  at  peace.     The  impulses  that  had  moved  Rome  were  sup- 
pressed.    The  emperor  appeared  no  more  in  the  popular  as- 
semblies, and  in  the  senate  and  public  festivals  but  seldom. 
The  vast  expenses  of  his  government  compelled  him  to  im- 
pose a  tax  upon  the  Romans,2  which,  to  the  end  of  his  reign, 
remained  a  cause  of  complaint  and  dissatisfaction.     About  the 
same  time  a  pestilence  swept  over  Italy.    It  was  evident  that 
the  tide  of  popular  favor  was  ebbing.     Finally  the  premature 
death  of  his  two  grandsons,  G.  and  L.  Caesar,  compelled  him 
to  adopt  Tiberius.     Rumors  spread  that  Livia  and  her  son 
Tiberius  had  removed   the   two  Caesars.     All  happiness  fled 
from  the  breast  of   the  emperor.     He  adopted  Tiberius  and 
Agrippa  Postumus,  while  Tiberius  was  compelled  to  adopt  the 
young  Germanicus.3    The  tribunitian  power  was  conferred  upon 
Tiberius  for  life  in  B.  c.  9,  and  the  proconsular  power  in  B.  c.  13. 

9.  The    Empire    Shows   Signs   of    Weakness. — In 
A.  D.  6,  great  preparations  were  made  for  a  campaign  against 
Maroboduus,  the  king  of  the  Marcomanni,  a  powerful  people  in 
Germany  in  the  modern  Bohemia.     At  the  head  of  six  legions 
Tiberius    advanced     from    Carnuntum4  against    Maroboduus 
through  the  Hercynian  forest,  united  with  his  lieutenant,  who 
was  leading  an  equal  force  from  the  East,  and  was  within  a 
few  days  march  of  the  enemy,  when  an  insurrection  in  Pan- 

1  See  p.  434.  "  See  p.  425. 

3  Drusus  had  been  honored  with  the  title  of  Germanicus,  which  was  allowed  to  descend 
to  his  son  *  Near  Haimbui-g.  *  See  map  No.  6. 


43G  DKFEAT  OF  VARU8.  [.\.D.9. 

nonia  and  Dalinatia  warned  him  to  turn  back.  The  struggle 
in  these  countries  to  throw  off  the  Roman  yoke  lasted  for  three 
year*.  The  insurrection  produced  a  tremendous  impression  in 
Italy.  The  senate  was  summoned,  the  slaves  armed:  tin- enemy, 
it  was  said,  could  be  in  Rome  in  ten  days.  A  powerful  army 
was  raised,  and  the  Dalmatians  and  Pannonians  were  at  last 
compelled  to  submit.  It  was  evident  that  the  empire  began  to 
show  signs  of  weakness.  Augustus  himself  was  dispirited. 
The  populace  began  to  murmur  against  him.  The  bereave- 
ments in  his  own  household  cast  a  shadow  over  his  life. 

10.  Varus  Defeated  by  Arminius. — The  emperor's  la>t 
days  were  further  clouded  by  a  great  political  disaster.  P.  Quin- 
tilius  Varus  was  governor  in  Germany,  and  as  he  saw  no  signs 
of  resistance,  he  believed  that  he  could  rule  the  Germans  as  he 
had  formerly  ruled  the  effeminate  and  servile  Syrians.  Without 
troubling  himself  about  military  measures,  he  traveled  over  the 
country,  imposed  taxes,  and  pronounced  decisions  as  it' he  were 
a  prator  in  the  forum  at  Rome.  Among  the  bold  and  turbu- 
lent Germans  the  spirit  of  freedom  and  independence  only  slum- 
bered ;  it  was  not  broken.  The  national  hero  Arminius1  raised 
the  standard  of  revolt.  Under  this  prince  a  confederacy  of  all 
the  tribes  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Weser2  was  formed,  to 
throw  off  the  yoke  of  Rome.  The  governor  collected  three 
ieurions,and  advanced  in  A.  D.  9,  to  quell  the  revolt.  The  Ger- 
mans retired  ;  but  the  Romans  pushed  on  until  they  had 
advanced  into  the  Teutoburger  forest  Then  Arminius  turned 
and  defeated  them  with  tremendous  slaughter.3  The  denies  of 
the  woods  were  covered  far  and  wide  with  the  corpse-  of  the 
army,  for  nearly  forty  thousand  soldiers  perished.  The  eagles 
were  lost,  and  Varus  perished  by  his  own  hand.4  The  news  of 

1  Hermann.  *  Visuriris. 

•Opinions  differ  in  regard  to  the  place  when-  the  battle  took  place.  It  is  generally 
supposed  to  have  been  in  that  part  of  O«niiii:  near  the  source  of  the  Ems  and  Lippe 
(almost  directly  <outh  of  Bielefeld):  it  is  here  that  the  mammoth  statue  of  Hermann 
«:is  .-reeled  in'lSTT.  IIuKenbeck  (Forsch.  •/..  d.  Gesch..  vol.  vi.,  p. -113  IT.)  thinks  the 
battle  took  place  between  Unna  and  Werl.  !  ;  Krande-  i  Xene  Yahrb.  1877)  has 

nii-ed  serious  doubts  in  retrard  to  the  date  of  the  battle  :  it  -eems  probable  that  it  was 
foiiirlit  A.  r>.  10.  and  that  Tiberius'*  triumph  took  place  A.  D.  11. 

'  The  Teutonic  tribe*,  prrs-ed  by  the  Koin:in<  on  the  Elbe  and  by  the  Sclavonic 
nations  on  the  Oder  and  Vistula,  would  huve  been  either  gradually  overpowered  and 
loot,  or,  at  auy  rale,  would  never  have  been  able  to  spread  that  regenerating  influence 


A.  D.  14.]  DEATH  OF  AUGUSTUS.  437 

the  disaster  caused  the  utmost  alarm  in  Rome.  The  emperor 
liiin.H'lf  was  astounded.  In  his  despair  he  dashed  his  head 
against  the  wall  and  exclaimed,  "  Varus  !  Varus  !  give  me  back 
my  legions."  The  next  year  Tiberius  crossed  the  Ehiue,  but 
the  Germans  refused  battle  and  he  was  satisfied  with  strength- 
ening the  defences  on  the  frontier,  and  Avithdrew  from  the 
country.  The  Rhine  became  once  more  the  frontier  of  the 
empire.  Tiberius  returned  to  Rome  to  celebrate  his  triumph 
over  the  Pannonians. 

11.  Death  of  Augustus. — The  emperor's  health  had  long 
been  delicate  ;  it  was  plain  that  it  was  now  failing.     In  the 
summer  A.  D.  14,  Tiberius  was  to  advance  into  Illyricum  once 
more,  and  Augustus  accompanied  him  as  far  as  Beneventum. 
On  his  return  Augustus  was  taken  ill  at  Xola.     Here  he  died  on 
the  19th  of  August,  A.  D.  14,  thirty-five  days  before  the  comple- 
tion of  his  seventy-sixth  year.     It  is  said  that  as  he  was  dying 
he  asked  those  around  him  "  if  he  had  not  acted  well  his  part" 
There  was  much  truth  in  these  words,  for  he  had  in  truth 
been  an  actor  in  all  he  did. 

12.  The   Prosperity   of  the    Empire. — The  long  and 
peaceful  reign  of  Augustus  must  be  considered  a  fortunate  age 
for  the  Roman  people.     The  restoration  of  the  republic  would 
have  been  only  the  signal  for  new  commotions.     The  govern- 
ment of  Augustus,  if  not  the  best,  was  the  best  that  the  Roman 
people  were  fitted  for.    Security  in  person  and  property  had  been 
established,  and  the  arts  of  peace  had  flourished.     Augustus 
could  well  boast  that  he  "  found  Rome  of  brick  and  left  it  of 
marble."    Attention  was  given  to  agriculture,  and  a  warm  en- 
couragement to  literature,  so  that  his  age  was  the  most  brilliant 
in  Roman  annals.    Under  his  rule  commerce  rode  securely  on 
every  sea.     The  products  of  agriculture  increased  both  in  Italy 
and  in  the  provinces.    The  peace,  the  prosperity,  and  the  refine- 
over  the  best  portions  of  Europe  to  which  the  excellence  of  our  modem  institutions 
may,  in  great  measure,  be  referred.    If  this  bo  so,  the  victory  of  Arminhis  deserves  to 
be  reckoned  amomr  those  <Lnial  deliverances  which  have  affected  for  centuries  the 
happiness  of  mankind  :   and  \ve  may  resrard  the  destruction  of  Quintiliiis  Varus  and 
his  three  legions  on  the  banks  of  the  Lippe,  a.s  second  only,  in  benefits  derived  from  it, 
to  (lie  victories  of  Charles  Martel  at  Tour,  over  the  invading  ho.-ts  of  the  Moham- 
medans.— Kncyc.  Metr. 


438 


THE  MOM  MI-XH\[    ANCYRANUM.  [A.  D.  14. 


mentthat  prevailed,  made  his  reign,  if  wo  compare  it  \viih  that 
which  preceded  or  followed,  a  memorahi'.M'ra  in  Human  history. 
13.  The  Monumentum  Ancyranum. — His  funeral  v\as 
celebrated  with  great  pomp  and  solemnity.  IVsides  his  testa- 
ment1 he  left  three  other  documents:  one  a  summary  of  the 
important  events  during  his  reign,  which  were  to  be  engraved 
upon  a  brazen  tablet  and  placed  before  his  mausoleum.  The 


MAUSOLEUM  OF  AUGUSTUS  RESTORED.' 

greater  part  of  this  precious  document  engraved  upon  the  wall 
of  a  temple  in  Ancyra,*  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages,  has 
been  preserved.  In  the  second  document  were  directions  in 
regard  to  the  funeral  ceremonies.  The  third  contained  a  list  of 
the  military  forces,  of  the  incomes  and  expenses,  and  the 
resources  of  the  state.3 

1  Li  via  and  Tiberius  were  his  principal  heir-:  Li\ia  wa<  to  receive  the  name  of 
Aiii_'ii>t:»  :  1.500.IHIO  se-tert-es  were  to  be  distributed  amoni:  tin;  people.  Each  praetorian 
wa-  I"  have  KM  HI.  each  -oluier  of  the  city  cohort  50),  etc. 

1  This  \va.-  erected  in  the  Campus  Martius.  The  remains  arc  to  be  found  on  the  Via 
de'  I'ontefici.  No.  57.  In  the  Middle  A^'cs  it  was  used  as  a  fortress.  Only  :i  few  of  the 
tomb-chambers  are  preserved.  3  Index  rer»m  a  *t  yeftanim.  *  Sec  map  No.  7. 


440 


THE  REIGN  OF  TIBERIUS  CAESAR.        [A.  D.  14-37. 


CHAPTER    LX. 

THE  REIGNS  OF  TIBERIUS  C.ESAR  AND  OF  GAJUS  CALIGULA. 

1.  During  his  long  reign  Augustus  had  fully  attained  his 
purpose.  The  monarchy  was  established.1  He  left  no  childivu 
to  succeed  to  his  empire.  After  the  death 
of  his  grandsons  Gajus  and  Lucius  Caesar, 
whom  we  have  already  mentioned,  the 
only  hope  of  a  peaceful  succession  rested 
in  Tiberius.2  Augustus  therefore  asso- 
ciated him  with  himself  in  the  govern- 
ment, to  which,  after  repeating  the  same 
policy  that  had  l>een  so  successful  with  his 
predecessor  in  pretending  that  he  wished 
to  be  exempt  from  the  emperor's  duties, 
he  succeeded  at  the  age  of  fifty-six. 

2.  Constitutional  Changes.— The 
last  remnant  of  power,  the  election  of 
magistrates,  was  taken  from  the  people 
and  transferred  to  the  senate.  The 


1  The  character  of  the  old  republican  government  wa<  totally  changed.  No  traces 
were  to  be  rpand  of  the  spirit  of  ancient  institutions.  The  system  by  which  every 
em/en  shared  in  the  government  beinj;  thrown  aside,  all  men  regarded  the  orders  of  the 
prince  as  the  only  rule  of  conduct  and  obedience.  (Tacitus,  An.  i.,  4.) 

*  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 
LIVIA  DBUSILLA  m.  TIBERIUS  CLAUDIUS  NKEO. 

(See  p.  435.) 


NERO  CL  DRUSUS  senior, 

afterwards  DRUSUS  GERMANICUS  ; 

m.  ANTONIA,  minor. 


TIBERIUS  NERO  CAESAR 
(emperor  TIBERIUS)  ;  m.  1. 
AGRIPPA. 


GERMANICUS  LmA  m.  1.  C.ESAR; 
CAESAR  in.  2.  D.  CAESAR  junior. 
AORIPPINA. 


G.  Tt.  CL.  DR.  CESAR. 
(emperor  CLAUDIUS) 

111.  UROrLANILLA. 


DRUSUS  CAESAR  junior; 

died  A.  D.  23  leaving  a 

daughter  JULIA. 


DRUSUS  died  A.  D.  20, 


A.  I).  14-37.]        THE   REIGN   OF  TIBERIUS  (LESAR.  441 


emperor  nominated  candidates  from  whom  the  senate  elected 
the  praetors  and  consuls.  The  people  simply  announced J  the 
election.  The  emperor  assumed  the  appearance  of  great 
moderation.  He  rejected  all  adulation,  and  permitted  the 
senate  to  decide  with  freedom  the  measures  which  he  proposed. 
Every  word,  however,  was  treasured  up  for  future  recompense. 

3.  The   Revolt   of  the   Legion. — During  the  reign  of 
Augustus  there  had  been  great  dissatisfaction  among  the  sol- 
diers.   They  demanded  an  increase  of  pay  and  a  limit  to  their 
term  of  service.     When  Tiberius  assumed  the  throne,  this  dis- 
satisfaction broke  out  into  open  enmity.     To  the  legions  in 
Pannonia,    Tiberius    dispatched   his   son    Drusus,  who  gave 
assurances  that  their  grievances   should  be  redressed.      An 
opportune  eclipse  of  the  moon  restored  his  ascendency  over  the 
minds  of  the  superstitious   soldiers.     Germanicus  met  with 
equal  success  on  the  Rhine,  where  the  sedition  was  quelled. 

4.  The  Invasion  of  Germany. — Germanicus  transported 
his  legions  over  the  Rhine2  in  order  to  find  employment  for 
the  discontented  soldiers  and  to  avenge  the  slaughter  of  Varus. 
The  Cherusci  were  defeated,  and  the  bones  of  the  Roman  soldiers, 
which  had  been  bleaching  in  the  Teutoberger  forest  for  six 
years,  were  buried.     One  of  the  lost  eagles  was  recovered,  but 
an  ambuscade  prepared  by  Arminius,  demanded  all  the  skill  of 
Germanicus  to  extricate  his  army.     Again  all  the  resources  of 
Gaul,  Spain,  and  Italy  were  taxed  for  another  campaign.     The 
army  was  conveyed  through  the  Drusus  «anal  to  the  Zuyder 
Zee  and  so  to  the  Ems,  and  thence  to  the   Weser,  where  a 
great  battle  was  fought.    The  results,  however,  were  indecisive ; 
the  German  tribes  were  far  from  being  subdued,  when  Tibe- 
rius, jealous  of  the  fame  that  Germanicus  was  acquiring,  re- 
called him  on  the  pretext  that  events  required  his  services  in 
the  East.     Germanicus,  after  celebrating  his  triumph,3  in  which 
the  wife  of  Arminius  and  the  recovered  standards  of  Varus  de- 
lighted the  people,  departed  to  the  East.     Here  he  accomplished 
his  task  with  great  skill.     Commagene  and  Cappadocia  were 

1  Renuntiatio.  *  See  map,  p.  431.  •  In  A.  p.  J?. 


442  THE   REIGX   OF  TIBERIUS   C^SAR.         [A.  D.  14-37. 

reduced  to  the  form  of  provinces,1  and  after  a  tour  through 
Egypt,  he  returned  only  to  sicken  and  die,  poisoned,  as  it  was 
asserted,  by  Cn.  Piso,  his  adjutant.  His  death  caused  great 
grief  at  Rome.  Piso  was  brought  before  the  senate  for  trial, 
but  when  lie  was  called  up  for  his  defence  he  committed 
suicide. 

5.  The  Law  of  Majestas. — ^Meanwhile  Tiberius  grew  more 
gloomy  and   suspicious.     Everything  that   stood  in  the  way 
of  his  imperial  authority  was   crushed   with   a   cruel  hand. 
The  members  of  the  few  noble  houses  that  were  left  deemed 
themselves  quite  equal  to  the  emperor.     These,  then -fore,  were 
the  especial  objects  of  Tiberius'  jealousy.    He  sought  to  hum- 
ble and  depress  them.    Against  the  intrigues  of  the  discon- 
tented class  the  law  of  majcstas*\\v&  revived.     This  law  applied 
originally  only  to  acts  against  the  commonwealth,  but  Augus- 
tus had  extended  it  to  defamatory  writings.      The    law   \\as 
now  used  to  throw  a  protection  around  the  person  of  the  em- 
peror.   Xot  only  acts,  but  even  words  or  conduct  which  could 
be  considered  as  dangerous  to  his  safety  were  declared  to  be 
embraced  in  the  law.    A  host  of  informers 3  started  up.     En- 
couraged as  they  were  by  Tiberius,  every  place  swarmed  with 
them,  and  the  lives  of  the  higher  classes  were  rendered  insecure. 
Suspicion  spread  into  every  grade  of  society,  for  every  friend 
might  prove  a  traitor.     If  any  one  wished  to  pay  off  an  old 
debt  of  vengeance,  or  to  retrieve  his  fortune,  he  had  but  to 
choose  his  victim,  and  invent  a  crime  or  some  plausible  story, 
or  report  some  careless  word  or  threat  against  the  emperor. 
In  fact,  it  was  dangerous  to  speak  and  equally  dangerous  to 
keep  silent,  for  silence  even  might  be  construed  into  discontent. 

6.  The  Character  of  Sejanus. — Tiberius  called  none  of 
the  higher  classes  to  aid  him  in  the  government.     He  formed 
no  "privy  council"  like  Augustus,  but  resolved  to  administer 
the  whole  government  himself.     Tins  was  impossible,  and  he 

1  See  map,  p.  439. 

"  The  crime  of  majestas  (see  p.  258,  n.  6)  was  defined  by  Paturninus  in  B.C.  100,  In 
order  to  guard  the  champions  of  the  plebeians.  Sulla  restricted  it  to  acts  against  the 
state.  Under  Caesar  the  law  remained  the  same,  but  Augustus  extended  it  to  writings 
intended  to  bring  the  emperor  into  contempt. 

-  Del  : 


A.  D.  14-37.]          THE   REIGN   OF   TIBERIUS   (LffiSAR.  443 

therefore  looked  for  some  one  to  assist  him  who  was  too  mean 
in  origin  to  be  dangerous.  This  man  was  ./Elius  Sejanus, 
whom  he  placed  in  command  of  the  praetorian  guards.1  Sejanus 
conceived  the  bold  design  of  securing  the  succession  of  the 
throne  to  himself.  It  was  evident  that  the  government  would 
descend  in  the  family  of  the  Caesars.  He  therefore  determined 
to  destroy  the  heirs  to  the  throne,  and  leave  ic  open  to  Tiberius 
to  make  an  independent  appointment.  Drusus  was  soon  re- 
moved by  poison.  Sejanus  inspired  the  emperor  with  hatred 
of  Agrippina,  the  wife  of  Germanicus.  Finally  he  persuaded 
Tiberius  to  retire  to  the  island  of  Capreae  and  leave  the  affairs 
of  the  capital  in  his  hands.  Other  members  of  the  imperial 
family,  Agrippiua  and  her  two  sons  Drusus  and  Gajus,  were 
removed  or  imprisoned.  Sejanus,  the  Eomans  said,  ruled  at 
Rome,  while  Tiberius  was  lord  of  one  island.  Tiberius  became 
jealous  of  Sejanus,  who  had  already  determined  to  assassinate 
the  emperor,  but  Tiberius  was  too  crafty  for  him,  and  Sejanus 
was  betrayed,  seized,  and  executed  (A.  D.  31). 

7.  Death  of  Tiberius. — For  a  moment  the  citizens  hoped 
that  Tiberius  would  return  to  the  mild  policy  of  his  earlier 
years.     He  grew,  however,  more  morose  and  cruel.     In   fits 
of  gloomy  insanity,  he  gave  way  to  his  cruel  nature.     Many 
were  put  to  death,  while  others  in  despair  sought  relief  from 
the  general  degradation  and  terror  by  suicide.    Meanwhile  the 
excesses  and  the  unnatural  profligacies  to  which  Tiberius  had 
abandoned  himself,  had  impaired  his  constitution.    His  feeble 
health  promised  Eome  a  speedy  deliverance  from  the  tyrant's 
rule.     He  expired  in  the  seventy-eighth  year  of  his  age  and 
the  twenty-third  of  his  reign.3 

8.  Character  of  Tiberius. — The  character  of   Tiberius 
as  painted  by  Tacitus  was  hateful  and  contemptible.     There 
can,  however,  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  first  years  of  his  reign,  he 
governed  with  firmness  and  ability.      He  devoted  himself  to 

1  The  praetorians  were  collected  in  a  camp  inside  of  the  citv ;  the  camp  was  near 
where  the  railroad  station  now  is,  in  the  C'ampo  <l>  Marcao  or  ^filitare, 

'  His  property  \v  a<  left  to  Tiberius  Claudius  Drusus,  son  of  the  elder  Drusus,  to 
Ga.jns,  the  son  of  Gennanieus.  and  Tiberius  Qemettaa.  the  son  of  the  second  Drn-us. 
Ga.jus  was  a  favorite  with  the  legions,  aud  had  received  the  nickname  of  Caliinila.  frorp 
cu!i:-u.  i/diiiary  buskin. 


444  TIIE   REIGN   OF   CALIGULA.  [A.  I).  37-41. 

the  government  of  Italy,  maintained  order  in  the  capital,  and 
never,  to  the  very  last,  relaxed  his  care  of  the  provinces  and  the 
frontier.  In  the  trials1  for  high  treason,  Tiberius  at  lirst  often 
interposed  on  behalf  of  the  accused.  Instances  of  his  liber- 
ality2 are  mentioned.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  began 
his  reign  with  a  desire  to  administer  equal  justice.  Even  in 
his  later  years,  when  a  great  change  had  taken  plaoe,  the  stories 
of  his  cruelty  and  suspicion  related  by  Tacitus  and  Suetonius 
must  be  accepted  with  some  degree  of  allowance. 

9.  Caligula' (A.  D.  37-41).  —  Tiberius  associated  no  one 
with  himself  in  the  government.     He  designated  no  one  to  the 
throne  on  his  death.    The  senate,  however,  recognized  Gajus 
Ca3sar,  commonly  called  Caligula,   the  favorite  of  the  army, 
and  invested  him  with  all  the  powers  of  his  predecessor.     He 
commenced  his  reign  by  issuing  a  general  pardon  to  all  state 
prisoners.     He  paid  great  deference  to  the  senate.     He  \vas 
apparently  mild  and  generous,  and  the  people  formed  great. 
expectations  of  a  peaceful  and  happy  reign.     He  banished  the 
delators  from  Italy,  revised  the  roll  of  the  senate,  restored  the 
comitia  for  the  election  of  magistrates,  and  as  consul,  he  pro- 
posed many  just  and  liberal  measures.     He  threw  himself  into 
the  work  of  government  with  all  the  energy  of  his  impetuous 
nature.     The  labor  was  too  much  for  him.     His  brain   \va.s 
excitable.     When  he  slept,  his  dreams  were  wild  and  terrible. 
There  were  symptoms  of  madness  in   his  nature.     From  this 
time  he  rushed  into  the  wildest  dissipations  and  extravagancies. 

10.  Sports  of  the  Amphitheatre.— The  games  of  the 
amphitheatre  were  celebrated  with  great  magnificence.     Not 
only  senators  and  knights  were  forced  to  the  indignity  of  ex- 
hibiting themselves  in  the  arena,  but  the  emperor  himself  fought 
as  a  gladiator,  his  safety  being  insured  by  the  blunted  swords  of 
his  antagonists.     Augustus  had  limited  the  number  of  gladia- 
tors, but  now  these  restrictions  were  disregarded,  and  whole 
bands  were  slaughtered.     The  combats  of  wild  beasts  were  on 

1  Freytag  counts  up  only  147  trials  in  all.  and  as  pome  were  tried  twice,  only  134  per- 
sons' accused  of  hisrh  treason;  Sievers  (Tacitus  and  Tiberius,  p.  44).  enumerates  in  the 
tan  ~:x  years  only  48. 

•  Iii  t'ae  time  of  the  great  fire,  when  many  people  were  left  homeless  and  destitnte. 


A.  D.  37-41.]  THE   REIGN   OF  CALIGULA.  445 

the  same  magnificent  scale.  When  the  number  of  condemned 
criminals  was  not  enough  to  satisfy  the  emperor's  thirst  for 
blood,  then  the  spectators  were  exposed  to  the  lions. 

11.  Caligula's    Extravagance. — When    his   sister,  for 
whom,  he  entertained  a  vicious  passion,  died,  Caligula  had  a 
golden  statue  erected  to  her  in   the   senate-house   and  also 
one   in  the   temple   of  Venus,  and   the   senate   decreed    her 
divine   honors  under  the  name  of  Panthea.     He   completed 
the  temple  of  Augustus,  began  the  Claudian  aqueduct,  that 
of  the  Anio   Novus,1  and  constructed  a  bridge2  from    his 
residence  on  the  Palatine,  across  the  forum  to  the   capitol 
in  order  to  facilitate  his  intercourse  with  the  Capitoline  Jupiter, 
whose  image  on  earth  he  pretended  to  be.     His  vast  extrava- 
gance soon  wasted  the  treasures 3  which  Tiberius  had  accumu- 
lated, and  he  was  forced  to  resort  to  increased  taxation  and  to 
extortions.     The  law  of  majestas  was  revived.      Executions, 
exiles  and  confiscations  became  frequent.    When  these  resources 
were  exhausted  at  Rome,  he  led  an  army  into  Gaul,  put  to 
death  the  richest  citizens  there,  and  confiscated  their  property. 

12.  His  Impiety. — Caligula  had  been  imbued  in  his  youth 
with  the  ideas  of  the  oriental  potentates  by  Herod  Agrippa,  a 
Jewish  chief  who  had  been  brought  up  in  the  palace  with  him. 
Stories  were  reported  that  Caligula  had  said  that  he  was  going 
to  assume  the  diadem  like  an  oriental  prince.    He  pretended 
to  commune  with  Jove  himself,  and  finally  proclaimed  himself 
a  deity,  and  ordered  his  statue  to  be  erected  for  worship  in  the 
temple  of  Apollo  at  Miletus,  in  Asia  Minor,  and  in  the  temple 
of  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem.     He  appeared  in  the  costumes  of 
Hercules,  Bacchus,  Apollo,  Juno,  Diana  and  Venus  in  turn, 
pretended  to  imitate  the  thunder  and  lightning  of  Jove,  and 
finally  proclaimed  himself  supreme  over  all  the  gods. 

13.  His  Insane  Insolence. — On  one  occasion  this  tyrant 
is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  "Would  that  the  people  of  Rome 
had  but  one  neck  ! "    His  demeanor  grew  more  insolent  until 
finally  he  was  struck  down  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign  by 
one  of  the  praetorians  whom  he  had  insulted. 

1  TliN  \va-    -lised  on  nrohcs  100  fe.-t  hiirh  and  brought  water  from  a  distance  of  59 
Roman  miles.    Se;-  p.  -447. 

-  Remains  of  this  bridge  have  been  found  on  tlir'  Palatine,  just  below  the 
Victoria.  *  270,000  sesterces. 


446  THE   KEIUN    OF   CLAUDIUS.  [A.  D.  41-54. 


CHAPTER  H.XI. 

REIGNS  OF  CLAUDIUS  AND  OF  NEEO — CONTEST  FOR  THE 
EMPIRE — GALBA,  OTIIO  AND  VITELLIUS. 

1.  Claudius  (A.  D.  41-54). — After  the  death  of  Caligula 
great  confusion  prevailed  at  Rome..     It  was  evident  that  tin-re 
was  a  vital  defect  in  the  government.    No  provision  was  made 
for  a  regular  succession.     The  right  to  nominate  a  successor  the 
senate  might  have  assumed  for  itself  ;  but  while  the  senators  were 
discussing  the  feasibility  of  restoring  the  republic,  the  pra-to- 
riaus  acted.     They  found  Claudius  *  in  the  palace  hidden  behind 
a  curtain,  dragged   him  out  and   proclaimed  him  emj>eror. 
Hitherto  he  had  been  thought  to  be  imbecile,  and  had  been 
left  to  grow  up  in  obscurity  and  neglect.     His  fear  was  exces- 
sive, and  he  sought  to  propitiate  the  nobles  rather  than  to 
crush  them  as  Tiberius  and  Caligula  had  done.     He  set  him- 
self diligently  to  work,  recalled  the  exiles,  reversed  many  of 
the  arbitrary  measures  of  Caligula,  and  seemed  intent  on  secur- 
ing a  return  to  good  government. 

2.  Invasion  of  Germany  and  Britain. — There  was  re- 
newed activity  in  the  armies  on  the  frontier.     The  army  crossed 
the  Ehine  and  chastised  the  Chatti  and  Chauci.    The  most 
important  enterprise,  however,  was  an  expedition  to  Britain. 
For  years  but  little  interest  had  been  taken  in  this  country. 
The  rapid  progress  of  Roman  civilization  in  Northern  Gaul,  the 
growth  of  cities  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,2  and  the  spread  of 
commercial  relations  along  the  shores  of  Holland,  had  awak- 
ened a  spirit  of  friendly  intercourse  with   Britain.    Londin- 
ium  (London),  which  Tacitus  describes  as  "famed  for  the  vast 
concourse  of  traders,  and  her  abundant  commerce  and  plenty," 
had  become  a  centre  of  trade,  and  tiie  ves-i-1-  of  the  Thames 
found  their  way  to  the  Ehine.     Under  Claudius  the  southern 

1  He  was  the  yonnur^t  -on  of  the  elder  Drnsus  anil  Antonia. 

3  The  places  such  as  Augusta  Trevirorum(7Vwe»)  on  the  M<>«-11<'.  and  Colonia  C'ar.dia 
Augusta  Agrippineneii  (C'otoynei  named  iu  houor  of  hi*  wife  A^riupa. 


A.  D.  41-54.]  THE  REIGN   OF  CLAUDIUS. 


447 


part  of  Britain  to  the  Avon  and  Severn  was  conquered,  fortifica- 
tions were  erected  and  the  colony  of  Camulodunum  ( Colchester) 
founded.  From  this,  as  a  centre,  Roman  arts,  manners  and  trade 
found  their  way  into  the  yet  unconquered  regions  of  the  island.1 

3.  Eastern  Princes. — In  the  East  the  frontier  provinces 
were  placed  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  native  princes. 

Herod  Agrippa  was  con- 
firmed in  the  government 
of  Galilee  ;  Antiochus  was 
restored  to  the  throne  of 
Commagene,  and  Mithri- 
dates  received  the  kingdom 
of  Bosporus. 

4.  Work  at  Home.— 
At     home     Claudius     at- 
tempted    to     imitate    the 
policy  of  Augustus.  He  en- 
deavored to  raise  the  dig- 
nity of  the  senate,  filled  up 
its  vacancies,  and  admitted 
noble  provincials  after  the 
example  of  Caesar.      Many 
magnificent  works  were  un- 
dertaken.   The  "  emissary  " 
was  constructed  to  drain  the 
Fucine  lake  {logo  di  Celano), 
a  harbor  was  formed  at  the 
mouth   of   the   Tiber,  and 


Section  of  the  Claudian  Aqueduct  compared 
with  the  triple  aqueduct  of  Agrippa.3 


the  aqueduct  begun  by  Gajus  was  completed.    Claudius  revised 

1  On  his  return  he  enlarged  the  pomenum. 

5  Fig.  1.— Section  of  (a)  Aqua  Claudia  and  (b)  Anlo  Nona  at  the  Porta  Maggiore. 
Both  were  constructed  hy  the  emperor  Claudius,  A.  D.  52 ;  the  Claudia  45  miles  long 
bringing  water  from  the  neighborhood  of  Snbiacoon  the  Via  Snblacensis  :  (he  Aqua  Nova 
was  conducted  from  the  sources  of  that  river;  it  was  59  miles  long  and  come  of  the 
arches  109  feet  in  height  ;  (<*)  is  an  opening  to  srive  vent  to  the  air.  Fig.  2.  -  Section  of 
the  triple  aqueduct  of  Agrippa  :  (a)  the  A'/na  Harriet  built  by  Q.  Mareius  Rex,  B.  c.  144 
It  was  36  miles  long  and  was  high  enough  to  supply  water  to  the  Cipitoline  Mount.  Pliny 
pronounces  the  water  of  this  aqueduct  tin-  colde-t  :md  best  of  all  ;  (*)  the  Aqua  Tr)»ilrt 
built  by  the  censors  in  B.  c.  127,  and  afterwards  connected  with  the  (c)  Ayva  Julia 
erected  by  Agrippa  B.  c.  33. 


448  THE   REIGN   OF   NERO.  [A.  I).  .">  l-US. 


the  list  of  the  knights,  and  took  a  census  which  showed  a  result 
of  5,984,072  citizens  representing  a  population  of  about  twenty- 
four  millions. 

5.  The  Infamous  Messalina. — These  undertakings  were 
at  least  proofs  of  good  intentions.     Claudius,  however,  had  the 
misfortune  to  marry  for  his  third  wife  the  infamous  Messalina. 
Under  her  influence  his  reign  became  disgraceful.     She  did  not 
scruple  to  show  her  contempt  for  Claudius  by  forcing  Silius,  a 
young  and  handsome  Roman  noble,  to  public  marriage  with  her- 
self.    When  this  disgrace  came  to  the  ears  of  Claudius,  he  direct- 
ed her  to  be  executed,  and  married  his  niece  Agrippina.     "  From 
this  moment  the  government  assumed  a  different  character," 
says  Tacitus,  "  for  a  woman  had  control  of  everything." 

6.  The  Adoption  of  Nero. — The  great  aim  of  Agrippina 
was  to  advance  her  son  Domitiusand  secure  for  him  the  succes- 
sion.    For  this  purpose  she  courted  the  favor  of  the  army  and 
the  people,  recalled  Seneca  from  banishment  and  made  him  her 
son's  tutor.    Domitius  was  adopted  into  the  imperial  family  and 
received  the  name  of  Nero.     He  then  married  Octavia,  the  sister 
of  Britannicus.1    Nero  was  now  in  his  sixteenth  year,  and  the 
plans  of  Agrippina  were  ripe  for  execution.     Claudius  was  taken 
sick,  but  she  determined  to  hasten  his  end  by  poison.    The  crime 
of  poisoning  had  become  so  frequent,  that  professional  poisoners 
existed  in  abundance.    One  of  these,  Locusta,  well-known  from 
the  satire  of  Juvenal  and  the  irony  of  Tacitus,  prepared  the  fatal 
potion.     The  emperor  died  in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age. 

7.  Nero  (A.  D.  54-68). — During  the  first  five  years2  of  his 
reign,  Nero,  restrained  by  his  teacher  Seneca  and  Burrus  the  cap- 
tain of  the  praetorian  guards,  governed  with  mildness,  reduced 
the  taxes,  and  increased  the  authority  of  the  senate.     Within 
his  own  household  were  his  greatest  foes.     No  sooner  had  he 
ascended  the  throne  than  his  mother  determined  to  seize  the 
reins  of  government   herself.     She  declared  that  Britannicus 
was  after  all  the  true  heir,  and  that  he  had  arrived  at  manhood. 
This  excited  the  jealousy  of  Nero,  and  Britannicus  was  put  to 

1  Br'tannicus  was  the  <on  of  Claudius  by  Messalina. 
"  Quinquennium  S- 


A.  D.  54-68.]  THE    REIGN   OF  NERO.  449 

death.  Other  crimes  followed.  Agrippina  was  murdered  at 
the  instigation  of  Poppaea  Sabina,  the  most  beautiful  woman  of 

her  age,  under  whose  influence  Nero 
fell  so  completely  that  he  divorced 
his  wife  Octavia  and  lived  with  her 
as  his  mistress.  He  plunged  into 
the  wildest  vices,  murdered  Burrus, 
broke  away  from  Seneca,  and  with 
Tigellinus  as  the  minister  of  his 
pleasures,  he  indulged  in  the  most 
shameless  vices.  Poppaea's  husband 
was  sent  away  to  Lusitania  as  gov- 
ernor, wfyile  she  aspired  to  reign  as 
empress. 

8.  Proscription  of  the   No- 
bles.— Nero  grew  more  and   more 

reckless.  The  nobles  whose  wealth  tempted  him  or  whose 
influence  caused  him  anxiety,  were  cut  off  one  by  one.  All 
restraint  was  cast  aside,  as  well  as  all  respect  for  the  customs  of 
his  ancestor.  He  descended  into  the  arena  and  contended  for 
the  prize  with  singers  and  musicians,  and  engaged  in  contests 
in  the  circus.  He  met  Avith  great  applause  from  the  people, 
but  the  nobles  shuddered  at  the  degradation. 

9.  The  Great  Fire. — In  A.  D.  64  a  conflagration  broke 
out  near  the  Circus  Maximus.  The  flames  spread  over  the 
A  ven  tine  and  the  Palatine  hills,  and  through  the  valleys  at  their 
base,  until  a  greater  part  of  the  lower  city  resembled  a  sea  of  fire. 
Three  of  the  fourteen  regions  were  totally  destroyed  ;  seven 
were  injured  more  or  less,  while  only  four  escaped  uninjured. 
The  Capitoline  escaped,  as  also  did  the  forum.  Nero  was  un- 
wearied in  his  exertions  to  relieve  the  people  wrho  had  lost  their 
property.  Temporary  buildings  were  erected,  and  the  price  of 
corn  was  reduced.  In  spite  of  all  this,  the  rumor  spread  that  Nero 
himself  had  set  the  city  on  fire,  and  then  taken  his  station  on 
the  villa  of  Maecenas  and  chanted  "the  Sack  of  Troy,"  a  poem 
composed  by  himself.  He  sought  to  save  himself  from  reproach 
by  throwing  the  odium  on  the  Christians,  upon  whom  he  inflicted 


450  THE    KKItlN    OF    MiKo.  [A.  1).  54-08. 


fearful  cruelties.1  New  exactions  were  made  both  at  home  and  in 
the  provinces  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  city,  in  (,  recce  and  A-ia 
Minor  the  treasures  in  the  temples  vert  ><  ized.and  the  statues  of 
the gods  carried  to  Koine,.  The  city  "<  >e  with  marvellous  rapidity 
from  its  ruins.  On  a  port  of  the  aiea  was  constructed  the  new 
palace,  "the  golden  house  "  asit  was  called  from  its  splendid  deco- 
rations. It  occupied  a  part  of  the  Palatine,  and  extended  to  the 
foot  of  the  Esquiline  and  the  Ccelian,  and  included  in  its  vast  en- 
closure, gardens,  artificial  lakes,  bat hs  and  pleasure-grounds.  On 
the  spot  where  the  Flavian  amphitheatre  was  afterwards  erected 
was  one  of  the  artificial  lakes.  Before  the  house  stood  the  colossal 
statue  of  Nero,  which  was  one  hundred  and  seventeen  feet  high.2 

10.  Discontent  of  the  People  and  the  Army. — The  exac- 
tions for  these  expenses  caused  great  discontent,  and  at  length  a 
conspiracy  \\'as  formed  under  the  guidance  of  Calpurnius  Piso. 
It  was  so  unskillfully  laid  that  it  was  detected,  and  many  victims, 
among  whom  were  Lucan  and  Seiieea,  perished.     The  city.  sa\s 
Tacitus,  was  filled  with  funerals,  while  the  temples  reeked  with 
sacrifices.      Fear   made    the    tyrant    more   cruel.      Discontent 
reached  the  armies,  and  Xero  determined  to  sacrifice  his  pro- 
consuls.   Corbulo  in  the  east  was  a,,  especial  object  of  suspicion. 
In  A.  D.  66  Nero  undertook  a  j  ••;:  i  y  through  Greece  to  K".ypt. 
In  Greece  he  conic-  id?d  for  musical  prizes  at  the  national  festi- 
vals, and  sank  BO  de.-p  in  vices  that  all  classes  jrere  disgusted. 
The  armies  in  Spain,  Gaul,  Africa  and  Germany  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt  almost  at  the  same  time.     "This  revealed," 
says  Tacitus,  ••  the  secret  of  the  empire,  that  a  prince  could  be 
created  elsewhere  than  in  Home."     When  the  news  of  the  revolt 
reached  Nero  he  fainted  away.     "Never,"  cried  he,  "was  such 
ill-fortune  as  mine;  other  C;e~ar>  have  fallen  by  the  "sword, 
I  alone  must  lose  the  empire  while  alive/' 

11.  Death    of   Nero. — The    pra-torians   deserted   Nero, 
and  even  the  populace  assailed  him  with  clamors.     He  fled  by 

1  Tacitus  xv..  44.  Gibbon  fir-t  sn<_".re<te<t  that  it  was  on  ttio  Jews  and  not  on  the 
Christians  (the  distinction  between  them  not  being  understood)  that  Nero  wreaked  his 
i-eni_reance.  Mc-rivalc  accept-  this  in  the  main.  Plausible  as  the  view  K  it  seems  hardly 
justifiable  to  accept  it  airainst  the  eh-ar  and  definite  testimony  of  Tacitus. 

Tlii<  statue  wa-  removed  by  Hadrian  to  a  pediment  a  little  northeast  of  th"  Meta 
Sudans  near  the  Colosseum. 


A.  r>.  68.]         THE  REIGNS  OP  GALBA  AND  OTHO.  451 

night  from  the  city.  The  senate  met,  declared  him  a  pub- 
lic enemy,  and  doomed  him  to  death  "  after  the  manner  of  the 
ancients."  "  What  is  that  ?  "  asked  Nero.  On  being  told  that 
the  culprit  was  fixed  naked  with  his  neck  in  a  cleft  stick  and 
scourged  to  death,  he  called  his  slave  to  put  an  end  to  his  life,1 
while  he  muttered,  "What  a  loss  my  death  will  be  to  art." 

12.  G-alba  and  Otho  (A.  D.  68). — Galba  had  already  been 
proclaimed  emperor  by  his  troops,  and  the  senate  ratified  the 
choice.  Hitherto  the  Romans  had  never  looked  outside  of  the 
Julian  line  for  an  imperator ;  now  that  this  family  was  extinct, 
any  one  might  aim  for  the  highest  prize.  Scarcely  had  Galba 
arrived  in  Rome  when  the  legions  in  Upper  Germany  revolted. 
This  induced  him  to  associate  a  young  and  active  colleague 
with  himself  in  the  government.  The  choice  fell  on  L.  Piso, 
whose  frugal  habits  and  austere  virtues  increased  the  unpopu- 
larity of  Galba.  The  soldiers,  from  whom  the  usual  donations 
were  withheld,  received  their  new  commander  in  gloomy  silence. 
No  one  was  more  disappointed  when  Piso  was  associated  in  the 
government  than  Otho,  the  husband  of  Poppaea,  who  had 
entered  Rome  with  Galba  and  hoped  to  succeed  him.  "When  he 
found  his  scheme  interrupted,  he  ingratiated  himself  with  the 
soldiers,  who  were  in  ill-humor  on  account  of  the  parsimony  of 
Galba,  and  was  saluted  imperator.  When  Galba  appeared,  he 
was  deserted  by  the  praetorians  and  killed  in  the  forum  with  his 
colleague.  Otho,  who  was  accepted  by  the  senate,  adopted  suit- 
able measures  for  the  government  of  the  city.  The  nobles  were 
conciliated,  consuls  appointed,  and  exiles  restored.  The  legions 
in  Spain  and  Gaul,  however,  declared  Vitellius  emperor,  while 
the  legions  in  the  East  declared  for  Otho.  Civil  war  seemed 
imminent  between  the  East  and  the  West.  Two  divisions  of  the 
army  of  Vitellius  were  already  entering  Italy  under  Valens  and 
Caecina,  through  the  passes  of  Mt.  Gen^vre  and  the  great  St. 
Bernard.  Otho  encountered  their  forces  at  Bedriacum,  near 
the  confluence  of  the  Adda  and  the  Po,  but  being  defeated  he 
put  an  end  to  his  own  life,  and  Vitellius  became  emperor. 

1  Dnrin2  the  re  i  211  of  Nero  the  Briton*  CA.  r>.  6!)  under  Boadicaea  revolted,  and  Corbnlo 
carried  on  a  war  against  the  Parthian*  and  Armenians. 


452  THE  REIGtf  OP  VJTELLIUS.  [A.  I).  (>'.). 


13.  Vitellius  (A.  D.  G8-G9). — Vitellius  was  a  glutton  and  a 
tyrant,  cowardly  and  vacillating.1  He  neglected  every  duty 
and  left  the  management  of  affairs  to  the  victors  at  Bedriacum. 
The  contest  had  been  waged  thus  far  by  the  soldiers  in  the 
West.  There  were  nine  legions  in  the  East  under  the  coin- 
mand  of  discreet  and  able  leaders.  T.  Flavius  Vespasian  us  the 
commander  in  Palestine,  was  declared  imperator  by  his  soldiers 
Leaving  his  son  Titus  to  conduct  the  war  against  the  Jews. 
Vespasian  dispatched  his  generals,  Antonius  Primus  and  Mu- 
cianus,  across  the  Eastern  Alps  into  Italy.  The  second  battle 
of  Bedriacum  decided  the  contest.  The  victors  advanced  to 
Rome,  and  a  division  of  the  army  forced  its  way  through  the 
Colline  gate.  A  terrible  combat  followed  in  the  streets.  The 
populace  looked  on,  applauded  or  hooted  as  in  a  theatre,  helped 
drag  the  fugitives  forth  for  slaughter,  and  snatched  plunder 
from  the  (load  and  tho  dying.  During  the  melee  the  Capitoline 
temple  was  burnt.  The  adherents  of  Vitellius  took  refuge  in 
the  praetorian  camp  ;  but  this  was  soon  stormed  and  taken,  and 
Vitellius  was  put  to  death. 


CHAPTER,    LXIt 

THE   FLAVIAN    EMPERORS:    YESPASIAN,    TITUS,  DOMTTIAN, 
A.  D.  69-96. 

1.  The  Revolt  in  Germany  and  Gaul. — Vespasian  had 
scarcely  heard  of  the  honors  decreed  to  him  by  the  senate 
when  the  empire  was  threatened  with  the  loss  of  one  of  its 
best  provinces.  The  army  in  Gaul  and  on  the  Rhine  had  been 
very  much  weakened  during  the  late  civil  wars.  Claudius 
Civilis  seized  the  opportunity  to  excite  a  mutiny  among  the 
Gauls  who  served  in  the  legions.  The  revolt  spread  through 

1  Tacitus,  Hist,  iii.,  36,  describes  him  admirably. 


A.  D.  69-79.]  THE  EEIGN  OF  VESPASIAN.  453 


Gaul,  and  the  Druids  predicted  another  fall  of  Home  by 
Gallic  arms.  Mucianus  hastened  to  meet  the  danger.  The 
Gauls  who  had  not  yet  joined  the  insurrection,  held  a  congress 
in  the  territory  of  the  Rhemi — whose  capital  Rheims  after- 
wards became  the  sacred  seat  of  the  French  monarchy — and 
decided  on  submission.  Some  other  tribes  took  occasion  to 
desert  to  the  Romans.  Civilis  had  already  been  compelled  to 
retreat  to  the  island  of  Batavi,  where  he  defended  himself 
with  great  skill  and  desperate  courage ;  but  the  obstinacy  of 
the  Romans  conquered.  Civilis  saved  his  life  by  swimming 
across  the  Rhine.1  "When  Vespasian  arrived  in  Rome  he  began 
at  once  to  restore  discipline  to  the  army,  to  improve  the 
administration  of  justice,  and  to  purify  the  senate.  Economy 
and  order  were  introduced,  the  finances  restored,  and  luxury 
and  extravagance  restrained. 

2.  The  Colosseum  and  other  Structures. — Vespasian 
expended  large  sums  in  public  works,  rebuilt  the  capitol,  erected 
a  temple  of  peace  and  a  new  forum,  and,  more  than  all,  com- 
menced the  most  stupendous  work  of  antiquity,  the  Flavian 
amphitheatre,  or  colosseum?  as  it  was  afterwards  called,  either 
from  its  size  or  from  the  colossal  statue  of  Nero  which  stood 
near  by  it.    He  patronized  learned  men.    Under  his  reign  Quin- 
tilian,  the  rhetorician,  enjoyed  the  salary  which  Vespasian  al- 
lowed to  public  teachers.     The  only  exception  to  his  clemency 
was  the  banishment  of  the  Stoic  and  the  Cynic  philosophers. 

3.  Military   Exploits. — When  Vespasian  was  declared 
imperatur,  he  left  his  son  to  conduct  the  Avar  against  the  Jews. 
In  A.  D.  70  Jerusalem  was  taken,  the  city  demolished,  and  the 
Jews  from  this  time  were  scattered  over  the  empire.    Among 
the  prisoners  taken  to  Rome  was  Josephus,  the  historian  of  the 
war.     The  arch  of  Titns,  which  still  stands  at  Rome,  displays 
the  representation  of  the  Jewish  sacred  vessels  that  were  car- 


1  Merivale  fays  that  Ci \ilis  at  thf«  time  crave  up  the  island,  and  fled  across  the  Rhine. 
Tacitus  (v.,  19) 'states  distinctly  that  he  retired  to  the  island  (J»  intvlam  conce#*U\ 
and  after  its  capture  (v.  23)  fled  acro<s  the  Rhine.  (Dederich  G.  d.  ROm.  u.  d  Deutsch,  p. 
12-*  and  Meyer  Der  Freiheits  krieg  d.  Betaven  unter  Civilis,  p.  88.) 

'  It  was  intended  for  hunts  of  wild  animals  (rtenattong*)  and  sea-ficrhts  <na>imachl(X\ 
It  seated  87.000  persons.  It  was  erected  within  the  site  of  Nero's  golden  house. 


454  THE   REIGN  OF   VKSPVSIAX.  [A.  I).  09-79. 

ried  off  by  Titus.  In  Britain,  Agricola  extended  the  limits  of 
the  empire  to  the  north,  and  compelled  the  wild  tribes  iii  Cale- 
donia to  submit. 


THE  FLAVIAN  AMPHITHEATRE  IN  rra  PRESENT  CONDITION.     (Meta  sudans.') 

4.  Character  of  Vespasian. — Vespasian's  government 
was  a  model  of  moderation  and  economy.     He  was  the  restorer 
of  the  state.     He  shared  the  imperial  duties  with  his  son,  who 
was  acknowledged  emperor  without  difficulty  on  the  death  of 
his  father. 

5.  Titus  Declared  Emperor  (A.  P.  7 9-81). —Titus,  when 
he  ascended  the  throne,  laid  aside  the  failings  of  his  youth  and 
ruled  with  so  much  firmness  and  justice,  that  he  was  called 
"the  delight  of  mankind."     The  law  of  majextas  was  allowed 
to  slumber,  and  the  infamous  trade  of  the  delator*  was  sus- 

1  The  mfr.i  xi/<lctnf>  was  a  magnificent  fountain  erected  by  Domitian.    Th<>  gladiators 
are  supposed  to  have  washed  here  after  their  contests  in  the  amphitheatre. 


A.  D.  79-81.] 


THE  KEIGN  OF  TITUS. 


455 


pended.    His  government  was  so  just  and  equitable  that  no 
one  was  punished  for  political  offences. 

6.  Eruption  of  Mount  Vesuvius. — During  the  first 
year  of  his  reign,  the  eruption  of  Mount  Vesuvius  took  place. 
The  towns  of  Herculaneum,*  Pompeji,  and  Stabiae  were  over- 


Tn?:  ARCH  op  TITUS.    (Ix  ITS  PRESENT  CONDITION,  1879.) 

whelmed.  The  elder  Pliny 1  lost  his  life  in  investigating  the 
cause  of  the  eruption.  Pompeji  was  covered  with  ashes  and 
sand,  so  that  everything  remained  in  a  remarkable  state  of 
preservation.  The  city  has  been  excavated,  and  the  vast  num- 
ber of  remains  enables  us  to  form  a  tolerably  correct  conception 
of  the  civilization  and  domestic  life  of  the  Romans  in  the 
Italian  cities  in  the  time  of  the  empire. 

7.  Death  of  Titus. — During  his  reign  a  great  fire  swept 
through  the  city.  The  Colosseum,2  which  had  been  begun  by 
his  predecessor,  was  dedicated  with  magnificent  games  that 

1  The  ynunirev  Pliny  gives  an  account  of  the  eruption  in  t\vo  letters  (Ep.  vi.,  16  20)  ta 
his  friend  Tacitus. 

a  This  name  appears  fir.-t  in  Bede  In  the  7th  century.  *  See  map,  p.  98. 


456  THE  REIGN  OF   DOMITIAN.  [A.  D.  81-96. 

lasted  one  hundred  days.1  Titus  associated  no  one  with  him 
in  the  government,  though  he  often  spoke  of  his  brother  as 
his  destined  succes.-or. 

8.  Domitian  (A.  D.  81-96). — Domitian,  the  last  of  the 
Flavian  dynasty,  was  a  cruel  tyrant.  He  took  delight  in  nothing 
but  contests  of  wild  hearts  and  in  gladiatorial  g?mes.  During 
his  reign  began  the  series  of  contests  with  the  barbarian  tribes 
on  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube  frontiers,  which  soon  shook 
the  power  and  threatened  the  very  existence  of  the  empire. 
The  Dacians  crossed  the  Danube  and  ravaged  the  province  of 
Mcesia.  Domitian's  general,  Julianus.  prosecuted  the  war  with 
success,  yet  Domitian  concluded  a  peace,  by  which  he  promised 
to- pay  the  Dacian  king  Detvbalus,  tribute.  In  Pannonia  also 
the  enemy  was  successful.  Agricola,  who  had  carried  on  a 
successful  campaign  in  Britain  and  was  in  a  fair  way  to  subdue 
the  whole  island,  was  recalled  bccau.-e  Domitian  was  jealous  of 
his  fame  (A.P.  84).  In  order  to  provide  shows  and  games  for 
the  people,  Domitian  plundered  the  nobles.  He  exacted  large 


1  The  following  admirable  description  of  the  nmphitheatro  and  its*  sports  is  from 
Gibbon:  "The  banting,  or  exhibition  of  \vikl  b<  ;i>t>.  ua-  conducted  with  a  magnificence 
suitable  to  a  people  u  i.o  styled  tlu-m-elves  tin-  masters  of  the  world  ;  nor  was  the  edifice 
appropriated-  aintnenl  lew  expressive  of  Bnmangn  ;  rity  admires, 

ai'd  will  long  adimrr.  the  awful  remains  of  the  am;  I   Titus,  which  so  well  de- 

served tlie  epithet  of  colo.--jil.  li  was  a  building  of  an  elliptic  figure,  five  hundred  and 
sixty-four  feet  in  leiiL'th,  and  four  hundred  and  sixty—even  in  breadth,  founded  on  four- 
scon-  arches,  and  rising,  with  four  successive  orders  of  architecture,  to  the  height  of  one 
hundred  and  fortv  feet.  The  out-ide  of  the  edifice  was  encrusted  with  marble,  and 
decorated  with  statnee.  The  slopes  of  the  vast  concave  which  formed  the  inside  were 
filled  and  surround' -d  with  sixty  or  eiirhty  rows  of  .-eats  uf  marble,  likewise  covered 
with  cushions,  and  capable  of  r-ceivin^  with  ease  above  fourscore  thousand  spectators. 
Sixt \-foiir  vomitories  (fur  by  that  name  tlie  doors  were  very  aptly  distinguished  I  poured 
forth  the  immense  multitude:  and  the  entrance  .  ind  staircases,  were  con- 

trived with  such  e\i|iiisite  skill,  that  each,  person,  whether  of  the  senatorial,  the  eques- 
trian, or  the  plebeian  order,  arrived  at  his  destined  place  without  trouble  or  confusion. 
Nothing WU  omitted  which  in  any  respect  could  be  subservient  to  the  convenience  or 
pleasure  of  the  -nectators.  They  were  protected  from  the  sun  and  rain  by  an  ample 
canopy  occasionally  drawn  over  "their  heads.  The  air  was  continually  refreshed  by  the 
playing  of  fountains,  and  profusely  Impregnated  by  the  grateful  scent  of  aromatic*.  In 
the  centre  of  tlie  edifiC"  tlie  arena,  or  statre,  was  -tn-wed  with  the  finest  sand,  and  sue 
cessjv.  ly  a-.-nme  1  the  most  different  forms.  At  one  moment  it  seemed  to  rise  out  of 
the  earth,  like  the  garden  of  the  H'--perides,  and  wa-  aft'-rwards  broken  into  the  rocks 
and  caverns  of  Thrace.  The  subterraneous  pipe-  conveyed  an  inexhaustible  supply  of 
water;  and  what  had  just  \^-fi>ve  appeared  :i  level  plain  ini^ht  be  suddenly  converted 
into  a  wide  lake,  covered  with  armed  vessels  and  replenished  with  the  monsters  of  the 
deep.  In  the  decorations  of  the  th«  Koman  empi-rors  displayed  their  wealth 

and  liberality;  and  we  read  on  various  ocea-ions.  that  the  whole  furniture  of  the 
amphitheatre"  consisted  either  of  silver,  or  of  <jold.  or  of  amber.  The  poet  who  de- 
scribes the  <jame-  of  Carinus.  in  the  character  of  a  shepherd  attracted  to  the  capital  by 
the  fame  of  their  ma'/niflcence.  affirms  that  the  net-  de-i^ned  as  a  defence  against  the 
wild  beasts  were  of  gold  wire  :  that  the  porticoes  were  gilded,  and  that  the  heir  or  circle 
which  divided  the  several  ranks  of  the  spectators  from  eacli  other,  was  studded  with  a 
precious  mosaic  of  beautiful  stones."  *  See  map  No.  7. 


A.  D.  81-06.]  THE  REIGN"  OP  DOMIT1AK.  457 

gifts  from  the  provinces.1  A  triumphal  arch  and  a  colossal 
equestrian  statue  were  erected  in  the  forum,  in  front  of  the 
temple  of  Vespasian.8  Domitian  had  himself  styled  a  god, 
and  was  worshipped  with  divine  honors.  Discontent  prevailed 
throughout  the  empire.  On  the  Rhenish  frontier  an  insurrec- 
tion broke  out.  It  was  unsuccessful ;  but  from  this  time  date 
the  cruelties  which  make  the  name  of  Domitian  especially  in- 
famous. A  jealousy  of  all  excellences  seemed  to  possess  him. 
The  philosophers,  among  whom  was  the  wise  Epictetus,  were 
banished.  The  Christians  and  the  Jews  were  murdered  in 
great  numbers,  and  all  classes  were  teased  and  irritated.  The 
grim  humor  with  which  he  delighted  to  accompany  his  cruel- 
ties, aggravated  them.  At  length  his  own  household  rose 
against  him.  He  was  assassinated,  and  the  throne  was  given 
to  Nerva  by  the  senate. 

9.  The  Last  of  the  "  Twelve  Caesars." — Domitian 8  was 
the  last  of  the  "  twelve  Crcsars."  The  succeeding  emperors 
assumed  the  title,  but  from  the  fact  that  Suetonius  composed 
the  biography  of  the  first  twelve,  the  name  has  become  their 
peculiar  heritage.  The  chief  authorities  for  the  history  of  the 
twelve  CaBsars  are  Tacitus  and  Suetonius.  Much  interesting 
information  concerning  this  period  is  also  gathered  from  the 
satires  of  Juvenal.  We  must  not,  however,  attach  too  much 
importance  to  the  denunciations  of  these  writers  against  former 
tyrants.  Tyrannicide  had  long  been  a  favorite  subject  with  poets 
and  rhetoricians,  and  these  tirades  were  nothing  new.  Be- 
sides, the  policy  of  Trajan,  under  whose  reign  both  Tacitus  and 
Juvenal  wrote,  encouraged  abuse  of  his  predecessors.  If  liberty 
was  to  be  restored,  it  was  necessary  to  show  that  it  had  been 
overthrown.  Tacitus  wrote  as  a  Roman  of  the  old  school,  and 
every  page  shows  that  lie  was  a  partisan.  Everywhere  through- 
out the  provinces,4  the  government  was  wise  and  ably  adminis- 
tered. The  city  of  Rome  alone  felt  the  weight  of  tyranny. 

1  Auriim  coronarium. 

9  The  columns  of  this  temple  (it  was  erected  by  Domitian)  are  still  standing  ;  it  was 
restored  by  Sevenis. 

3  Durinsr  his  reign  the  pay  of  the  army  was  increased  from  225  to  300  denarii,  paid  in 
four  instead  of  three  yearly  installments. 

1  Strabo.  Philo.  and  Josephnfl  speak  in  praise  of  the  government.  Valerius  Maximus 
and  Paterculus  praise  Tiberius. 


458 


REIGN  OF  NERVA. 


[A.  D.  96-98. 


LXIII. 


THE    REIGNS  OF    NERVA,   OF  TRAJAN,   OF    HADRIAN, 
A.  D.  96-138  —  PROSPERITY  OF  THE  EMPIKI  . 

1.  Nerva  (A.  D.  96-98).  —  Nerva  was  remarkable  for  his 
virtues  and  clemency.    He  put  a  stop  to  trials  for  treason, 
diminished  taxes,  recalled  the  exiles,  distributed  land  among 
the  poor,  and  relieved  the  people  of  Italy  from  the  duty  of 
furnishing  free   post-wagons   and  couriers.1     In  order  to  re- 
strain the  insolence  of  the  praetorians  who  had  not  been  con- 
sulted in  his  election,   he  adopted  M.  Ulpius  Trajanus,  the 
brave   commander  on   the   Rhine  frontier.     The  senate  con- 
firmed the  adoption.    After  a  reign  of  only  sixteen  mouths 
Nerva  died. 

2.  Trajan  (A.  D.  98-117).  —  Trajan  was  born  at  Itf.lica  in 

Spain.  He  was  the  first  emperor 
who  was  not  a  native  of  Italy.  Tra- 
jan was  at  Cologne  when  he  received 
the  reins  of  government.  One  of 
his  first  acts  was  to  assure  the  senate 
that  no  one  of  its  members  should 
suffer  death  during  his  reign.  The 
tranquillity  of  Rome  allowed  him  ro 
remain  a  year  on  the  frontier,  per- 
fecting its  defences.  He  built  a 
bridge  across  the  Rhine  at  Mayence,3 
founded  colonies  beyond  the  right 
bank,  and  marked  off  the  tributary 
district,  the  agri  decumates,  by  a 
mound  and  a  ditch  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Danube.  On  his 


1  See  p.  425,  note  6  ;  this  we  Irani  from  an  inscription  on  a  coin,  rehiculattone  Italian 
reinis<e.  *  Mogontiacnm  ;  see  map,  p.  431. 


A.  D.  98-117.]  REIGN   OF  TRAJAN".  459 

return  to  Rome,  his  equable  measures  won  for  him  great  popu- 
larity. The  Romans  regarded  him  as  the  best  of  all  their 
emperors.  He  was  brave  and  magnanimous.  He  knew  how 
to  be  lenient  as  well  as  strict,  and  to  combine  business  with 
sociability.  The  Romans  gave  him  the  name  of  Optimus  (the 
best},  and  in  later  times  the  senate  regarded  it  as  the  highest 
compliment  to  a  new  emperor  to  declare  that  he  "  was  more 
fortunate  than  Augustus  and  better  than  Trajan." 

3.  War  with  the  Dacians  (A.  D.  101). — When  the  Dacians 
demanded  the   tribute  promised  them  by  Domitian,  Trajan 
crossed  the  Danube  and  defeated  them  in  a  terrible  battle,  and 
their  chieftain  Decebalus  fell  by  his  own  sword  amid  the  ruins 
of  his  capital.1     On  his  return  to  Rome  in  A.  D.  106  Trajan 
received  the  name  of  Dacicus,  and  celebrated  a  magnificent 
triumph  that  lasted  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  days,  in 
which  ten  thousand  gladiators  fought  and  eleven  thousand  wild 
animals  were  killed.     In  the  East  he  carried  on  war  against 
the  Parthians,*  took  Ctesiphon  and  Seleucia,  and  converted 
Armenia  and  Mesopotamia  into  provinces  (A.  D.  117).    Arabia 
Petraea  also  was  added  to  the  empire. 

4.  His  Forum  and  Poor  Laws. — Trajan  was  a  generous 
patron  of  literature.     During  his  reign  flourished  the  younger 
Pliny,  Juvenal,  and  Plutarch.     He  extended  the  poor-law  of 
Nerva  so  that  five  thousand  children  received  allowances  of 
corn,  and  made  loans  at  2%  to  5  per  cent,  to  the  proprietors  of 
encumbered  estates.     He  embellished  Rome  with  public  build- 
ings, temples,  and  a  new  forum,  in  which  the  five-hailed  basilica 
and  the  magnificent  column  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  feet 
high,  on  which   are  engraved  twenty-five  thousand  human 
figures,  and  the  summit  of  which  is  adorned  by  his  own  statue,3 
formed  the  noblest  ornament.     In  this  forum  were  also  erected 
the  Ulpian  library  and  a  triumphal  arch.    Besides  these  works  he 
constructed  a  new  theatre,  an  odeum,  and  a  gymnasium,  enlarged 
the  circus  maximus,  added  to  the  nine  aqueducts  a  new  one, 
and  on  the  Esquiline  hill  erected  new  baths  near  those  of  Titus. 

1  Zermlzegethnsa.  *  In  1587  Sextus  V.  roplacod  the  *taiue  by  one  of  St.  Peter. 

*  See  map  No.  7. 


460 


TIM:  IM:K;N-  OF  HADRIAN.        [A.  i>. 


Every  part  of  the  empire  was  adorned  with  magnificent  build- 
ings, roads,  bridges,  or  other  useful  improVementB. 

5.  Prosperity  of  the  Empire.— That  Trajan  was  unwearied 
in  his  attentions  to  the  details  of  business  is  attested  by  his 
correspondence  with  the  younger  Pliny,  who  was  governor  of 
Bithynia  in  A.  r>.  103.  His  management  of  the  finance-  \\a- 
remarkably  good,  and  his  administration  of  justice  \va-  linn  and 


THE  FOBUJC  OF  TRAJAN.    UN  n-  I>KI>I.NT  CONDITION,  1*70.) 

impartial.  During  his  reign  the  empire  reached  the  highest 
state  of  prosperity,  and  extended  its  limits  on  the  east  and 
the  west  to  the  furthest  points  it  ever  reached.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  legate  Hadrian. 

6.  Hadrian  (A.  D.  117-138). —  Hadrian  returned  to  the 
policy  of  Augustus,  and  gnu-  his  attention  to  defending  the 
boundaries  of  the  empire  rather  than  enlarging  them.  He 
voluntarily  relinquished  Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria. 
Hadrian  was  a  man  of  great  ability,  and  he  was  deeply  versed 
in  almost  every  department  of  learning.  He  had  the  same 
genial  manners  as  Trajan,  and  the  same  application  to  business. 


462  TBE   REIGN   OF  HADRIAN.          [A.  D.  117-138. 

Returning  to  Rome  laden  with  the  spoils  of  war,  he  was  enabled 
to  win  favor  with  all  classes  by  his  liberality.  He  remitted  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Italy  the  arrears  of  taxes  due  to  the  fiscus 
for  sixteen  years,  and  burnt  the  records  of  the  debt  in  the 
forum  of  Trajan.  In  the  provinces  a  large  part  of  the  arrears 
was  also  remitted.1 

7.  His  Travels.— Disturbances  in  the  East,  and  all  along 
the  frontier,  compelled  Hadrian  to  leave  the  capital.    The  Danu- 
bian  frontier  particularly  demanded  his  attention.     He  had  no 
sooner,  however,  quitted  the  city  than  a  conspiracy  was  formed 
against  him  ;  he  returned  and  quelled  it  with  severity.    After 
some  slight  success  against  the  Dacians  he  recrossed  and  broke 
down  the  bridge  that  Trajan  had  thrown  across  the  Danube. 
After  a  short  stay  in  Rome  he  visited  Gaul,  crossed  over  to  Britain 
and  saw  the  advance  which   had  been   made  in  wealth  and 
civilization— the  country  was  well  provided  with  roads  which 
centred  in  Eboracum  (York),*  the  capital,  and  a  large  inland 
and  foreign  trade  brought  wealth  and  prosperity.     Thence  he 
returned  to  Gaul,  crossed  the  Mediterranean,  and  visited  the 
distant  East    From  Syria  he  journeyed  homeward  through 
Asia  Minor,  making  a  long  stay  at  Athens,  the  seat  of  the  great 
university  of  the  then  civilized  world.2 

8.  His  Buildings. — On  his  return  to  Rome,  he  spent  his 
time  in  diligent  administration  of  the  empire,  and  decorated  the 
city  Avith  splendid  buildings — among  which  may  be  mentioned 
the  temple  of  Roma  and  Venus,  and  the  Mausoleum  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Tiber,  which  is  still  a  majestic  ruin  under  the  name 
of  the  Castle  of  St.  Ancjelo.     Other  works  were  distributed  over 
the  empire,  as  the  villa  at  Tivoli,  extensive  ruins  of  which  still 
remain,  the  ramparts  in  Britain,  the  temple  of  Augustus  at 
Tarraco,  a  basilica  at  Ximes  (Xemausus),  and  costly  structures 
at  Alexandria.     He  also  established  a  university  at  Rome  under 

1  The  amount  remitted  to  the  fiscus  amounted  to  900  millions  sesterce?,  as  we  learn 
from  inscriptions  (Orelli  Inscr.  eel.  vol.  i.,  p.  193  ;  Eckhel.  p.  478).  Many  think  that  this 
act  of  Hadrian  was  sculptured  on  the  two  marble  screens  found  in  the  comitium. 

*  During  this  journey  he  had  an  opportunity  to  see  how  intolerable  the  burden  of 
furnishing  free  post-wagons  and  couriers  had  become  to  the  provincials  :  he  therefore 
abolished  it  in  the  provinces  as  Nerva  had  done  in  Italy,  and  paid  the  expenses  from  his 
own  purse  (Jlscus).  By  him  the  postal  department  (cursus  pubiicus)  was  regularly 
organized,  *  See  ma-i  No.  7. 


A.  D.  117-138.]  THE    REIGK   OF  HADRIAN". 


463 


the  name  of  the  Athenaeum,  and  endowed  its  professors  on  a 
magnificent  scale. 

9.  Revolt  of  the  Jews. — During  his  reign  the  Jews 
revolted  on  account  of  the  foundation  of  a  Koman  colony  under 
the  name  of  jElia  Capitolina  on  the  site  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
erection  of  the  shrine  of  Jupiter  in  the  holy  temple.  The  Jews 
fought  with  great  desperation,  but  were  finally  subdued.  Five 
hundred  and  eighty  thousand  are  said  to  have  fallen  in  battle, 


MOLE  OF  HADBIAN  RESTORED.' 

while  vast  numbers  perished  by  hunger,  pestilence,  and  fire. 
The  last  hope  of  Jewish  independence  was  gone ;  the  race  was 
now  completely  dispersed.  The  colony  of  JElia  Capitolina  was 
then  strengthened  and  the  sacred  city  rebuilt ;  but  the  Jews 
were  forbidden  to  enter  it,  while  to  the  Christians  the  same 
freedom  was  granted  as  to  the  Romans.2 


1  This  mausoleum  is  now  the  Castle  of  St.  Anir'-lo. 
•'  Se"  BoreTihonrir  Essai  sur  1'liistoiro  et  la  sre'osrraphie  de  Palestine, 
Meri  vale's  account  of  the  cause  of  the  insurrection,  see  1.  c.,  vol.  vii..  369  f 


420  ft".    For 


i')4  REIGN   OF   ANTONINTS    PITS.        [A.  D.  138-101. 

10.  His  Inquiring  Spirit. — Tin-  persecution  of  the  Chris- 
tians was  discouraged.     In   :ill  parts  of  his   empire   Hadrian 
showed  himself  a  M'eker  of  the  truth;  Judaism,  Christianity, 
the  fantastic    theosophy  of  the    Gnostics,  and    the  doctrines, 
of  the   Alexandrian   schools,  all  claimed  his  attention,   and 
into  the  investigation  of  all  he  threw  himself  with  ardoi   and 
vehemence. 

11.  Hadrian,    Emperor   of  the   Roman   World. — Of 
Hadrian  it  may  be  said  that  he  Avas  the  lirst  emperor  who 
understood  his  position  as  master  of  the  world.     All  through- 
out the  vast  empire  conquerors  and  conquered  were  recognized 
as  one  people,  while  their  equalization  was  left  to  the  gradual 
influences  that  were  at  work  to  bring  it  about.     Hadrian  asso- 
ciated Commodus  Verus  in  the  labors  of  administration,  and 
adopted  him  as  his  successor.     He  died  soon  after,  and  then 
Hadrian  nominated  M.  Aurclius  Antoninus  as  his  successor,  at 
the  same  time  compelling  him  to  adopt  two  heirs,  L.  Yerus,  the 
son  of  his  late  colleague,  and  Aunius  Yerus,  his  own  sister's  son. 


THE  AGE  OF  Tin:   ANT<>MNKS — CONTIM  KD   PROSPERITY  OF 
TIII-:  KMI-IUI-:,  A.  D.  138-180. 

1.  Antoninus  Pius  (A.  r>.  138-161).— Aurelius  Anto- 
ninus, commonly  called  Antoninus  Pius,  a  title  bestowed  upon 
him  by  the  senate,  was  in  simplicity  of  character  and  devotion 
to  business  one  of  the  best  of  rulers.  lie  as-ociated  Marcus 
Aurelius  Avith  himself  in  the  government,  and  for  twenty- 
three  years  they  ruled  together,  vying  with  each  other  in  noble 
qualities  and  in  the  excellence  of  their  administration.  Anto- 
ninus avoided  war  that  he  might  promote  the  arts  of  peace. 
During  his  long  reign  he  never  left  Italy.  The  empire  remained 
in  u  state  of  peace  and  general  contentment.  He  watched 


A.  D.  138-161.]         REIGN   OP   ANTONINUS   PIUS.  465 


with  vigilance  over  the  frontiers,  and  in  some  quartern,  as  in 
Britain,  Dacia,  Mauretania,  and  Egypt,  troubles  occurred  tc 
occupy  his  legates,  but  no  war  of  any 
magnitude.  His  reign  has  been  pro- 
nounced happy  because  it  was  barren 
of  events.  In  the  internal  administra- 
tion Antoninus  made  no  changes.  He 
continued  a  liberal  policy  toward  the 
senate ;  he  founded  schools,1  repaired 
roads  and  harbors,2  and  encouraged 
trade.  The  persecution  of  the  Chris- 
tians was  checked,  and  to  him  Justin 
Martyr  addressed  his  apology  for  Chris- 
tianity. Antoninus  died  at  Lorium*  in 
the  seventy-fifth  year  of  his  age.  His  ANTONINUS -PJU>. 

last  thoughts  were  devoted  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  republic,  and  the  last  watchword  he  gave  to  the  soldiers 
was  cequamnritas,  which  means  not  alone  equanimity,  but  also 


AQUEDUCT  op  THE  PONT  DU  QABD,  AT  NIMES. 


'  The  alimentation  of  poor  children  was  extended  by  founding  a  charity  school  foi 
girls,  which  he  named  after  his  wife  Faustina,  to  whom  he  also  dedicated  the  magnifi- 
cent temple  situated  at  the  corner  of  the  forum  where  the  via  sacra  enters. 

2  The  city  of  Nimes.  from  which  his  ancestors  came  to  Rome,  owed  to  him  tha 
amphitheatre  and  aqueduct  which  are  the  finest  ruins  of  Roman  architecture  out  of  Italy- 

•  i  ej  map,  p.  4. 


-Kir, 


REIGN   OF    M.YRCTS    AURKLHIS.       [A.  D.  lbi-180. 


purity,  *<:)'<•  nity,  and  content  mml  of  niiud.     In  this  one  word 
Was  embodied  the  whole  character  of  his  life. 

2.  Marcus  Aurelius  (A.  D.  101-180).— This  prince  was 
surnamed  the  philosopher,  for  he  modeled  his  life  upon  the 
precepts  of  the  Stoic  philosophy. 
He  devoted  himself  to  the  cares 
of  his  office  with  patient  atten- 
tion, but  his  mind  was  always 
with  his  chosen  studies,  with 
the  sophists  and  the  rhetori- 
cians. Pronto  informs  us  that 
he  was  accounted  the  best  ora- 
tor of  his  age. 

3.  Activity   of  the   Bar- 
barians.— On  the  frontiers  the 
barbarian     forces,    pressed    by 
other  tribes  in  their  rear  and 
cramped  in  their  ancient  homes, 
became  more  and  more  men- 
acing.    The  time  was  coming  when  the  pale  student  of  the 
Palatine  must  pass  his  days  in  the  saddle  and  his  nights  under 
canvas  in  the  wildest  frontiers  of  the  empire.1    First,  in  the 
eastern  provinces,  the  Parthian  king  broke  the  peace  and  in- 
vaded Armenia  ( A.  ]>.  Ml).      Aurelius'  legates  defeated   him  in 
battle,   invaded   Mesopotamia,*  destroyed  Seleucia,  and    pene- 
trated to  Babylon.      The  Parthian  king  purchased  peace  bv 
ceding  Mesopotamia  to  Rome.     In  the  meanwhile,  at  home. 
Aurelius  conducted  the  government   with    deference   to  tin- 
senate,  and  chose  the  ablest  men  for  his  ministers  and  prefects. 
He  shared  the  government  with  Verus,  and  for  the  first  time 
in  the  history  of  the  empire  there  were  two  Aur/nsfi. 

4.  The   Plague. — The  Syrian   legions  brought  back  the 
plague,  which  extended  along  the  line  of  their  march  through 
several  provinces,  and  so  devastated  Italy  that  whole  towns  with 
their  villas  and  lands  were  left  without  inhabitants  or  cultivators, 


MAECUS  ACEELIUS. 


Men  vale. 


*  See  map  No.  7. 


A.  L>.  161-180.]      REIGN   OF   MARCUS   ATJRELIUS.  467 

and  fell  to  ruin  or  relapsed  into  wildernesses.  The  efforts  to 
overcome  the  disease  were  directed  by  the  celebrated  physician 
Galen.  The  cause  of  the  pestilence  was  charged  upon  the 
Christians,  and  the  emperor  permitted  two  cruel  persecutions 
in  which  Justin  Martyr  died  at  Rome,  and  Polycarp  at  Smyrna. 

5.  The  Frontier. — The  dangers  from  the  barbarians  grew 
more  menacing  on  the  frontiers.    Aurelius  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  legions,  and  during  the  space  of  fourteen  years 1  he 
was  occupied  almost  unceasingly  in  checking  the  advance  of  the 
invaders.  During  the  rest  of  his  life  he  was  engaged  on  the  Dan- 
ubian  frontier  in  contests  with  the  Marcomanni,*  the  Sarmatian, 
the  Scythian,  and  the  German  tribes.   But  little  is  known  of  the 
details  of  these  campaigns.     The  emperor  died  at  Vindobona 
( Vienna)  during  a  campaign,  in  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  his 
dge. 

6.  He  Founds  an  Orphan  School. — During  the  inter- 
vals in  the  numerous  campaigns,  Aurelius  found  time  to  enlarge 
the  charities  of  his  predecessors.    He  founded  an  institution 
for  orphan  girls,  and  in  A.D.  170  remitted  the  debts  and  arrears 
of  taxes  due  from  Italy  for  a  term  of   forty-six  years,  and 
ordered  the  papers  of  claims  to  be  burnt  in  the  forum.3    The 
equestrian  statue  which  the  senate  decreed  to  Marcus  Aurelius 
still  stands  on  the  platform  of  the  Campidoglio.3 

7.  The  Climax  of  the  Empire. — Aurelius  was  the  last  of 
the  princes  styled  the  five  good  emperors.     From  his  time  the 
glory  and  prosperity  of  the  Roman  people  declined  rapidly.    Au- 
relius united  in  himself  the  different  talents  of  a  man  of  learn- 
ing, of  a  fine  writer,  a  skillful  soldier,  and  a  judicious  ruler.    His 
"Meditations"  have  made  him  known  to  posterity.     They  are 
a  record  of  his  thoughts  and  feelings,  rather  than  a  formal 
treatise  on  ethical  philosophy,  and  form  one  of  the  most  delight- 
ful productions  of  the  human  mind. 


1  Prom  A.  D.  167  to  180.  *  See  map  No.  7. 

'  To  this  act  some  suppose  the  sculptured  figures  on  the  marble  slabs  in  the  forum 
refer  :  that  they  led  up  to  the  statue  of  that  emperor. 

3  This  was  erected  in  the  forum  near  the  arch  of  8.  Severus  ;  in  1187  it  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  Latcran,  and  in  1538  to  this  piazza.  In  the  piazza  Cr>Ionna  stand-;  the 
column  of  M.  Aurelius.  inscribed,  like  Trajan's,  with  reliefs  from  the  wars  aarain^t  the 
Marcomanni.  Four  reliefs  from  the  arch  of  Aurelius  are  in  the  Conservatore  palace. 


i68  INTERNAL   CONDITION    OF   THE    EMPIRE. 


CHAPTER 

INTERNAL  CONDITION  OF  THE  EMPIRE. — SYMITOMS  OP 
DECLINE. 

1.  The  Barbarians. — Under  the  reign  of  the  Antonines, 
the  empire  presented  externally  a  high  degree  of  prosperity. 
From  the  death  of  Domitian  to  that  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  the 
government  throughout  the  vast  extent  of   the  empire  was 
administered  with  honesty  and  wisdom.     The  armies  were  re- 
strained and  the  forms  of  civil  administration  carefully  lire- 
served.     The  boundaries  of  the  empire  had  been  maintained  on 
the  North,  while  on  the  East  the  dividing  line  between  the 
Roman  world  and  the  barbarians  had  been  advanced  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  Tigris.     The  symptoms  of  decline,  although 
hardly  visible  to  common  observation,  had  deeply  impr 
Aurelius.  and   had    awakened    his    anxieiy   and   apprehension 
for  the  future.     The  attacks  of  the  barbarians  on  the  fron- 
tiers, which  had  hitherto   been  local  and  desultory,  now  be- 
eame  frequent.     The  emperor  was  compelled  to  carry  on  war 
on  the  Rhine,  the  Danube,  and  the  shores  of  the  Euxine  at  the 
same  time.    The  barbarian  tribes  seemed  to  be  impelled  by  new 
impulses.     The  unity  of  the  empire  imparted  a  germ  of  union 
to  its  assailants.     They  presented  themselves  on  every  front iev 
,-tronger  in  arms  and  tactics  as  well  as  in  numbers.    It  was  evi- 
dent that  the  resources  of  the  empire  were  reduced.     In  the 
reign  of  Aurelius  the  invasion  of  the  Marcomanni  was  repulsed 
with  great  difficulty.     It  excited  deep  alarm  and  foreboding 
throughout  the  empire. 

2.  Causes  of  Decline.— The  brilliancy  of  the  city  and  of 
the  great  provincial  capital?,  the  magnificence  of  the  games  and 
of  the  entertainments,  still  remained  undimmed.     As  yet  no 
distinct  murmurs  of  poverty  or  distress  were  heard  among  the 


INTERNAL  CONDITION   OF  THE   EMPIKE.  469 

populace,  and  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  during  these  long  years 
of  peace  and  uniform  good  government  that  any  but  the  wisest 
could  detect  signs  of  decay  or  dissolution.  Still,  causes  were 
at  work  that  reduced  the  people  to  pauperism,  crushed  out  the 
military  spirit,  extinguished  the  fire  of  genius,  and  spread 
decay  and  desolation  throughout  the  wide  extent  of  the  empire. 
These  causes,  moralists  *  say,  Avere  the  disappearance  of  the  pre- 
cious metals  in  the  East  in  exchange  for  silks,  carpets  and  orna- 
ments, and  for  whatever  else  in  dress,  for  the  table,  or  the  embel- 
lishment of  their  houses  pleased  the  fancies  of  the  Romans  or 
gratified  their  tastes,  which,  under  the  odious  name  of  luxury, 
were  silently  weakening  the  foundations  of  the  government 
and  sapping  the  subjects  of  their  vigor  and  military  spirit. 

3.  Luxury  and  Wealth. — The  idea  of  luxury  must  al- 
ways be  a  relative  one.  The  standard  varies  in  different1 
countries  and  different  ages.  Many  of  the  luxuries  of  Europe 
are  daily  fare  in  Asia,  while  articles  of  every  day  use  with  us 
are  unknown  in  the  East.  Those  articles  which  intone  age  in- 
dicate wealth  become  in  the  next  common  property.  In  fact 
every  person,  every  people,  and  every  generation  declares  those 
articles  to  be  luxuries  which  they  can  dispense  with.2  It  is 
true  that,  during  the  period  from  the  battle  of  Actium  to  the 
death  of  Hadrian,  vast  fortunes  were  accumulated,  and  the 
ministers  of  luxury  and  pomp  multiplied  possibly  beyond  the 
conception  of  modern  ideas.  Still  the  amount  of  property 
held  by  a  single  individual  was  probably  not  larger  than  that 
in  modern  times,  and  the  luxury  and  mugni  licence  were  con- 
fined to  the  great,  to  the  few,  and  must  not  be  taken  as  the 
groundwork  of  calculation  for  Italy  and  the  Roman  world.  The 
agricultural  laborer,  as  well  as  the  artisan  in  the  provinces, 
maintained  himself  as  at  the  present  day,  by  his  own  labor  and 
that  of  his  household,  with  few  slaves,  or  according  to  Zumpt, 
with  none.  The  stories  that  Suetonius  has  related  of  the 


civil  wars,  left  3800  y 

Nat.,  I..  33,  47.    Tht>  u..^«»  .. 

200.000  *erfs  who  were  them*el 


470  INTERNAL    CONDITION'   OF   THE    EMPIRE. 

vast  extravagance  of  Caligula — that  he  squandered  the  income 
of  three  provinces1  \n  a  single  banquet  —  of  Mero  and  of 
Vitelliu.v'  are  exceptional;  the  other  emperors  for  many  cen- 
turies were  frugal  and  often  parsimonious.  The  richest  man 
throughout  the  Roman  world  had  only  about  four  hundred 
million  sesterces,3  and  only  two4  are  mentioned  as  po-.-rs.-ini: 
tin-  sum  The  largest  income  of  the  richest  Roman  family  \vas 
about  one  million  dollar.-.5 

4.  The  Standard  of  Luxury.— It  must  also  be  remem- 
bered that  the  Roman  writers,  te  I 'liny.  Yarro,  and  Seneca,  fo 
whom  we  are  indebted  for  most  of  our  information,  looked  to 
the  past  as  the  golden  age,  and  condemned  every  change,  every 
new  convenience,  every  refinement  of  life,  as  dangerous  inno- 
vations. Varro  condemns  the  importation6  of  food,  and  the 
use  of  vessels  as  mediums  of  transporting  the  products  of  other 
lands,  and  Pliny  finds  in  the  artificial  growth  of  asparagus  and 
the  use  of  ice  the  evidence  of  the  most  unbounded  extrava- 
gance.7 It -is  the  opinion  of  Friedlauder,8  that  the  luxurv  of 
the  table  in  ancient  Rome  did  not  exceed  that  of  the  wealthy 

1  Ten  million  sesterce-. 

1  He  was  chiefly  addicted  to  the  vices  of  luxury  and  cruelty.  He  made  generally  three 
meal-  a  day,  sometime.-  four  :  breakfast,  dinner  and  tapper,  and  a  drunken  revel  after 
all.  This  amount  of  victual-  h,j  could  well  enough  bear  from  a  custom  to  which  he  had 
enured  himself,  of  frequently  v,>mitiii'_'.  For  the-e  several  meals  he  would  make  differ- 
ent appointments  :it  the  lion-c-  of  In-  friend-  <>n  the  .-ame  day.  None  ever  entertained 
him  at  a  le-v*  expense  than  100.000  sesterce"  ($20.000).  The  most  famous  was  a  set  enter- 
tainment given  him  by  hi-  broi.ier.  at  \\bic.h.  it  i-  said,  there  were  -erved  up  no  Ics-  than 
two  thousand  choice  fi-hes  and  -even  thon-and  birds.  Yet  even  this  feast  he  himself 
outdid  at  a  feast  which  he  icave  upon  thcilrst  u-e  of  a  dish  which  had  been  made  for 
him,  and  which  for  its  extraordinary  si/.c,  he  called  "the  shield  of  Minerva."  In  this 
dish  there  were  chopped  up  together  the  livers  of  char-fi-li.  the  bruins  of  pheasant-  and 
peacocks  with  tongnee  of  flamingoes  and  the  entrails  of  lampreys  (Suet.  Vitell.,  13). 
During  the  whole  time  of  tie  empire  he  found  only  one  imitator.  IQagabalOfl. 

'About  $23.000,000.  Voltaire  .-thaate.l  Ma/arm's  property  at  200.000.000  francs. 
Baron  ,T.  Rothschild's  (died  in  :808>  property  na-  c -rimated  at  eOOO  million  franc-  :  John 
.1  A-toi  was  north  •>:>  to  30  miliion  dollars,  and  A  T.  Stewart  left  at  lea-t  (JO  millions, 
an  1  Vanderbilt  80  millions.  The  value  of  L">ld  in  the  time  of  the  Roman  empire  was  at 
least  twice,  possibly  live  time-  as  much  a-  it  i-  now. 

*  Cn.  Lentulu-  and  X:irci-n-.  Nero'-  fre-dman.  '  $1.218.000. 
•There  is  no  rea-on  to  believe  that  the  importatinnnf  food  from  Asia  ami  Africa 

into  Europe  to-day  is  ea-ier  or  le--  co«tly  than  into  Rome  in  the  time  of  the  empire. 
Thucydides  regarded  it  as  one  of  th-  greatest  advantage-  of  Athens  that  the  products  of 
all  lands  fonnd  a  market  there.  Vnrro's  view  would  find  but  little  approval  to-day  in 
Germany,  where  a  per-on  in  the  middle  ranks  of  life  ha-  for  breakfast,  coffee  from 
;  -'lia.  tea  from  China,  snijar  from  the  \Ve-t  Indie-,  cheese  from  England,  wine 
from  Spain,  caviare  from  Ru-sia.  «  ithout  anvbeinj;  regarde  1  a-  luxuries.— Rnsch.,  p. 428. 
1  The  mantle  woven  from  jrold  which  ihe  empre—  A-_riippina  wore,  Pliny,  Diod.  and 
Tacitus  mention  a-  something  mar\ellou>  and  unexampled.  Charles  the  Bold,  at  the 
battle  of  Gkandron,  had  4<ni  che-ts  tilled  with  clothinir  wrought  with  gold  and  silver,  and, 
100  coats  for  himself  woven  with  u'old. 

•  Sittengeschichte  Roms.,  p.  30. 


INTERNAL   CONDITION    OE   THE    EMPIKE.  471 

in  the  great  cities  of  Europe  in  the  eighteenth  century,  nor 
equal  that  of  the  nineteenth.  The  luxury  that  prevailed  in 
dress,  ornaments,  furniture,  and  buildings,  certainly  did  not 
exceed,  probably  did  not  equal,  that  of  modern  times. 

5.  Prosperity  of  the  Empire. — The  importation  of  articles 
of  luxury  such  as  silks,1  carpets  and  ornaments,  estimated  at 
one  hundred  million  sesterces  yearly,  was  certainly  very  small2 
in  comparison  with  that  of  modern  times.     This  expenditure 
was  very  far  from  exhausting  the  wealth  of  the  Roman  world, 
and  Pliny 3  aptly  depicts  the  tranquil  and  prosperous  state  of 
the  empire.     "  The  provincials  as  well  as  the  Romans,"  says  he, 
"acknowledged  that  the  true  principles  of  social  life,  laws, 
agriculture  and  science,  which  had  first  been  invented  by  the 
wisdom  of  Athens,  were  now  firmly  established  by  the  power 
of  Rome,  under  whose  auspicious  influence  the  fiercest  barba- 
rians were  united  by  an  equitable  government  and  a  common 
language.     They  affirmed,  that  with  the  improvement  of  arts, 
the  human  species  was  visibly  multiplied.    They  celebrated  the 
increasing  splendor  of  the  cities,  the  beautiful  face  of  the 
country,  cultivated  and  adorned  like  an  immense  garden  ;  and 
the  long  festival   of  peace  which  was  enjoyed  by  so  many 
nations,  forgetful  of  their  ancient  animosities,  and  delivered 
from  the  apprehension  of  future  danger."4 

6.  Causes  of  Decline. — To  what  then  shall  we  attribute 
the  rapid  decline  of  the  empire  ?     First  we   must  consider 
that  the  Romans  had  not  gained  their  enormous  wealth  by 
legitimate  labor,5  by  manufactures  and  commerce,  but  by  war. 
When  they  lost  the  power  to  conquer,  they  could  not  acquire 
the  habits  of  industry  aad  accumulation.     When,  therefore, 
the  limits  of  conquest  had  been  reached,  inactivity  set  in, 

1  Silks  from  the  East  were  worth  their  weight  in  gold. 

-  Merivale  assigns  as  one  cause  of  decline,  the  disappearance  of  the  precious  metals 
in  the  East  in  exchange  for  luxuries.  According  to  recent  esiinmtes  (IgJW  122-J  million 
pounds  sterling  \\err  exported  from  1861-69  to  Asia,  or  twelve  times  as  much  as  in  the 
time  of  Pliny  (£13;:,  million  yearly);  in  the  time  of  Pliny,  the  proportion  between  '_'<>ld 
and  silver  wa-  1  to  10  :  in  the  time  of  Constantino.  1  to  14;  :  these  figures  show  that  the 
imports  from  the  Ea-t  \\  ere  far  from  exhausting  the  supply  of  silver  ;  that  the  produce 
of  the  mines  supplied  the  demand. 

3  Nat.  Hist.  iii..  5.  *  Gibbon,  vol.  i.,  p.  70. 

5  A  thousand  dollars  spent  in  luxury  will  pay  nearly  a  thousand  dollars  of  wasres.  A 
thousand  dollars  employed  as  capital  will,  in  ten  years,  pay  twenty  thousand  dollars  of 
wage;. 


472  INTERNAL  CONDITION   OF   T1IK    KM  PI  RE. 

The  Romans  lived  on  their  accumulations.  The  proletarians 
were  supported  in  the  capital  in  idleness,  a  form  of  luxury 
which  is  the  most  costly  of  all  indulgences,  for  it  corrupts  all 
manners,  perverts  all  offices  of  nature,  wastes  all  the  powers  of 
labor,  and  has  its  complete  result  in  poverty,  ignorance  and 
political  servitude.1  Although  mon.-y  was  diffused  throughout 
the  empire  in  exchange  for  luxuries,  yet  this  had  no  elevating 
effect  on  the  condition  of  the  people.  The  gap  between  tin-  rich 
and  the  poor  was  too  great.  The  few  were  very  rich,  and  the  many 
poor.  The  latter  instead  of  being  encouraged,  were  depres^-d. 
There  were  no  influences2  to  elevate  t  he  mas>es.  The  grades  of 
society  became  fixed,  and  no  one  could  hope  to  cross  the  barrier. 

7.  Extent  to  which  Idleness  can  be  Carried. — Gib- 
bon estimates  that  no  state  can,  without  soon  becoming  ex- 
hausted, support  more  than   about  one-twentieth  of  its  able- 
bodied  male  population  in  idleness.     The  proportion  at  Koine 
was  much  larger,  and  when  the  period  of  conquest  ceased,  and 
the  amount  of  wealth  expended  in  enjoyment  exceeded  the 
limit  of  production,  the  standard  of  industrial  prosperity  fell, 
the  laboring  classes  were  oppressed,  commerce  and  agriculture 
declined,  poverty  spread  throughout  the  empire,  and  the  un- 
willingness to  multiply  became  stronger  and  stronger.3 

8.  The  Decrease  in  Population. — The  decrease  in  the 
population  had  been  noticed  even  in  the  time  of  the  republic, 
and  Polybius  says,  Rome  could  no  longer  place  such  armies  in 
the  field  as  she  had  raised  in  the  Second  Punic  war.    In  the 
time  of  the  Gracchi    unfavorable    legislation   bad   caused  the 
number  of  small  farmers4  to  decrease  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
awaken  the  anxiety  of  the  best  men  in  the  state,  and  Ca?sar 
and   his   successors   struggled    earnestly   to    remedy  this   evil. 
Livy  speaks  with  wonder  of  the  armies  that  had  fought  in 
former  times  in  Latium,  where  now  only  a  few  slaves  tilled  the 
land  that  had  once  been  the  homes  of  so  many  hardy  Avarriors. 
In  the  time  of  Hadrian  there  was  possibly  some  slight  gain  in 
the  population:  yet.  with   this  exception,   the  returns  of  the 

1  Walker.  The  Science  of  Wealth,  p.  397.  *  See  p.  427. 

»  Roscher,  p.  318  ff.  '  See  p.  210. 


INTERNAL   CONDITION   OF  THE   EMPIRE.  473 

census  show  no  steady  increase  in  the  number  of  citizens  from 
the  second  Punic  war  to  the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  that 
cannot  be  accounted  for  by  the  extension  of  the  franchise.1 
This  decrease  in  the  population,  combined  with  the  disinclina- 
tion to  military  service,  rendered  it  impossible  to  keep  a  native 
army  on  foot.  Augustus  found  it  difficult  to  fill  up  the  void 
caused  by  the  defeat  of  Varus.  During  the  reign  of  Augustus 
several  laws  were  passed  encouraging  marriage,  and  in  B.  c.  18, 
the  senate  decreed  that  marriage  should  be  imperative  on 
citizens  of  suitable  age.  These  efforts,  however,  produced  no 
lasting  effect,2  for,  as  Plutarch  tells  us,  people  married  not 
to  have  heirs,  but  to  become  heirs,  since  they  could  only  receive 
legacies  in  case  they  married.  The  decrease  in  population 
continued  through  the  succeeding  generations. 

9.  The  Cause  of  the  Decrease  in  Population. — 
Roman  civilization,  instead  of  being  industrial  and  favorable 
to  the  growth  of  population,  was  military,  and  therefore  de- 
structive.3 The  Punic  wars  and  the  long  wars  in  the  East 
gave  a  serious  check  to  the  increase  of  population.  But  be- 
fore Italy  could  recover  from  these  losses,  the  Social 4  and 
Civil  wars  followed,  and  the  drain  of  life  became  almost  con- 
stant for  nearly  two  centuries.  Still,  Italy  might  have  recov- 
ered had  not  other  and  even  more  deleterious  influences  come 
into  play.  The  importation  of  grain,  which  was  sold  in  the 
markets  in  Rome  below  the  cost  of  production  in  Italy,  caused 
even  farming  on  a  large  scale  to  be  abandoned,  and  the  conversion 
of  the  land  into  pasturage.  The  veterans  who  had  been  settled  in 
colonies  soon  became  tired  of  work,  sold  their  little  farms  and 
returned  to  swell  the  impoverished  crowd  in  the  capital  that 
lived  on  the  pittance  doled  out  to  them  by  the  state.  The  result 


1  The  population  of  the  city,  estimated.  'n  the  time  of  Augustus  at  about  1-J  to  11  mil- 
lions, had  dwindled  in  the  time  of  Diocletian  to  one-half  that.  The  number  of  citizens, 
provincials  and  slaves  throughout  the  empire,  cannot  be  determined  with  any  certainty. 
It  h;is  been  estimated  to  have  been  in  the  time  of  Claudius  130  millions,  a  total  that 
nearly  equals  half  of  that  of  modern  Europe  (estimated  at  312.398.4SO  in  Belim  and  Wag- 
ner'«  Bevolkemng.  der  Erde1)  ;  this  c«timate  is  based  on  the  assumption  that  the  number 
of  citizens  (in  the  time  of  Claudius  about  20.000.000)  was  half  as  many  as  the  provincials, 
and  that  the  slaves  equalled  the  free  inhabitants. 

"  Tacitus,  Ann.  iii..  25.  and  Pliny.  Ep.  iv..  15.  '  See  Roscher,  p.  381, 

*  Jfearly  500,000  perished  iu  the  Social  war. 


474  INTERNAL   CONDITION   OF   THE    I-MI'IUK. 

was  that  the  rural  districts  had  become  almost  a  desert  ten- 
anted by  a  few  wild  herdmen  and  gangs  of  slaves,  while  the 
free  population  that  had  once  tilled  the  soil,  wasted  away  under 
the  vice  and  the  profligacy  of  the  capital.  Infant  icide  and  expo- 
sure  of  the  newly  born  children  which  Polybius  had  specified  as 
one  of  the  causes  of  the  decline  of  population  in  Greece,  became 
fearfully  prevalent  at  Rome.  Ovid.1  Seneca.'-'  Plutarch,3  and 
Quintiliau,4  tell  us  that  the  exposure  of  children  as  well  as  tlh 
destruction  of  the  unborn  was  practiced  at  Rome  on  a  gigantic 
scale,  and  although  laws  were  passed  to  encourage  the  charitable 
to  rear  foundlings,  still  infanticide  was  the  crying  vice  of  the 
empire  and  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  terrible  depopulation 
of  Italy. 

10.  Lack  of  Industrial  Enterprise. — To  these  consid- 
erations must  be  added  the  hvk  of  all  industrial  enterprise 
among  the  Romans.  They  considered  all  labor  as  degrading, 
and  were  satisfied  to  live  in  the  capital  in  idleness  supported 
by  the  bounty  of  the  state.  They  had  no  mechanical  nor  in- 
ventive genius;  the  practical  proficiency  which  they  seem  to 
have  attained  in  mechanics  and  engineering  was  almost  wholly 
due  to  Grecian  architects  aided  by  foreign  labor.  The  trades 
were  handed  over  to  slaves  and  1'reedmen,  the  pro>pcn>u.s 
middle  class  had  disappeared,  while  the  populace,  conciliated 
by  gladiatorial  games  and  the  distribution  of  corn,  sank  lower 
and  lower,  until  they  became  the  brutal,  sensual  mob,  which 
Juvenal  and  Tacitus  paint  in  the  mo 4  hideous  colors.  In  the 
age  of  the  Antonines,  this  populace  had  become  a  motley  mul- 
titude without  opinions  or  purposes,  over  which  a  lethargy,  a 
torpor  was  creeping  that  numbed  every  noble  instinct,  Their 
only  thought  was  to  live  on  the  public  rafions,  to  spend  their 
days  in  idleness,  in  the  circus  and  in  crime.  The  higher  el 
had  outlived  all  their  high  ideals,  and  could  put  forth  no  effort 
to  awaken  the  masses  from  their  slumber,  nor  to  induce  them  to 
shake  off  their  inactivity. 


1  Ovid,  De  Nnc.,  22.  »  Seneca,  Ad.  Hclv.,  xvi. 

•  Ded.,  cccvi. 


INTERNAL  CONDITION  OP  THE  EMPIRE.  475 

11.  Influence   of  Civilization  on  the   Barbarians. — 

Even  the  barbarians  admitted  within  the  empire,  lost  their 
ancient  vigor.  The  sudden  change  from  a  life  of  rude  and 
violent  adventure  for  the  Eoman  baths  and  schools  of  rhetoric, 
caused  an  unnatural  lethargy.  The  abrupt  introduction  to  a 
highly  civilized  and  luxurious  life,  was  too  much  for  them. 

12.  Superstitious    Observances.  —  A  society  in  such 
a  critical  condition   could  bear  no  sudden  shock.    In  A.  D. 
166  the  plague  broke  out,  and  famines,  earthquakes  and  con- 
flagrations fell  in  rapid  succession  upon  the  capital  and  the 
provinces.     The  vital  powers  of  the  empire  possessed  no  elas- 
ticity.   Every  blow  seeemed  to  tell  upon  it  with  increasing 
strength.    To  repel  the  barbarians  on  the  frontier,  the  legions 
were  recruited  with  strangers,  slaves,  and  the  refuse  of  the 
streets.     Other  barbarians  were  admitted  and   settled  within 
the  borders  of  the  empire,  that  the  first  blow  might  fall  on 
them,  and  possibly  be  repelled.     In  these  disasters  the  people 
devoted  themselves  anew  to  superstitious  worship,  and  raised 
shrines  to  every  deity  whose  poAver  they  thought  could  avert 
the  coming  evils.      The  prevailing  schools  of  philosophy  all 
arrived  at  the  same  result — stoical  indifference  to  actual  life 
and  a  future  state,  a  profound  resignation  to  the  gloomy  fate 
that  weighed  down  the  world.     Religious  belief,  except  in  the 
lowest  forms  of  superstition,  was  absolutely  dead.     The  ancient 
gods  had  lost  their  hold  on  the  people,  and  no  new  objects  of 
worship  had  taken  their  place. 

13.  Christianity. — "In  the  midst  of  this  darkness,  a  still 
small  voice  was  heard  out  of  the  East,  '  Come  unto  me,  all  ye 
that  labor  and  are  heavy-laden,  and  I  will  give  you  rest ; '  and 
after  a  while  the  same  voice  was  heard,  saying,  'God  so  loved 
the  world  that  He  gave  His  only-begotten  Son,  that  whosoever 
believeth  in   Him  should  not   perish,  but   have  everlasting 
life  ;'  and,  again,  a  Roman  citizen  of  Tarsus  cried,  ' This  is  a 
faithful    saying,   and   worthy  of   all  acceptation,   that  Jesus 
Christ  came  into  the  world  to  save  sinners.'    There  was  rest 
then  for  the  weary  and  heavy-laden  ;  there  was  a  God,  too,  and 
life  everlasting,  for  those  who  believed  in  Him  and  His  Son, 


476  IKTERKAL  CONDITION   OP  THE   EMPIRE. 

who  had  come  into  tin.-  world  to  save  .-inner-;  and  so  the  new 
doctrine  came  to  Rome,  lu  that  sluggi-h  mass  tin.-  leaven  \\;is 
hid  that  was  to  throw  the  whole  world  into  ferment;  into  that 
dark  soil,  in  which  so  much  that  was  precious  had  been  interred, 
a  grain  of  seed  was  cast  that  was  to  grow  into  a  stately  tree 
-hadowing  the  earth.  The  doctrine  spread  at  first,  as  we 
may  readily  suppose,  among  slaves,  whose  weary  lot  was  con- 
soled with  the  thought  that  the  Founder  of  their  creed  had 
expired  on  the  bitter  cro-s  iv-erved  for  them;  then  gradually 
among  other  classes,  but  especially  the  Asiatic  Greeks  and  oilier 
foreigners,  with  which  Home  was  full,  until,  after  much  ] 
cution  and  many  relapses,  it  reached  the  highest  class  of  all, 
and  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the  land.'' 

14.  Equalizing  Influences. — We  have  already,  from  time 
to  time,  noticed  the  policy  of  the  empire  to  conciliate  foreign 
nationalities.     Its   aim  was    to  preserve  and  amalgamate   the 
varied  communities  with  their  different  languages,   cn.-toms. 
and  religious  creeds.     Caesar  had  commenced  the  policy  which 
the  empire  completed,  and  universal  toleration  was  accorded  to 
the  customs,  religions,  and  municipal  freedom  of  the  provin- 
cials.    The   right   of   ciii/enship   was   extended  to   the  whole 
empire.     The  tendency  was  to  ell'ace  distinctions  and  to  weld 
the  varied  and  diverse  elements  into  one  harmonious  whole. 

15.  The  National  Religion. — The  liberty,  however,  ac- 
corded to  the  foreign   forms  of  worship   did  not  relieve  the 
Roman  from  the  obligation  of  attending  to  his  own.     It  was 
the  national  deities  under  whose  protection   the  empire  had 
at t nined  its  prosperity.     The  neglect  of  this  worship  would 
bring  adversity   and   final  ruin   to   the  state.     Thus  far  all 
had   joined  in  the  popular  worship.     This  duty — that  every 
man  in  his  devotions  should  conform  to  the  customs  of  his 
country — every  philosopher  from  Cicero  to  Epictetus  had  en- 
joined. 

16.  The  Deification  of  the  Emperor. — Under  the  em- 
pire tin   custom  of  deifying  the  emperor-;  was  introduced.    This 
practice  originated  in    the   belief  that  the  soul   or  manes  of 
the  departed  ancestors  becani"  deities;  and  as  it  was  a  com- 


INTERNAL  CONDITION"  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  47? 

tnon  practice  for  children  to  worship  the  manes  of  their  fathers, 
so  it  was  natural  for  the  nation  to  pay  divine  honors  to  the 
emperor,  who  was  regarded  as  the  parent  of  the  country.  The 
statue  of  Augustus  had  been  set  up  in  the  provinces  for  wor- 
ship, and  the  figure  of  his  genius  had  been  placed  in  the 
chapels  at  Rome  beside  those  of  the  Lares.  Tiberius  had  de- 
prived Cyzicus  of  its  freedom  because  it  had  neglected  the 
worship  due  him.  Caligula  accepted  his  divinity  as  a  fact.1 
He  ordered  images  of  the  gods,  and  particularly  of  Jupiter,  to 
be  brought  from  Greece,  in  order  that  he  might  substitute  hia 
own  head  for  that  of  the  god.2  The  result  was  that  the  empe- 
rors were  invested  with  a  sacred  character,  and  distant  peoples 
saw  in  their  apotheosis  and  the  vote  of  the  senate  conferring 
divine  honors  under  the  title  of  "Divus,"3  only  a  fitting  climax 
to  their  greatness  and  that  of  the  empire. 

17.  Persecution  of  the  Christians. — The  custom  of 
burning  incense  before  the  emperor's  statues  became  a  test  of 
loyalty.  In  this  act  of  adoration,  as  well  as  in  the  national 
worship,  the  Christians  not  only  refused  to  join,  but  actually 
denounced  them.  The  people  regarded  every  calamity  as  a 
visitation  of  divine  anger,  and  sought  with  scrupulous  care  to 
ascertain  the  cause.  It  is  no  wonder  that  the  people  attributed 
their  calamities  to  the  anger  of  the  gods  whose  worship  had 
been  neglected.  Under  the  republic,  in  moments  of  despair, 
a  Gaul  or  a  Greek  had  been  buried  alive  in  the  comitium.  In 
the  age  of  Aurelius,  victims  were  sought  among  those  not  of  a 
foreign  nation,  but  of  a  hostile  faith.  Aurelius  regarded  the 
crime  of  the  Christians,4  the  crime  of  refusing  to  worship  the 
gods,  not  as  an  outbreak  of  turbulence  and  disobedience,  as  had 
been  the  case  under  Nero,  but  as  an  insult  to  the  majesty  of 
the  national  divinities  and  the  national  worship.  Under  the 
protection  of  these  divinities,  the  empire  had  flourished,  and 
now,  in  the  crisis  of  its  fortune,  was  not  the  time  to  test  their 

1  Seneca  relates  that  Caligula  started  up  onco  from  his  seat  when  a  thunder-storm  had 
interrupted  the  gladiatorial  games,  and  with  fearful  imprecations  against  heaven,  de- 
clared that  this  divided  empire  was  intolerable,  that  either  Jupiter  or  himself  must 
speedily  succumb. — Lecky,  HM.  E>irop.  Mor.,  vol.  i.,  p.  275.  "  Suet.,  xxii. 

3  It  must  be  remembered  that  divus  means  not  alone  divine  but  deified. 

•  Seeley,  Rom.  Imperialism. 


478  THE   PERIOD   OF  TRANSITION".        [A.  D.  180-284. 

value  by  a  wanton  defiance.  The  firmness  of  the  Christians 
the  emperor  looked  upon  as  strange  and  unnatural,  and  he 
could  not  excuse  them  from  not  joining  in  a  service  which  he 
regarded  as  innocent  and  decorous.1 

18.  Infidelity— We  talk  of  unbelief  and  despair;  but 
what  atheism  or  despair  can  equal  the  set  gray  monotony  of 
despair  that  was  spreading  over  the  Roman  world  !  The  peo- 
ple could  not  even  curse  God  and  die,  for  they  had  no  gods  to 
curse.  The  world  was  sick  at  heart,  and  the  words  that  Tacitus 
puts  into  the  mouth  of  .Tiberius  found  an  echo  throughout  the 
Roman  world.2  For  their  hearts  were  scarred  and  .seamed  with 
evil  thoughts,  savagery,  and  lust.  The  principles  of  decay 
were  at  work.  The  brilliant  administration  of  the  Antonines 
only  delayed  the  threatened  dissolution.  In  the  age  that  fol  • 
lowed  the  contrast  was  sharp  and  decisive. 


THE  PERIOD  OF  TRANSITION,  A.  D.  180-284. 

1.  Character  of  the  Government.— The  imperial  gov- 
ernment had  two  distinct  periods.  During  the  first,  which 
ended  with  the  death  of  Aurelius,  the  government  was  mainly 
administered  wisely  and  beneficently.  Peace  rci-ined  through- 
out the  empire.  All  classes  were  secure,  for  the  wise  administra- 
tion of  the  Antonines  guaranteed  law  and  order.  The  second 
period  began  with  the  accession  of  Diocletian.  The  period 
that  intervened,  that  is,  from  A.  D.  180-284,  was  a  revolutionary 
age — an  age  of  transition.  It  presents  some  of  the  worst  tyran- 
nies, some  of  the  bloodiest  revolutions,  and  some  of  the  most 
enormous  calamities  known  in  history.  The  plague  reappeared. 
The  half-barbaric  soldiery  became  mutinous  and  finally  om- 
nipotent. When  the  government  emerged  from  the  fiery 

1  Morivale,  vol.  vii.,  p.  489.  *  Tact.  An.  Hi..  54. 


A.  D.  1 80-28-4.]      THE  PERIOD  OF  TRAtfSITlOST.  4?9 

ordeal,  it  had  introduced  reforms  that  enabled  it  to  exist  for 
many  mituric-s. 

2.  Commodus  (A.  D.  180-192). — Aurelius  was  succeeded 
by  his  unworthy  son  Commodus,  the  last  of  the  Antonines. 
His  skillful  generals  postponed  the  fatal  day  on  the  frontiers, 
and  Commodus  might  have  passed  his  life  in  debauchery,  had 
not  a  plot  against  his  life  aroused  him  from  his  lethargy.    It  was 
frustrated.     The  assassin  rushed  upon  the  emperor  and  cried, 
"The  senate  sends  you  this."     The  assassin  was  seized  by  the 
guards;   but  these  words  aroused  all  the  rage  of  Commodus 
against  the  hated  order.     The  delators  sprang  up  again.    The 
ranks  of  the  senate  were  thinned.     In  A.  D.  189  a  pestilence 
appeared  followed  by  a  famine.     Commodus  gave  no  heed  to 
the  administration.     He  took  delight  only  in  gladiatorial  com- 
bats.    Justice  was  bought  and  sold.     The  "  Boinan  Hercules," 
as  he  was  called,  fought  as  a  gladiator  more  than  seven  hun- 
dred times.     Armed  with  the  sword  and  mail  of  a  secutor1 
he  fought  against  antagonists  whose  only  weapons  were  of  lead 
or  tin.2    He  was  finally  assassinated  by  his  mistress,  and  his 
memory  was  declared  infamous  by  the  senate. 

3.  Fertinax  (A.  D.  193). — Commodus  was  succeeded  by 
Pertinax,  but  ho  only  had  time  to  banish  the  delators  and  to 
promise  to  conduct  the  administration  on  principles  of  justice 
and  economy,  when  he  was  murdered  by  the  praetorians.    The 
praetorians  sold  the  crown  to  the  highest  bidder.     It  was  pur- 
chased by  a  wealthy  senator,  Didius  Julianus,  for  25,000  ses- 
terces (about  $1000)  to  each  soldier,  amounting  to  300  million 
sesterces  for  the  whole  praetorian  guard  of  12,000.     Each  of  the 
armies  on  the  Euphrates,  on  the  Danubian  and  the  Rhenish 
frontiers,  rose  in  revolt  when  they  heard  of  this,  and  nomi- 
nated their  own   candidates.     Septimius   Severus,  who   com- 
manded on  the  Danubian  frontier,  was  the  fortunate  one.     He 
acted  with  energy.     The  senate  confirmed  his  title. 

1  The  Secutor  (pursuer)  contended  with  tho  Betarius  (Net-bearer).  The  Secutor  pur- 
sued  the  Retarius.  who  fled  until  an  opportunity  occurred  to  throw  his  net  over  his 
opponent  and  then  dispatch  him  ;  see  p.  410  and  note. 

-  Ho  received  from  the  common  fund  of  crladiators  a  stipend  so  enormous  (about 
$40.000i  that  it  became  an  exorbitant  tax  on  the  Roman  people. 


480  THE   PERIOD  OF  TRANSITION.       [A.  D.  1 80-284. 


4.  Septiinius  Severus1  (A. D.  11)3-211). — Septimius  Sev- 
erus  was  an  able  soldier.     He  disbanded  the  praetorians  and 
banished  them  from  the  city.     The  emperor,  however,  could 
not  dispense  with  guards,  and,  accordingly,  the  praetorians  were 
restored  on  a  new  model,  and  the  number  increased  to  50,000. 
The  commander  of  this  new  force  r;mked  next  to  the  emperor, 
and  to  him  was  intrusted  not  only  the  command  of  the  guards, 
but  legislative  and  judicial  powers,  as  well  as  the  control  of 
the  finances.     The  senate  was  deprived  of  all  power.     The  em- 
peror carried  on  a  campaign  against  the  Parthians,  took  Ctesi- 
phon,  and  received  the  sul»mi>sionof  the  kings  of  Mesopotamia 
and  Arabia.     The  magnificent  triumphal  arch  erected  (in  A.  D. 
203)   to    commemorate  these  victories  still  stands  at  the  head 
of  the  forum.     Severus  died  at  Eboracum  (York)  in  preparing 
for  a  campaign  against  the  Caledonians,  who  had  made  incur- 
sions into  Britain. 

5.  Caracalla  and  Elagabalus  (A.  D.  211-222).— Severus 
left  the  empire  to  his  two  sons  Geta  and  Caracalla  (211-217). 
( 'araealla  killed  his  brother  and  then  put  to  death  Papinian,  the 
great  jurist,  for  refusing  to  justify  the  fratricide.     The  franchise 
was  bestowed  (in  A.  D.  212)  upon  all  free-born  inhabitants  in  the 
empire  in  order  to  increase  the  revenue  from  the  five  per  cent, 
tax  which  Augustus  had  imposed  on  Eoman  citizens  who  re- 
ceived inheritances,  or  made  sales  of  merchandise.     Caracalla 

1  GENEALOGICAL  TABLE. 
BASSIANUS. 


JULIA  DOXXA  AUGUSTA,  second  wife  of  JULIA  >LESA  AUGUSTA,  wife  of 

I'TIMirs   SEVERUS   AuGl'STf-.  JtJLIUS    AVITUS. 


M.  AUKEI.IUS  AVTO-          L.  SET 
MMS  AUGUSTUS,          GETA  Ai 
commonly  called 
CARACALLA. 

•mcius           JULIA 

'OUSTUS.          Al  (il-T 

SEX.  VA 

CEI.1 

SOBMIUS 
A.   \vjfc  of 
BIU8   M  A  IS  - 
.US. 

JULIA  MAJUEA 

AUGUSTA,  wifi:  of 
GESSIUS  MARCIANUS 
1 

M.  AURELTUS  ANTO- 
NINUS AUGUSTUS, 
commonly  called 
ELAGABALUS. 

M.  AURELIUS  SEVE- 
RUS ALEXANDER 

AUGUSTUS. 

A.  r>.  180-284.]     THE  PEKIOD  OF  TRANSITION. 


481 


was  murdered  by  his  own  soldiers  at  the  instigation  of  Macrinus 
(217-218),  who  succeeded  to  the  throne.  After  a  reign  of  four- 
teen months,  he  was  defeated  in  battle  by  Elagabalus  (218-222) 
the  sun-priest,  who  was  a  true  oriental,  and  appeared  in  the 
streets  in  the  oriental  costume,  painted  and  bedizened.  During 
this  period  all  literature  disappeared,  and  it  is  only  from  notices 
of  foreigners  that  any  glimpse  is  given  of  the  life  in  the  capital. 
6.  Alexander  Severus  (A.  D.  222-238). — Elagabalus  was 
succeeded  by  Alexander  Severus,  who  was  an  emperor  of  a  very 

different  type.  He  had 
been  carefully  educated, 
and  he  strove  as  far  as 
possible  to  restore  the 
declining  state.  He  re- 
established the  council 
of  state,  and  endeavored 
to  elevate  the  senate  in 
public  esteem.1  His 
efforts,  however,  were 
unavailing.  The  mili- 
tary power  had  become 
predominant,  and  it  re- 
quired a  great  man  to 
quell  it.  The  praeto- 
rians put  TJlpian,  the 

great  jurist,  to  death,  and  Dio  Cassius,  the  historian,  escaped 
the  same  fate  only  by  going  into  exile.  The  emperor  fell 
in  a  mutiny  instigated  by  Maximin,  a  Thracian  peasant,  a  man 
of  gigantic  stature,  who  had  won  the  favor  of  Severus.  The 
degradation  of  Rome  was  now  complete.  Its  chief  was  an 
illiterate  barbarian.  He  was  followed  by  Gordian  (A.  D.  238- 
244),  who  was  murdered  by  the  soldiers;  by  Philip  (244-249), 
who  celebrated  the  thousandth  anniversary  of  Rome  by  mag- 
nificent games  ;  and  by  Decius  (249-351),  who  persecuted  the 
Christians,  and  was  slain  in  a  war  with  the  Goths. 


ALEXANDER  SEVERUS. 


1  During  his  reign  the  magnificent  baths  (thermae,  AntoniniancE),  beffnn  by  Caracalla 
In  212,  were  completed.    See  p.  408. 


482  THE   PERIOD   OF  TRANSITION.        [ A.  D.  180-284. 

7.  The  Age  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants  (A.  n.  251-268).— 
After  the  death  of  Decius,  the  generals  in  different  provinces 
were  declared  emperors,1  and  such  confusion  prevailed  in  every 
quarter,  that  this  period  is  called  the  age  of  the  thirty  tyrants. 
The  barbarians  renewed  their  attacks  with  irresistible  force. 
Every  part  of  the  frontier  was  threatened  at  once.    The  em- 
pire seemed  on  the  point  of  dissolution.    Still,  under  more  able 
and  vigorous  generals  it  rallied  once  more;  its  power  was  re- 
covered, its  limits  suffered  no  diminution;  its  weakness,  how- 
ever, was  fully  known  to  its  enemies  as  well  as  to  its  subjects.2 

8.  Five    Good    Emperors    (A.  D.  368-384). -— Under 
Claudius  (A.  D.  268-270),  Aurelitm  (A.  n.  2; 0-2 ;.")),    Tacitus 
(A.  D.  275-6),  Probus  (A.  D.  276-282),  and  Cams  (A.  a  282-283), 
five  able  emperors,  the  fragments  into  which  the  empire  had 
begun  to   split  were  reunited.     The  security  of  the  frontier 
was  re-established.     Claudius  routed  the  Alemanni  in  North- 
ern Italy,  and  gained  a  great  victory  over  the  Goths  at  Nais-us 
iu  Mcesia.     Aurelian  defeated  the  Goths  in  I'annonia,  drove  the 
Alemanni  out  of  Italy,  and  in  order  to  protect  the  city  in  case 
of  future  invasions,  surrounded  it  by  a  wall  of  about  thirteen 
miles  in  length.    This  wall,  although  many  times  restored  since 
then,  still  stands  for  the  most  part  on  the  line  which  Aurelian 
traced  for  it.     lie  founded  "  the  city  of  Aurelian  " 3  on  the  site 
of  Genabum,  relinquished  Dacia  to  the  Goths  and  the  Vandals, 
and  removed  the  Iioman  >et tiers  across  the  river  into  Moesia, 
a   part   of   which    was   henceforth   known   as    "  Dacia   Aure- 
liani."    After  defeating  the  Goths,  he  undertook  a  war  against 
Zcnobia  (A.  D.  264-273),  the  queen  of  Palmyra.     This  city  had 

1  As  Odenathus,  who  founded  the  kingdom  of  Palmyra  ;  Celsus  in  Africa  ;  Marinus 
In  Asia  Minor  ;  Piso  in  Thi-^aly,  etc. 

1  On  the  Upper  Rhine  and  the  head  waters  of  tin-  Danube,  the  Suevj,  or.  as  Tacitus 
calls  them,  the  Chatti,  had  joined  with  the  I':>ji,  Marcomaimi  and  Quadi.  under  the  gen- 
eral name  of  Alemanni  :  these  tribes  had  formerly  availed  Rluetia.  Pannonia.  but  later 
they  broke  through  the  Roman  ramparts,  entered  the  a  •  *,  and  threatened 

Gaul  and  Italy :  in  Tsl  they  penetrated  into  Italy  ;i-  t'.ir  a-  Ka\enna.  They  gained  no 
permanent  fooling,  but  failed  awny  before  the"  enervating  intliienre*  of  the  climate 
and  civilized  life;  on  the  Lower  Rhine,  the  Chatti.  (,'hauci.  Cheni-^ci  and  other 
tribes,  under  the  name  of  Franks,  invaded  Gaul  and  penetrated  into  Spain  and 
i  into  Africa  ;  they  made  no  ]>ermani  i  ver  Danube  and  on 

the  shores  of  the  Euxiiie,  the  Goths  and  tl.  inie  the  most  threatening  :  they 

occupied  Dacia.  they  were  bold  na\  itrator-.  they  crossed  the  Euxine  and  ravaged  the 
coa-t  of  Asia  Minor.  Ou  the  ia-teni  frontier,  the  i.'-w  dyna.-ty  of  tlv-  Sa--anidse  was 
growing  in  power.  About  this  time  the  Saracens  came  into  notice,  plundering  the  out- 
skirts between  Egypt  and  Palestine.  J  Orleans. 


484  KEIGN    OF    D10CI.KTIA.V.  [A.  I).  284-305. 

attained  remarkable  prosperity.  Philosophy  and  the  arts  flour- 
ished, and  Zeuobia  herself  was  illustrious  for  her  political  wis- 
dom, and  the  encouragement  she  gave  to  the  critic  Longinus. 
The  city,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  among  the  most  remark- 
able of  the  ancient  world,  was  taken  by  storm  and  Zenobia  led 
in  triumph  to  Rome.  Tacitus  (A.D.  275-0),  the  next  emperor, 
was  elected  by  the  senate.  He  lost  his  life  in  a  campaign  again.-t 
the  Alaui  in  Asia  Minor.  On  the  death  of  Tacitus  his  brother 
Florian  (A.D.  270)  assumed  the  imperial  purple,  but  he  was  de- 
feated and  put  to  death  by  I'mbux  (A.  i>.  ^'lO-'.'.s-*).  Probus  \va.-, 
engaged  during  his  whole  reign  in  driving  back  the  barbarians 
on  the  frontiers,  and  in  quelling  disorder  within  the  empire. 
He  delivered  (iaul  from  the  ravages  of  the  Germans :  he  crossed 
the  Rhine  and  recovered  fo& agri cbcumates,  and  repaired  the 
ancient  fortifications  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Danube.  Probus 
was  murdered  by  his  soldiers,  \vho  conferred  tne  crown  upon 
Aureliu*  Cant*  (A.D.  v's^-3),  the  prefect  of  the  pnetorians. 
Cams  proclaimed  his  two  sons  to  be  C;v<ars.  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  conduct  the  war  airainst  tlie  Persians.  The  sudden 
death  of  the  emperor  saved  the  kingdom  of  the  Sassanida-. 
His  two  sons  were  murdered  and  the  crown  fell  to  Diocletian. 


CHA.PTKK,    LXVII. 

THE  SECOND  PERIOD  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  MOVEKNMEXT — 
REFORMS  ( '<>MMK.\<T:I>  i;v  DKX  T.KI  i  AN  (A.I).  ~2*±- 305) 
WERE  COMPLETED  BY  (  '<>NM  A.NTINK. 

1.  Character  of  the  Imperial  Government. — The  ac- 
cession of  Diocletian  marks  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the 
empire,  lie  inaugurated  a  new  policy  of  government,  Avhich 
did  away  with  the  last  semblance  of  liberty.  From  this  time  the 
old  republican  names  entirely  dUippear — the  senate  and  the 
consuls  ceased  to  have  any  power.  Until  the  death  of  Marcus 


A.D.  r'S-4-305.]  REIGX   OF   DIOCLETIAN.  485 

Aurelius,  the  government  retained  much  of  the  character  of  the 
old  republic.  Just  as  formerly  the  dictator  had  managed  the 
state  with  the  confidence  of  the  aristocratic  senate,  so  then  it 
was  guided  by  a  permanent  prince,  nominated  by  his  predeces- 
sor. In  the  first  case  the  power  of  the  dictator  was  limited  in 
point  of  time,  that  of  the  latter  by  nothing  except  his  own 
will.  For  the  most  part,  however,  the  emperors  chose  to  re- 
gard the  senate  with  deference  and  to  secure  its  co-operation 
in  the  government.  The  question  with  Augustus  had  been  to 
arrange  the  relations  of  the  military  to  the  civil  powers  so  as 
to  make  them  as  little  oppressive  and  as  durable  as  possible.  In 
the  first  period,  that  is  to  the  death  of  Aurelius,  the  Roman 
people  were  distinctly  separated  from  the  barbarians. 

2.  The  Military  Power. — During  the  transition  period 
(A.  D.  180-284)  the  military  power  became  predominant.    The 
Germans  were  admitted  into  the  empire.     The  old  limits  of 
the  frontier  still  remained,  but  barbarians  swarmed  throughout 
the  empire.    The  word  Roman  ceased  to  be  a  national  designa- 
tion.   The  army  was  recruited  from  the  barbarians— Goths  and 
Vandals.     Victories  were  still  won,  but  mostly  by  barbarian 
hands.    During  this  period  the  empire  showed  a  tendency  to 
separate,  to  break  into  fragments.    Gaul,  Britain  and  Spain, 
tended  to  separate  from  Italy  and  form  new  nationalites.    In 
the  time  of  the  thirty  tyrants,  Gaul  and  Spain  were  actually 
separated  and  governed  for  some   time  by  independent  em- 
perors.    The  East  sought  to  break  away  from  the  West,  and 
this  tendency  was  at  a  later  time  recognized  by  a  permanent 
division  of  the  empire. 

3.  Changes  Made  by  Diocletian. — These  dangers,  how- 
ever, were  overcome,  the  empire  rallied,  and  a  new  system  was 
introduced  that  enabled  it  to  support  itself  over  its  whole  ex- 
tent for  more  than  another  century,  and  in  the  Eastern  half 
for  many  centuries.    It  was  no  longer  the  question  to  arrange  the 
relations  between  the  imperator  and  the  senate,  but  between  the 
iuijK'i-dtnr  and  his  let/a/ i,  and  the  army.     But  now,  as  then,  the 
only  hope  of  peace  was  in  a  strong  central  government.    Liberty 
was  still  further  diminished,  and  power  still  more  absolutely 


486  I;I:H;X  <>F  DIOCLETIAN'.          [A.  D.  284-305. 

concentrated  into  one  man's  hand.1  In  effecting  this  revolu- 
.tion  there  came  first  the  temporary  arrangement  of  Diocletian, 
whose  first  act  was  to  associate  with  himself  (A.  D.  280)  his 
companion  in  arms.  Muslin  in  ,<,  under  the  title  of  J//////.V/MX,  to 
rule  over  the  West,  while  Diocletian  himself  encountered  the 
enemies  of  the  empire  in  the  East.  In  A.  P.  '-.'D^.  he  appointed 
two  Ccesar*  as  assist  jmts,  (litlt'i-'ntx  and  ('t>nx/«></ii<.-<.  They 
stood  to  the  Aii<inxli  a.-  s.ms  and  su  .  Tin-  .\i!<ju*H  re- 

tained the  more  peaceful  provinces,  and  aclinic. I  to  the  Ca-ars. 
those  that  required  younger  and  more  active  men.  Eaeli  exer- 
cised supreme  civil  and  military  power  in  his  own  territories, 
but  all  admitted  the  supremacy  of  Diocletian.2  The  govern- 
ment was  administered  with  vigor.  The  revolt  in  Egypt  was 
quelled,  the  Alemanni  were  kept  in  check,  and  the  Persians 
were  brought  to  terms.  Successful  in  every  quarter,  Diocle- 
tian celebrated  in  the  ancient  eapiti.d  a  magnificent  triumph.3 
During  the  reign  of  Diocletian  occurred,  as  reckoned  by 
ecclesiastical  historians,  the  tenth  and  last  persecution  of  the 
Christians.1 

4.  Taxation. — The  vast  increase  in  expenses  necessary  to 
support  four  courts,  two  of  them  at  least  with  oriental  mag- 
nificence ;  and  the  increased  number  of  officials,  augmented 
taxation  to  such  an  extent,  that  the  last  spark  of  life  was  nearly 
crushed  out.  The  oppressive  imposts  were  wrung  from  the  tax- 
payers with  violence.  Industry  sank  beneath  the  burden.  The 
desire  to  accumulate  withered,  for  the  government  lay  in  wait 
for  all  saving-.  The  people  were  content  to  procure  from  the 
soil  only  enough  to  sati<i'y  their  individual  wants.  The  price 


1  See  Seeley.  I.e. 

"D;*"  i-vo'l  to  him-elf  the  fa-tern  provinces,  and  rciirncd  from  Xicomedia 

over  Asia  Minor,  Syria  and  E'.'vpt.  To  Maximian  were  entrusted  Italy  and  Africa,  with 
hi*  court  at  Milan  instead  of  Rome,  ('onstantin*,  wiih  hi-  capital  at  Trdves,  defended 
the  Kliftii-h  frontier  with  the  provine  %  .ain  and  Britain  to  recruit  hi-  1: ^'ions 

froMi.  Tii"  defence  of  the  Dui'tbian  frontier  wn  -  committed  to  Galerius,  with  the  prov- 
ince* 'if  Noricnm,  Fannonia,  and  Mu-ia.  II  •  wa-  e-tnbiNhed  a!  Sirmiuin. 

\Iixiinian.a-  ruler  of  Italy,  had  the  hath*  of  Diocletian  constructed  between  the 
Viininal  and  Ouiriisal.  Fni^inent*  of  the  ruins  have  been  found  in  the  Mmthwcst  side  of 
the  Pi.i/za  rtelk-  Tenne.  It  i*  related  that  a-  many  a*  *l,tXX)  Christians  were  compelled 
t<>  work  in  c  nistrnc-itiu'  ttie--  I- 

•  Th.'.v  were  ill  und'T  \ti-n.  A.  n.  fit  ;  (2i  under  !)•>•* /;//'•/".   v.  n.  9">  ;  i.'il  under  Trujnu. 
A.  D.  100  ;  (4)  under  Mn  '•-•.  A.  i>.  ^(B  ;    (li)  under  Maxim- 

AD.  •££>  :  i7i   under  DPC'IHS.   A  under  Valerian,   A.  D.  258:  C3)   under 

,  A.  D.  275  ;  (W)  under  Diocletian  and  .I 


THE 

ROMAN      EMPIRE 

IN  THE  TIME  OF 

DIOCLETIAN 


Scale  of  Miles 


0      1U0200300400600600700800  English 


Fuk  A  S-c.N  V 


A.  D.  305-324.]  REIGX    OF   DIOCLETIAN. 


487 


of  all  commodities  rose.  An  effort  was  made  by  an  imperial 
edict1  to  fix  the  maximum  prices  of  all  necessaries  of  life 
throughout  the  empire. 

5.  Diocletian  Abdicates.— In  A.  D.  305,  the  emperors 
resigned  the  government  into  the  hands  of  the  Caesars.  Dio- 
cletian returned  to  Dalmatia,  his  native  country,  and  built  a 
magnificent  palace  at  Salona  on  the  Adriatic  coast. 


ABCH  OF  CONSTANTINI 


«ENT  CONDITION.) 


6.  Contest  for  the  Empire  (A.  D.  305-324). — On  the 
abdication  of  Diocletian  and  his  colleague,  the  two  Caesars 
assumed  the  title  of  Augustus,  and  appointed  two  new  Caesars  : 
Maximin,  to  whom  Syria  and  Egypt  were  assigned,  and  Severus 
who  ruled  in  Italy  and  Africa.  Constantius  died  soon  after  at 
York  (A.  D.  300),  ;md  his  son  Constantino  was  proclaimed 

1  In  1826  Col.  Leake  discovered  a  copy  of  this  edict  (issued  A.  D.  303)  at  Stratonicea 
(J&ki-Ifisxar).  in  Caria.  A  maximum  price  is  fixed  for  oil.  salt,  honey,  butchers'  meat. 
poultry,  same.  ti-h.  veeetables.  fruit,  clothe*,  hoots  and  shoes,  corn,  wine  and  beer,  the 
of  laborers  and  artisans,  schoolmasters  and  orators:  merit  which  in  the  second 
eentury  of  the  empire  had  been  in  Rome  about  two  denarii  per  pound,  v  as  fixed  at 
eight  f  the  waze*  of  agricultural  laborers  was  twenty-five.— Mommsf.n,  Do*  Edict  Diocl. 
de  Pretax  Rtrum  \'tn-di:im ;  also  Gibbon,  vol.  i.,  p.  440,  note. 


488  REIGN   OF   CON>TAXTIM:.  [A.  D.  324-33? 


Caesar  by  his  legions  against  the  wish  of  Galerius.  A  series  of 
bloody  wars  followed,  and  Constantino  having  overcome  all  his 
competitors,  became  sole  emperor.1  He  received  the  epithet  of 
"Great,"  to  which  his  success  had  well  entitled  him. 

7.  Military  and  Civil  Powers    Separated. —Under 
Diocletian  the  imperial  power  had  been  strengthened  by  sharing 
it  with  three  able  generals  whom  he  attached  to  himself.     The 
empire  was  firmly  ruled  from  four  centres — Xicomedia,   Sii-- 
mium,  Milan  and  Trevcs,*  while  the  undisputed  ascendency  of 
Diocletian  retained  all  the  advantages  of  unity.    This  plan 
enabled  the  empire  to  subdue  and  pacify  her  subject  nationali- 
ties, and  to  surmount  the  great  danger  that  threatened  its  exist- 
ence— the   tendency  to   break   into   fragments.      Constantino 
completed  the  revolution  begun  by  Diocletian.     The  tyranny 
of  the  leg  at  i  was  broken  by  separating  the  military  power  from 
the  civil.     Formerly,  the  Icyatiis  had  at   the  same  time  been 
both  a  civil  and  military  governor.     Now  the  emperor  alone 
possessed  both  civil  and  military  power  and  the  Icy/if  i  becann' 
civil  governors.     In  this  way  the  second  danger  was  overcome, 
the  formidable  military  go\ernurs  were  disarmed.     The  imag- 
ination of  the  people  wa-  daxxlrd  by  the  establishment  of  a 
court  with  oriental  magnificence,  and  their  hearts  were  won  by 
the  alliance  of  the  church  with  the  Mate. 

8.  Reorganization  of  the  Empire. — The  whole  empire 
was  divided  into  four  prefectures,2  and  tlu'<e  again  subdivided 

1  In  Rome,  Maxentius  the  -on  of  Maximian.  was  declared  emperor  by  the  praetorians. 
Severus,  who  had  been  raided  to  tin-  rank  of  ••  Auirii^tu-."  undertook  to  conduct  the  war 
against Maxentius.  but  lie  was  di-featcd  and  killed.  Galerius  .-<>n<.'lii  to  subdue  UK  rebellion 
but  he  was  compelled  in  retreat.  Fora  time-  there  \vvre  six  Auirusti  :  Galerius.  Maximin 
and  Licinius  in  the  Eu-t,  and  Con-iantine  Maximian  and  Maxentiiu  in  the  West.  First. 
Maximian  tryins:  to  dethrone  his  son  in  Rome,  \\a-  t'.i-feated  and  compelled  to  takerefture 
in  Gaul,  where  lie  was  killed  by  Oon-taniine  in  A.D  310.  Galerius  died  in  A.  D.  311. 
Maxentitis  was  defeated  in  A.  D.  31-,'  by  Con-tuntiiic  in  the  battle  of  Turin,  and  as  he  was 
anemi>tin<;  to  escape  to  Rome  over  the  Milvian  bri'lu'"  i  he  wa-  forced  Into 

the  Tiber  and  drowned.  The  Roman  senate  decreed  games  and  festival-,  and  had  a  tri- 
umphal  arch  erected  in  memory  of  the  victory.  It  i-  adorned  with  admirable  sculptures, 
stripped  from  the  arch  of  Traian.  Th->  l>a-ilirn  of  Constantine  WM  erected  by  Maxen- 
tiii".  Maximin  was  defeated 'in  A.  n.  313  by  Licinius  at  Adrianople.  and  died  in  the 
flight.  There  remained  only  Licinius  and  Conntantine.  Affr  a  long  and  bloody  struggle, 
Licinins  b<-ing  defeated  at  Adrianople  and  Clialeedon.  Consiantine  remained  sole  emperor 
(A.D.  334).  *  Antrnsta  Treverorum. 

"  The  four  prefectures  were  tlio-e  (.f  ,li  (;<tnt.  comprising  the  west --m  iirovmces  ; 
(21  I'aly.  extending  northward  beyond  the  Alps  ami  southward  to  the  Atlas  and 
Sahara;  0) /fljprlewm,  containing  the  count  rip*  between  the  Danube,  the  JEirean  and 
Adriatic:  (4>  the  Ea*1.  embracing  ail  the  A-i:>tir  province".  For  a  list  of  the  120 
provinces  and  their  orgsnfntioa  in  the  year  -111'  A.  D.,  see  pp.  xxix.  and  xxx.  At 


A.  D.  324-337.]  REIGX   OF   COXSTANTINE.  480 


into  thirteen  dioceses,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
provinces.*  The  military  power  was  entrusted  to  a  master  of 
the  cavalry  (magister  equituni)  and  a  master  of  the  infantry 
(magister  pcditum),  under  whom  were  counts  (comites)  and 
dukes  (duces)  ;  the  civil  power  was  committed  to  four 
praetorian  prefects,  and  to  the  so-called  vicars  (vicarii}  of  the 
dioceses,  and  to  the  consulars,  presidents,  proconsular  and  cor- 
rectors (correctores)  of  the  provinces. 

9.  The  Capital ;  Taxation ;  The  Army, — For  a  long 
time  the  progress  of  civilization  had  been  toward  the  East.  This 
tendency  Constantine  recognized  by  transferring  his  residence 
to  Byzantium,  which  henceforth  received  the  name  of  Con- 
stantinople. By  transferring  the  seat  of  government  to  the 
East,  the  degradation  of  Rome  *  became  complete.  Even  the 
seat  of  the  western  empire  was  at  Milan.  The  new  capital 
was  fortified  with  walls  and  towers,  embellished  with  palaces 
and  churches,  and  decorated  with  the  fairest  treasures  of  art. 
There  were  two  senates  and  a  multitude  of  senators  scattered 
throughout  the  empire.  The  number  of  legions  was  increased 
from  thirty-one  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-two,  while  the 
strength  of  each  was  decreased  to  about  fifteen  hundred  men. 
The  whole  army,  mostly  recruited  from  barbarian  tribes,  under 
two  commanders,  later  under  four,  occupied  seven  hundred 
and  eighty-three  permanent  stations  on  the  frontiers.  In  order 
to  support  this  new  government,  a  galling  system  of  taxation 
was  necessary.  The  taxes  were  raised  by  the  old  method.2 

the  court  were  seven  chief  officers  (1)  the  Grand  Chamberlain  (prcepositus  sacri  cubicuH) ; 
(2)  the  Chancellor  (magitter  officiorwri)  •  (3)  the  Qusestor  (qutzstar  sacri  cubiculi);  (4)  the 
Treasurer  Uenera.1  (coines  sacrarum  largitionum)  •  (5)  the  Treasurer  of  the  Privy  Purse 
(comes  rerum  privafarum) ;  (6  and  7)  the  commanders  of  the  body-guard  of  infantry  and 
cavalry  (comite*  domesticorum  eqvitum  et  petlitum).  Each  of  these  had  a  large  number 
of  attendants  and  officials"  under  him,  each  of  whom,  as  well  as  all  who  came  in  contact 
"•it'i  'li-n.  was  declared  holy  (wrn),  and  any  injury  to  one  of  them  was  regarded  as 
high  treason.  A  system  of  graduated  titles  was  introduced,  composed  of  three  ranks, 
(1)  the  illustrious  (ittuxtres),  (2)  the  respectable  (specfabiles).  and  the  honorable  (daris/iimi). 
Those  who  had  not  been  raised  to  the  senatorial  rank  had  the  title  of  perfectissimi  or 
egrerjii;  the  senators  were  Gtamsimi  ;  the  two  other  titles  were  reserved  for  the  higher 
officials. 

1  From  a  description  of  the  city  written  about  A.D.  312,  we  know  that  Rome  had 
C>  obi-lisks,  8  bridges.  11  baths,  856  bath-rooms,  19  aqueducts  (4  now  in  use).  2  circuses, 
3  amphitheatre*,  8  tlicairrs.  4  L'ladiatorial  schools.  36  triumphal  arches.    There  were  423 
streets,  1790  palaces.  46.602  dwelling-houses.    From  the  37  gates  diverged  23  roads. — 
Frittl/ancler.  1.  c.,  vol.  i.,  p.  12  f. 

2  The  land-tax,  poll-tax,  tax  on  trades,  indirect  taxes,  custom  dues,  forced  contri- 
butions; it  is  not  certain  that  Constantine  added  others.  *  See  map,  No.  8. 


490  EEIGN  OF  CONSTAVI  ;  [A.  i). 

10.  Christianity  the   State  Religion. —The  most  im- 
portant change  that  Constantine  introduced  was  the  adoption 
of  Christianity  as  the  state  religion.     Constantine  related  to  his 
biographer  Eusebius,  that  while  marching  from  Haul  at  the 
head  of  his  legions,  he  beheld  in  the  heavens  a  luminous  cross 
with  this  inscription,  By  this  conquer  (TOVTU  vino).     In  con- 
sequence of  this  vision  he  made  a  standard  for  the  whole  army 
the  labarwn  after  the  pattern  of  the  cross.    In  A.D.  313  the  cele- 
brated Milan  decree  was  issued  which  gave  the  imperial  license 
to  the  religion  of  the  Christians.     When  Constantine  becaiin- 
sole  ruler,  he  openly  declared  in  favor  of  Christianity.     The 
favor  that  Constantine  bestowed    upon   the    Christians  was 
dictated  by  policy;  for  he  hoped  to  secure  their  support  in  the 
contest  with  his  rival.    Just  as  Augustus  had  based  his  empire 
on  a  revival  of  the  Pagan  faith,  so  Coustantine  accepted  the 
Christian,  and   sought  to  effect  a  union  between  church  and 
state.     The  efforts  of  Constantine  to  bring  into  harmony  the 
Christian,  and  Pagan  faiths  were  unsuccessful.     He  could  not 
keep  even  the  Christians  in  agreement  with  one  another.    In 
A.  D.  325  the  first  general  council  of  the  representatives  of  the 
church  at  Nicaea  (Nice)  met  to  decide  the  controversy  between 
Arms  and  Athanasius. 

11.  Character  of  Constantine. — Constantino's  charac- 
ter was  not  free  from  serious  faults.     He  had  Licinius  and  his 
own  son  put  to  death.     His  religion  was  a  strange  mixture  be- 
tween   Christianity   and    Paganism.     lie    worshipped    Pagan 
divinities,  consulted  the   haruspices.  and  indulged    in  Pagan 
superstitions.      The   reforms   of    Constantino   were   of    great 
importance,  because  they  changed  entirely  the  character  of  the 
government.     The  power  of  the  senate  was  gone  forever,  and 
the   restrictions  of   the  old   constitutional  government  disap- 
peared.    Constantine  created  a  new  senate  and  a  new  hierarchy 
of  officers,  which  became  the  prototype  for  the  graduated  scale  of 
nobility  of  Europe.     His  military  talents  and  powers  of  organ- 
ization were  great.     On  the  Rhenish  and  Danubian  frontiers  he 
drove  back  the  Germans  and  the  Sarmatians,  and  at  the  time  of 
his  death  was  about  to  conduct  a  campaign  against  the  Persians. 


A.  D.  337-476.]      THE   DECLINE  OF  THE   EMPIEE.  491 


THE  GRADUAL  DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  EMPIRE — THE  KEUNION 
OF  THE  EAST  AND  THE  WEST. 

1.  Bloody   Warfare. — Constantine  had  divided  the  em- 
pire among  his  three  sons,  Constantine,  Constans,  and  Con- 
stantius.     After  several  years  of  bloody  warfare   Constantius 
(A.  D.  353-361)  gained  the  sovereignty.     While  he  was  engaged 
in  the  East,  he  sent  Julian,  whom  he  had  named  Caesar,  to 
protect  Gaul  from  the  Alemanni  and  the  Franks,  who  had  over- 
run the  whole  province.    Julian  drove  them  out  of  the  country, 
led  three  expeditions  across  the  Ehine,  and  ravaged  Germany 
far  and  wide.     On  his  return  he  was  proclaimed  emperor,  and 
marched  against  his  rival  to  maintain  his  cause.    A  civil  war 
was  prevented  by  the  death  of  Constantius. 

2.  Julian  (A.  D.  361-363). — Julian  had  been  educated  by 
the  Platonic  philosophers,  and  was  a  pagan  by  conviction.    He 
attempted  to  destroy  Christianity  by  directing  against  its  pro- 
fessors every  weapon  of  petty  persecution.    He  discharged  the 
superfluous  officers,  improved  the  administration,  and  tightened 
the  reins  of  discipline  in  the  army.     He  was  a  brave  soldier. 
He  undertook  a  campaign  against  the  Persians,  and  attempted 
to  make  Babylonia  a  Roman  province.     He  fell  while  trying  to 
effect  a  retreat  from  the  Tigris,  and  was  succeeded  by  Jovian 
(A.  D.  363-4),  whose  reign  is  remarkable  for  nothing  except  the 
disgraceful  peace  which  he  concluded  with  the  Persians. 

3.  Division  of  the  Empire. — Jovian  was  succeeded  by  Val- 
entinian  (A.  D.  364-375),  who  resigned  the  East  to  his  brother 
Valens  (A.  D.  364-378),  while  he  took  upon  himself  the  defence 
of  the  Rhenish  and  Danubian  frontiers.1    Valentinian  was  killed 

1  With  his  court  first  at  Milan,  afterwards  at  TrSves,  in  order  to  conduct  the  war 
against  the  Alemanui. 


492  DISSOLUTION   OF  THE   EMPIRE.      [A. D.  337-476. 

in  u  campaign  against  the  Quadi  and  the  Sannaiians,  and  the 
Empire  of  the  West  fell  to  his  son  Gratian  (A.  D.  315-383.) 

4.  Invasion  of  the  Huns.— While  Valens  was  ruling  in 
the  East,  the  Huns  appeared  on  the  Danube  and  defeated  the 
Visigoths,1  who,  being   hard-pressed,   obtained  permission  in 
A.  D.  376  to   cross   the   Danube  and  settle  in  Moasia.      But 
the  Goths  being  provoked  by  ill-treatment  from  the  Roman 
officials,  seized  their  arms  and  defeated  the  Romans  at  Mar- 
cianople  and  Adrianople  (A.  D.  378),  and  slew  Valens. 

5.  Gratian  (A.  D.  375-383). — Gratian,  who  had  succeeded 
Valentinian,  feeling  unable  to  cope  with  the  new  foe,  placed, 
in  A.  D.  370,  the  East  under  the  superintendence  of  the  brave 
Theodosius  (A.  D.  379),  who  has  justly  been  called  the  Great. 
Partly  by  successful  battles,  partly  by  negotiation,  he  succeeded 
in  reducing  the  Visigoths  (A.  D.  382)  and  afterwards  the  Ostro- 
goths (A.  D.  386)  to   subjection  and   settled  them  in    Moesia, 
Thrace,  Asia  Minor  and  Illyricum,  and  admitted  forty  thou- 
sand of  them  into  the  Roman  army. 

6.  Theodosius. — In   the  West,    Gratiau  was   killed  by 
Maximiis  (A.  D.  383-388);  and  Valentinian  II,  (A.D.  388-392), 
who   had  succeeded  Gratian,  as  well  as  Eugenius  (A.  D.  392- 
394)    were    conquered    and    put    to    death     by    Theodosius 
(A.  D.  374).      As   sole  emperor  (A.  D.  394-5)  Theodosius  re- 
pelled the    barbarians  and   strengthened  the  frontier.      On 
his  death  the  empire  was  divided   between  his  two  sons  Ar- 
cadius  and  Honorius  ;  the  former  was  under  the  guidance  of 
Rufinus  and  the  latter  that  of  Stilicho.     This  division  of  the 
empire  is  of  importance,  for  it  was  the  recognition  of  a  ten- 
dency that  had  long  been  at  work.    Henceforth  there  existed  a 
jealousy  betAveen  the  East  and  the  West.     The  barbarians  were 
often  treated  with  by  the  Eastern  emperor  and  induced  to  turn 
their  arms  against  the  West.     From  this  time  dates  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Eastern  Empire,  which  existed  from  the  reign 
of  Arcadius  (A.D.  395) 2  to  the  capture  of  Constantinople  by  the 
Turks  in  A.  D.  1453. 

1  Wlien  the  Visigoths  (Western  Goths)  entered  the  empire,  the  Ostrogoths  (Eastern 
Goths)  pressed  forward  to  fill  their  vacant  room. 

»  Date  of  the  final  division  of  the  empire  ;  the  frontier  line  followed  np  the  Sanie 
ahont  60  miles  from  Belgrade,  thence  up  the  Drimis  to  its  source,  and  then  across  the 
mountains  to  Lissus.  See  map. 


s 


FROM  THE  TIME  OP  CONSTAXTLXE  TO  THAT  OP  THEODOSIIJS. 

(For  the  names  of  the  Provinces  corresponding  to  the  numbers  see  pp.  xxix.  and  xxx.) 

TEEF.  OF   rilK  EAST.      ^gf>  OF  ILLYR1CTTM.      H)  OF  TTA1 

Dioce.  I.  Aegypt;  11.  East;  111.  Pontus;  IV.  Asia;  Y.  Thrace.  Tl.  Macedonia;  Ml.  Dacia.  Till.  Italia;  U.  lllyric 

PARTITION  OP  THE  EMPIKE,  A.D.  395,  •* 


,  Africa.  XI.  Gallia;  XII.  llispania;  X1I1.  Britannia, 


L.D.  337-170.]      DISSOLUTION   OF  THE   EMPIRE.  493 

7.  Stilicho. — In  A.  i>.  398  the  Goths  of  Mcesia  and  Thrace 
ignited  under  Alaric;  but  instead  of  being  repressed  by  the 
Eastern  emperor,  Arcadius  made  Alaric  general  over  Eastern 
llyricum.  The  invasion  of  the  West  that  followed  was  attributed 
3  the  connivance  of  the  Eastern  emperor,  who  turned  the  Goths 1 
j  wards  Italy  in  order  to  save  his  own  territories.     The  brave 
tilicho  checked  the  invaders,  finally  defeating  them  in  A.  D.  403 
ear  Pollen tia  and  Verona,  and  compelling  Alaric  their  leader 
3  retreat.     In  A.  D.  405  the  Vandals,   Suevi,  Alani,  and  Bur- 
undians,  under  the  leadership  of  Rhadagaisus,  were  defeated 
ear  Florence  and  almost  totally  annihilated.     The  remnant 
f  the  barbarian  army  crossed  the  Alps,  and  plundered  Gaul, 
'rom  this  time  (A.D.  406)  dates  the  final  severance  of  Gaul  from 
lie  Roman  empire.    The  Sueves,  Alans  and  Vandals,  who  gave 
heir  names  to  the  province  of  Vandalusia,  (or  Andalusia)  passed 
ito   Spain  (A.D.  409),  while  the   Burgundians  founded  the 
ingdom  of  Burgundy.     About  the  same  time  (A.D.  418)  the 
ingdom  of  the  Franks  was  founded  by  Pharamand.     In  A.D. 
08  Alaric  reappeared.     Stilicho  had  fallen,  having  been  sacri- 
ced  to  the  jealousy  of  the  emperor.     Rome  was  besieged,  and 
nly  saved  by  paying  an  enormous  ransom  (A.D.  409). 

8.  Sack  of  Rome  by  Alaric. — In  A.D.  410  Alaric  re- 
urned  for  the  third  time.     Rome  was  taken  and  sacked,  and 
lout-hern  Italy  overrun.     His  successor,  Adolphus,  concluded 

treaty  with  Honorius  by  which  the  Goths  settled  in  Gaul, 
lis  successor,  Wallia,  drove  the  Vandals  and  Alans  beyond  the 
iierra  Morena,  and  founded  the  West-Gothic  kingdom  with  its 
apital  at  Tolosa.  When  the  Vandals  crossed  over  to  Africa 
he  West-Goths  extended  their  power  over  the  whole  of  Spain. 

1  The  place  of  the  Mceso-Goths  in  the  Teutonic  family  can  be  seen  from  the  following 
ible: 

TEUTONIC. 


GERMAN.  SCANDINAVIAN,  including 

ICELANDIC,  DANISH,  etc. 


IcEso-GoTmc.       Low  GERMAN,  including  HIGH  GERMAN,  including 

FRIESIAN,  OLD  SAXON.  OLD  HIGH  GERMAN, 

ANGLO-SAXON.  ENGLISH,  MIDDLE  HTOH  GERMAN, 

DUTCH,  FLEMISH.  MODERN  HIGH  GERMAN. 


494 


DISSOLUTION   OF   THE    EMPIRE.       [ A.  D.  337-470. 


9.  Tendency  of  the  Empire   to  Break   into   Frag- 

nients. — About  the  same  time  Britain  (A.  D.  418)  broke  away 
from  the  empire.  Gaul  and  Spain  soon  afu-rwards  were  lost. 
Illyricum  and  Pannonia  were  overrun  by  Goths.  Africa  was 
wrested  from  the  empire  by  the  barbarian  Genseric.  Honorius 
died  in  A.D.  423,  and  was  succeeded  by  Valentinian  III.  (A.D. 
425-455)  with  yEtius.  "the  last  of  the  Romans,"  as  his  minis- 


ter. During  his  reign  the  Huns,  under  Aftila,  who  called 
himself  "the  Scourge  of  God,"  crossed  the  Rhine  and  entered 
the  empire.  Being  defeated  by  the  West-Goths  and  the  Franks 
under  the  leadership  of  .-Etius  at  Chalons  (A.D.  451),  they  in- 
vaded Italy  the  next  year  and  spread  desolation  and  rain  over 
the  whole  plain  of  the  Po.  Padua,  Verona,  and  Aquileja  were 
destroyed,  and  the  inhabitants  fled  to  the  islands  of  the  Veneti, 


A.D.  337-476.]      DISSOLUTION  Of  TffE   EMPIRE.  495 

and  laid  the  foundation  of  Venice.  The  chief  kingdoms  that 
were  founded  by  the  followers  of  Attila  were  that  of  the  Ostro- 
goths in  Pannonia,  that  of  the  Gepidae  in  Dacia,  and  that  of 
the  Heruli  in  Dalmatia. 

10.  Sack  of  Rome  by  Genseric. — Valentinian  was  mur- 
dered by  Maximus,  who  lost  his  life  the  same  year  in  the  sack 
of  Rome  by  the  Vandals  under  Genseric  (A.  D.  455).   The  vessels 
of  the  barbarians  were  heaped  with  gold  and  silver  treasures,  and 
with  the  ornaments  from  the  temples  and  the  forum.  The  capitol 
was  stripped  of  its  gilded  tiles,  and  the  golden  candlesticks 
that  Titus  had  brought  from  Jerusalem  were  taken  to  Africa. 

11.  Count  Ricimer. — Maximus  was  followed  by  Avitus 
(A.  D.  455-6),  but  the  latter  was  soon  compelled  to  abdicate  by 
Count  Ricimer,  who  commanded  the  foreign  troops  in  the  pay 
of  Rome.    Ricimer  created  and  deposed  emperors  until  A.  D.  472. 
During  this  time  Italy  was  subjected  to  incessant  depredations, 
so  that  Ricimer  applied  to  Leo,  the  emperor  of  the  East,  for  aid. 
On  the  death  of  Ricimer  Leo  appointed  Nepos  emperor,  but  Ores- 
tes, who  had  obtained  the  title  of  patrician,  which  ranked  next  to 
the  emperor,  deprived  Nepos  of  the  royal  purple  and  gave  it  to 
his  son  Romulus  Augustulus.     Odoacer,  by  whose  aid  Orestes 
had  defended  the  empire,  demanded  pay  for  his  mercenaries, 
and,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  barbarians,  one  third  of  the 
land  of  Italy.     When  this  was  refused,  Odoacer  gathered  the 
barbarian  forces  throughout  Italy.    Orestes  was  shut  up  in  Pavia 
and  killed  in  the  assault  upon  the  city.      Augustulus  was  com- 
pelled to  abdicate,  and  was  permitted  to  retire  with  an  ample 
revenue  to  the  villa  of  Lucullus  in  Campania.    The  senate  sent 
a  deputation  to  the  Eastern  emperor  Zeno  to  represent  that 
there  was  no  longer  any  need  of  a  separate  emperor  for  the  West, 
and  entreated  him  to  confer  the  administration  of  the  Italian 
provinces1  on  Odoacer.     He  granted  what  he  could  not  refuse, 
and  Odoacer2  with  the  title  of  patrician  ruled  Italy  as  the  vicar 
of  the  Eastern  emperor. 

1  See  list  of  Italian  provinces,  p.  xxii. 

•  After  a  reign  of  fourteen  years"  Odoacer  wa»  compelled  to  yield  his  throne  to  Theo- 
doric.  who  founded  the  kingdom  of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy. 


496  FALL  OF  THE   WESTERN    EMPIRE.  [  A.I).  476. 

12.  Reunion  of  the  East  and  the  West— The  Kast  and 
the  West  were  once  more  united,  and  for  more  than  three  cen- 
turies the  empire  was  ruled  from  Byzantium  instead  of  Koine. 
The  year  A.  D.  476,  often  mistaken  as  the  date  of  the  fall  of  the 
Roman  empire,  only  marked  the  reunion  of  the  West  with  the 
East.  It  was  not  till  later  times  that  this  year  became  such  an 
important  epoch.  The  consequences  of  this  reunion,  however, 
in  emancipating  the  popes  from  the  authority  of  the  emperors, 
in  hastening  the  development  of  a  Latin  as  opposed  to  Greek 
and  oriental  forms  of  Christianity,  and  in  bringing  the  Teu- 
tonic ruler  of  the  West  under  the  power  of  the  popes,  were  from 
the  first  very  great.1  The  form  of  government — the  Roman 
emperor,  the  consuls,  the  senate — still  existed,  and  the  people 
cherished  the  delusion  that  the  barbarian  king  was  only  the 
vicar  of  the  absent  emperor.2  For  more  than  three  centuries  a 
single  emperor  ruled  the  world. 


I. XIX. 

THE  INTERNAL  HISTORY — THE  FALL  OF  THE  WESTERN  EM- 
PIRE— CHRISTIANITY  THE  STATE  RELIGION. 

1.  The  Fall  of  the  Empire. — It  is  important  to  re- 
member that  the  history  of  the  Western  Roman  empire  did 
not  terminate  with  the  year  A.  i>.  4T<>.  Legally  it  had  no  ex- 
tinction ;  the  seat  of  the  civil  government  was  simply  trans- 
ferred to  Byzantium.  The  imperial  government  had  been 
established  to  protect  the  frontier  and  to  promote  peace  and 
security  in  Italy  and  the  provinces.3  Different  emperors 


1  Bryce.  Holy  Rom.  Empire,  p.  26. 

'  Ttiere  is  no  ancient  authority  for  the  common  statement  that  Odoacer  assumed  the 
ttUe  of  "  king  of  Italy  ";  he  reigix'd  as  kingovrr  his  own  people.  For  mediaeval  his- 
tory it  is  important  to  remember  that  the  line  of  emperors  never  ceased  :  that  from  A.  D. 
476  to  800,  the  time  when  Charles  the  Great  assumed  the  empire,  the  Byzantine  em- 
peror <v:is  ahva  s  jn  theory,  often  in  prnctiee.  the  recocrnized  head  of  Rome  and  Italy. 

'  Odoacer  reigned  18  years.  His  follnwe-s  were  men-  predatory  tribes.  No  progress 
is  made  in  reorganizing  society  until  Theodoric,  the  king  of  the  O.-trogoths  ;. \.D.490), 


was  made 


A.D.  476.]  FALL  OF  THE   WESTERS   EMPIRE.  497 

erected  barriers  against  the  invasion  of  the  barbarians  on 
the  frontiers,  and,  if  we  except  the  forays  on  the  Rhine, 
the  peace  of  the  Roman  world  was  not  broken  until  the 
time  of  Marcus  Aurelius.  In  the  next  century  the  barbarians 
appeared  in  powerful  confederacies 1  on  every  frontier,  but  the 
empire,  strengthened  by  the  reforms  of  Diocletian,  rallied  and 
appeared  stronger  in  the  fourth  than  in  the  third  century.  The 
Huns,  Goths,  Vandals,  Alani,  and  Franks,  hurled  themselves 
in  ceaseless  succession  upon  the  frontiers,  broke  their  barriers, 
and  poured  in  a  resistless  torrent  over  the  Western  provinces. 
Gaul,  Spain,  Britain,  and  Africa  were  sundered  from  the  empire, 
and  the  fair  plains  of  Italy  were  desolated  by  host  after  host. 
Rome  was  taken  and  sacked.  Her  temples  were  stripped  of  their 
ornaments,  and  finally  Italy  fell  to  the  position  of  a  province, 
and  its  government  was  assumed  by  the  Eastern  emperor. 

2.  Causes  of  the  Fall  of  the  Empire. — This  is  what  is 
usually  called  the  fall  of  the  Western  empire.  The  empire  was 
matched  in  war  with  the  barbarians,  and  the  barbarians  con- 
quered.2 The  cause  of  the  inability  of  the  empire  to  cope  with 
the  barbarians  is  usually  ascribed  to  the  degeneracy  of  the 
Romans  and  the  enervating  effect  of  luxury.  This  reason,  how- 
ever, is  unsatisfactory,  for  the  luxury  of  the  capital  did  not 
reach  the  armies  on  the  frontiers.  They  were  levied  from  the 
peasantry,  and  were  composed  of  the  'salt  of  the  old  Roman 
world.'  Besides,  the  Roman  armies  held  their  own  with  re- 
markable bravery.  Julian  drove  the  Alernanni  across  the  Rhine ; 
Theodosius  quelled  the  Goths  ;  Stilicho  repulsed  Alaric ;  and 
-^Etius,  "the  last  of  the  Romans,"  defeated  Attila  at  Ch&lons. 
The  empire  perished  because  the  constant  decline  in  population3 
rendered  it  impossible  to  keep  a  native  army  on  foot.  Caesar 
had  perceived  this  danger,  and  he  first  taught  the  Romans  to 

although  professing  allegiance  to  the  Eastern  emperor,  attempted  to  establish  a  national 
monarchy  and  unite  the  peoples  under  the  laws  and  policy  of  ancient  Rome.  HJ8  success 
awoke  the  jealousy  of  Justinian,  the  Eastern  emperor,  who  determined  to  reassert  his 
riant  in  the  West".  Italy  was  divided  into  counties  and  dukedoms,  and  ruled  from 
H  venna  by  the  viceroy  of  Justinian. 

1  See  p."482,  note  2. 

3  Seeley,  1.  c..  p.  48. 

1  The  population  of  Rome  before  the  plague  in  A.  D.  167  was  about  2  millions. 

rschfeld  estimates  it  in  the  time  of  Severn*  at  or.ly  125,000. 


498  CHARACTER   OP  THE   BARBARIANS. 

protect  the  frontiers  by  artificial  ramparts,  to  colonize  the  near- 
est barbarian  tribes  in  order  that  the  first  blow  might  fall  on 
them  and  perhaps  be  repelled,  and  to  recruit  the  Roman  army 
from  the  enemies'  country.  Under  the  empire  the  army  became 
a  barbarian  horde,  commanded  sometimes  by  barbarian  chiefs. 
Stilicho  was  a  Vandal,  and  ^Etius  a  Sarrnatian.  Kicimer  made 
or  unmade  emperors  at  his  pleasure.  Whole  tribes — the  Van- 
dals in  Pannonia,  the  Goths  in  Moesia,  the  Franks  along  the 
Rhine — were  admitted  within  the  empire.  The  barbarians 
really  settled  and  occupied  the  empire  rather  than  conquered 
it.  Italy  attracted  the  spoilers.  Here  the  same  policy  was  triet1 
that  had  proved  fatal  in  the  provinces.  The  defence  of  Italy 
was  committed  to  a  barbarian  army  commanded  by  barbarian 
chiefs.  At  last  these  chiefs  learned  their  strength.  Odoacer 
determined  to  exert  it  and  have  Italy  for  himself.  Although 
the  empty  title  and  office  of  emperor  of  the  West  were  abolished, 
still  such  was  the  halo  of  greatness  that  gathered  round  the 
imperial  name,  that  Odoacer  refrained  from  grasping  the  scep- 
tre in  his  own  hands,  but  remained  satisfied  with  the  title  of 
patrician,  and  he  ruled  the  West  as  the  viceroy  of  the  Eastern 
emperor. 

3.  Character  of  the  Barbarians. — All  the  barbarians 
who  acted  a  prominent  part  in  plundering  Italy  and  the 
provinces,  must  not  be  looked  upon  as  savages.  They  had 
long  ceased  to  be  mere  destroyers.  In  their  intercourse  with 
the  Romans  for  many  centuries,  they  had  received  Christianity 
and  many  of  the  elements  of  civilization,  and  had  learned  to 
understand  and  speak  the  popular  dialects1  of  the  country, 
which  already  resembled  the  Italian  more  than  the  Latin ;  they 
were  just  as  civilized  as  our  ancestor-  were  in  the  middle  agea 
A  few  of  them  had  a  shadow  of  classical  education,  as  Theodoric 
the  Visigoth,  and  the  yonniror  Alaric,  but  the  case  was  quite 
different  with  Ricimer  and  his  equals,  who  no  doubt  heartily 
despised  the  culture  of  the  Romans.2  The  Germans  particu- 
larly, although  like  the  others,  faithless  and  cruel,  still  had 


Lingua  rulgaris.          '  Neibuhr,  1.  c.;  Pritchard,  Hist,  of  Man,  vol.  iii,  p.  423. 


A.D.  476.]  THE   ROMANCE   LANGUAGES.  499 


great  regard  for  the  rights  of  men  and  paid  great  respect 
to  the  female  sex.  It  was  these  traits  of  character  among  the 
Germans  and  the  Goths  which,  when  enlightened  by  Chris- 
tianity, distinguished  the  age  of  chivalry  and  romance. 

4.  The  Romance  Languages. — The  six  so-called  Ro- 
mance  languages — Italian,Wallachian,  Proven9al,  French,  Span- 
ish, and  Portuguese — are  all  derived  from  the  Latin  or  rather 
from  the  ancient  Italian.  Although  we  can  trace  these  six 
languages  back  to  the  Latin,  still  the  classical  Latin  would  fail 
to  supply  a  complete  explanation  of  their  origin.  The  ingre- 
dionts  for  these  languages  must  be  sought  in  the  ancient  dialects 
of  Italy  and  the  provinces — the  Umbrian,  the  Oscan,  in  the 
so-called  vulgar  or  popular  speech — which  the  barbarians  who 
settled  in  the  empire  adopted,  and  engrafted  upon  them  their 
own  idioms,  phrases,  and  constructions.  The  French,  then, 
is  provincial  Latin,  as  spoken  by  the  Franks,  a  Teutonic  race.1 
It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  the  Romance  language* 
did  not  spring  from  the  classical  Latin,  but  from  the  vulgar, 
local,  provincial  dialects  of  the  middle,  the  lower,  and  the 
lowest  classes  of  the  Roman  empire.  Many  of  the  words 
which  give  to  French  and  Italian  their  classical  appearance, 
are  really  of  much  later  date,  and  were  incorporated  into  those 
languages  by  medieval  scholars,  lawyers  and  divines.2 

1  If  a  Gorman  speak?  a  foreigji  tongue  he  commit?  certain  mistakes  which  a  French- 
man never  would  commit,  and  rice  versa.  A  German  speaking  would  be  inclined  to  say: 
to  bring  a  sacrifice  ;  a  Frenchman  woald  never  make  that  mistake.  A  Frenchman,  on 
the  contrary,  is  apt  to  say.  that  he  cannot  attend  any  longer.  Englishmen,  traveling 
abroad,  have  been  heard  to"  call  for  wdcMer,  meaning  waiter  ;  they  have  declared,  in  Ger- 
man. Ich  habe  einen  grossen  Geist  Sie  nieder  zu  klopjen.  meaning  they  had  a  great  mind 
to  knock  a  person  down.  No  Roman  would  express  the  idea  or  entertaining  or  amusing 
by  intertenere.  Such  an  expression  would  have  conveyed  no  meaning  to  Cicero  or  Caesar. 
The  Germans,  however,  were  accustomed  to  the  idiomatic  use  of  vnterhalten,  and  when 
they  had  to  make  themselves  understood  in  Latin,  they  rendered  unter  by  infer, 
halten  by  tenere,  and  thus  formed  entretenir,  a  word  owned  neither  by  Latin  nor  German. 
Gegend,  in  German,  means  region  or  country.  It  signifies  originally  that  which  is  before 
or  against,  what  forms  the  object  of  view.  Now  in  Latin  gtgen,  or  against,  would  be 
expressed  by  contra,  and  the  German,  not  recollecting  at  once  the  Latin  word  reyio,  took 
to  translating  their  idea  of  Geqenrt.  that  which  was  before  them,  by  contratum,  or  terra 
contrata.  This  became  the  Italian  contrada.  the  French  contrle.  the  English  country. 
These  mistakes  grammarians  call  Germanisms.  Gallicisms,  or  Anglicisms.  Now  the 
Germans  who  came  to  settle  in  Italy  and  Gaul,  and  who  learnt  to  express  themselves 
in  Latin,  committed  precisely  these  mistakes.  The  Roman  subjects  did  the  best  they 
could  to  understand  the  Latin  jargon,  and,  if  they  wished  to  be  very  polite,  they  would 
repeat  the  mistake  which  their  masters  had  committed.  In  this  manner  the  most  un- 
grammatical.  the  most  nnidiomatic  phrases  would,  after  a  time,  become  current  in  the 
vulgar  speech.  (Max  M  filler,  1.  c.,  vol.  ii,  p.  305 ft.) 

•  Max  Mfiller,  1.  c.,  vol.  i,  p.  222  ft. 


500  REVIVAL   OF    I'Ai;  AN  ISM.  [A.D. 

5.  Philosophy  and   Religion. — In  order  to  understand 
what  form  of  Paganism  prevailed  in  the  empire  when  Chri-- 
tianity  became  the  state  religion,  we  must  briefly  review  tin- 
changes  that  have  been  made  in  the  national  worship  ,-inee  the 
compromise  effected  between  Greek  philosophy  and  Stoicism, 
in    the    days    of  the   republic.     Under  the    empire    the    old 
prejudices  against  philosophy  and  foreign   forms  of   worship 
died  out.    Then   the  various  forms  of   oriental  superstition 
— the  worship  of   the  Syrian  sun-god,  of  Isis  and  Serapis — 
Persian  and  Egyptian  mysticism,  and  various  forms  of  secret 
and   unhallowed   worship,  found   their  way   to  Koine.      The 
philosophers  eliminated  certain  elements  common  to  all  these 
systems  of  religion,  and  combined  them  with  the  most  vision- 
ary part  of  Plato's  philosophy.1     The   native  gods  lost  their 
power,  and  the  people  became  perplexed  with  the  multitude 
of  new  gods.     The  result  was  that  the  people  selected  a  certain 
number  of  gods — among  which  Jupiter,  the  god  of  the  clear 
sky,  and  the  old  Italian  sun-god  held  the  first  rank — whom 
they  thought  best  able  to  help  them  in  their  distress.     Pagan- 
ism in  its  last  form   returned  to  what  perhaps  was  its  oldest 
form,  and  became  sun-worship.2 

6.  Revival  of  Paganism. — During  the  revolutionary  age 
the  calamities  and  miseries — the  plague,  the  unparalleled  polit- 
ical disasters,  the/scw?,  which  destroyed  all  capital  and  with  it 
all  desire  to  accumulate — compelled  men  to  be  religious,  for 
religious  feeling  is  always  strong  in  proportion  to  the  sense  of 
weakness.     .M.'ii  in  their  distress  lilh-d  the.  temples  in  the  vain 
hope  that  piety  might  avert  the  impending  calamities.     If  we 
pass  over  the  revolutionary  a  .ire.  we   find    that    a  irreat  change 
had  taken  place.     The  people  who  in  the  age  of  the  Antonines 
were  alike  indifferent  to  every  form  of  philosophy,  have  become 
intensely  religious.    "  Free-will  asserted  itself  again,  and  acts  of 


1  Apulejns  tried  to  bring  thN  now  rv-t>-m  iXeoplatonism)  into  conformity  with  the 
national  religion,  by  calling  the  demon-  .  who  were  supposed  to  hold  Intercourse  with 
men  and  whose  Interventions  explained  the  mysteries  of  the  world*  I  firm  and  »*nnej>  and 
genii.  This  device  snccef-ded,  in  a  measure,  and  the  new  philosophy  rained  acceptance 
among  the  higher  classes. 

Preller.  ROmNche  Mvthologie.  p.  3H,  also  Seeley,  1.  c.,  p.  91. 


CHRISTIANITY   THE   STATE    RELIGION.  501 

free  choice  were  done.  The  government  was  none  the  less 
despotic,  but  free-will  made  terms  with  the  victorious  power 
of  government  and  accepted  a  fraction,  but  a  secure  fraction, 
of  its  original  possessions.  A  distinction  was  introduced  like 
that  which  we  now  recognize  between  political  and  social  life. 
In  political  life,  despotism  reigned  with  more  undisputed  title 
than  ever,  raid  was  more  remorselessly  cruel.  But  from  social 
life  despotism  was  almost  expelled."  * 

7.  Progress  of  Christianity. — We  have  already  spoken 
of  the  entrance  of  Christianity  into  the  Roman  empire,  and  the 
fact  that  it  found  its  first  converts  among  the  slaves  and  freed- 
men.     Since  that  time  Christianity  had  made  great  progress, 
and  had  found  favor  with  many  of  higher  rank.     In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  second  century,  Pliny2  speaks  of  the  Christians  as 
a  well-known  class,  and  the  laws8  against  them  as  well  under- 
stood.    The  revival  of  religion  during  the  revolutionary  age 
was  felt  in  the  action  of  the  government  against  the  Christians. 
It  was  in  the  name  of  religion4  that  Decius   and   Aurelian 
assailed  the  Christians.    In  the  time  of  Diocletian,  the  Chris- 
tians had  become  so  numerous  that  his  edict  commanding  them 
to  offer  sacrifices  was  resisted  throughout  the  empire. 

8.  Christianity  the  State  Religion. — Constantine,  though 
personally  indifferent  to  every  form  of  religion,  had  the  acute- 
ness  to  perceive  that  Christianity  was  a  great  power  in  the 
state,  and  in  order  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  its  followers,  he 
issued  an  edict,5  licensing  the  religion  of  the  Christians,  and 
promising  them  his  favor  and  protection.     After  his  success  in 
the  field,  Constantine  recognized  the  rights  of  Christians,  and 
protected  their  churches.6     Still,  hr  did  not  break  with  Pagan- 


Seeley,  1.  c.,  89.  •  He  was  governor  of  Bithynia  in  A.  D.  111-118. 

Secundum  niandatq  tua  hedrriax  vetueram. 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  Christianity  made  the  Roman  world  religious  ;  it  was? 
intensely  religious  before  Christianity  had  become  the  state  religion. 

The  Edict  of  Milan.  A.  D.  313. 

From  this  a^e  dates  the  rise  of  that  form  of  architecture,  which  was  modelled 
upon  the  Roman  oarilica,  in  which  the  main  body  of  the  building  (the  nave,  so-called 
from  its  resemblance  to  the  interior  of  a  ship.  Havi»)  uorommodated  those  assembled  foi 
pleasure  or  business  :  the  aisle  (alir.  -winrj*\,  divided  from  the  nave  by  pillars,  afforded 
freer  passage  as  well  as  retirement  from 'the  crowd;  while  the  semicircular  end  (ap*f} 
was  for  the  prsetor  and  those  who  appeared  before  his  tribunal.  In  the  churches  these 
divisions  became  the  nare,  a'n>lfn,  and  choir.  The  two  oldest  and  finest  examples  of 
Christian  basilicse  were  those  of  St.  Petrr,  built  by  Constantine  (on  the  site  of  the 
preseni  St.  Peter's),  and  St.  Paul,  built  !>y  Honorius. 


502 


CHRISTIANITY  THE   STATE    RELKiKiV. 


ism.  He  was  chief  pontiff  of  Jupiter,  and  even  looked  forward 
to  being  himself  enrolled  among  the  objects  of  national  worship. 
He  was  unwilling  to  make-  any  distinction  l  bet  ween  his  I'a^an 
and  Christian  subjects,  or  to  establish  Christianity  by  any 
formal  act.  Still,  by  the  edict  of  toleration,  and  by  practising 
the  forms  of  Christian  worship  himself,  Constantine  encouraged 
his  subjects  to  embrace  something  better  than  the  .Sun-worship 
The  forms  of  Paganism  had  waxed  old  and  were  ready  to 
vanish.  It  was  well  that  it  was  so ;  it  was  well  that  "  the 
Roman  empire,  searching  eagerly  to  find  a  religion,  discovered 
in  its  own  bosom  a  worship  which  had  the  two  things  which 
the  age  demanded — a  supernatural  pretension  and  an  ideal  of 
moral  goodness."3 

1  The  retention  of  the  old  Pagan  name  of  Dies  soli*,  or  Sunday,  for  the  weekly  Chris- 
tian festival,  in  in  gre:it  measure  owing  to  the  union  of  Patran  and  Christian  sentiment, 
with  which  the  first  day  of  tin-  week  \v;i<  r-coinnu-ndrd  by  Constantino  to  lii~  ou 
Pagan  and  Christian  alike,  a*  the  "  venerable  day  of  th<-  snn."  His  decree  regulatini;  i's 
observance  ha-  justly  been  called  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  Lord's  Day.  It  «a-  his 
mode  of  harmonizing  the  discordant  religions  of  the  empire  under  one  common  institu- 
tion.— Dean  Stanley,  Eaxttrn  Church,  p.  193.  "  Seeley,  1.  c.,  95. 


SUMMARY- 

FIRST  PERIOD  OF  IMPERIALISM — B.C.  31-A. n.  ISO. 


Extent  of  the 
Empire. 


Reign 

of     \iii;ii»Hi»  . 
B.C.  3I-A.D.  14. 


Powers  Con- 
f»-  rr«'  d       on 
Augustus. 


When  Augustus  became  sole  ruler,  the  Roman 
empire  extended  from  the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  Euphra- 
tes on  the  east,  and  from  the  British  channel,  the  Ger- 
man ocean,  the  Rhine,  the  Danube,  and  the  Euxine  on 
the  north  to  the  African  desert  on  the  south.  Augustus 
carefully  avoided  every  title  that  could  give  offence  tc 
the  people.  The  senate  was  raised  in  general  estima- 
tion, and  on  its  dignity  he  founded  his  government- 
While  avoiding  all  show  and  grandeur  and  discarding 
every  title,  even  the  name  of  dictator,  that  had  any 
unpleasant  recollections  attached  to  it,  he  managed  to 
grasp  within  hi?  own  hands  all  the  offices  of  the  state 
that  had  any  real  power  attached  to  them.  As  imper- 
ator  he  had  the  proconsular  power  or  command  of  the 
armies  ;  as  president  of  the  senate  he  guided  the  coun- 
cils of  that  body :  as  consul  and  censor,  he  had  the 
powers  attached  to  these  offices,  and  finally  the  tribu- 
nitian  power  and  the  chief  pontificate  were  added. 


SUMMARY. 


503 


Augustus  restored  order  in  Italy  and  the  provinces. 
Nine  praetorian  cohorts  kept  order  in  Rome  and  Italy. 
To  these  must  be  added  the  regular  and  special  police 
force  in  the  city.  During  the  reign  of  Augustus  cam- 
paigns were  carried  on  against  the  tribes  in  northern 
Spain,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Eastern  Alps — the  Rhse- 
tians  and  Vindelitians,  and  those  on  the  Rhenish1  and 
Danubian  frontiers.  The  last  years  of  the  emperor's 
life  were  clouded  by  a  defeat  in  Germany  under  Varus. 

During  the  reign  of  Augustus  several  important 
provinces  were  added  to  the  empire — Egypt,  the  gran- 
ary of  the  empire,  Rhaetia,  Noricum,  Pannonia  and 
Mcesia.  Under  his  successors,  the  boundaries  of  the 
empire  were  still  further  extended.  Cappadocia  and 
Germania,  acquired  by  Tiberius  ;  Britain,  by  Claudius  ; 
Mauritania  Tingitana,  Mauritania  Caesariensis,  byGajus 
Caesar  ;  Alpes  Cottiae  and  Thrace  (A.D.  46),  under  Nero  ; 
and  Arabia  (A.  D.  105),  Dacia  (A.  D.  107),  Armenia  (A.  D! 
114),  Mesopotamia  (A.  D,  115)  and  Assyria  (A.D.  115),  by 
Trajan. 

During  the  first  period  of  imperialism,  the  forms  of 
the  constitution  were  generally  observed.  Some 
emperors — as  Tiberius  and  Nero — by  reviving  the  law 
of  Majestas,  and  the  encouragement  they  gave  to 
'  informers,'  were  cruel  tyrants  ;  the  weight  of  their 
tyranny,  however,  fell  chiefly  on  the  city,  while  the 
provinces  were  ably  governed.  Under  Trajan,  Ha- 
drian, and  the  Antonines,  the  government  was  wisely 
and  honestly  administered,  and  the  empire  reached  a 
high  state  of  prosperity.  The  city  of  Rome  was 
adorned  with  magnificent  structures,  while  roads, 
harbors,  bridges,  aqueducts  and  buildings  were  con- 
structed in  the  provinces. 

TRANSITION  PERIOD — A.  D,  180-284. 

During  this  period  the  prosperity  of  the  empire  de- 
clined rapidly.  The  remnants  of  the  old  republican 
government  disappeared.  The  soldiers  deserted  and 
either  settled  among  the  provincials,  or  formed  them- 
selves into  banditti  and  ravaged  the  country.  Popula- 
tion declined,  morality  decreased,  patriotism  died  out, 
provinces  seemed  on  the  point  of  breaking  away  from 
the  empire,  the  internal  administration  was  neglected, 
the  soldiery  made  and  unmade  emperors,  and  the 
empire  seemed  tottering  to  its  fall.  When  Diocletian 
ascended  the  throne,  he  restored  the  discipline  in  the 
army  and  introduced  reforms  that  enabled  the  empire 
to  exist  for  many  centuries. 


Police 
Measures. 


Campaigns. 


Defeat  of 

Varus, 
A.D.  9. 


Extension 

of  the  Km  pi  re 


Period  of  Good 
Government. 


Prosperity. 


Period    of 
Anarchy. 


Mutinous 
Soldiery. 

Diocletian, 

A.  D.  284-305. 


1  The  principal  towns  on  the  Rhenish  frontier  were  Colonia  Asrrippinensis  (Cologne}, 
Bonna  (Bonn).  Ad  Conflnentes  ('Wfiifs'i.  Mogontiaeom  (Mm/enm),  Borbetomagus 
{Worm*},  Argentoratum  (Strasburg),  and  Augusta  Rauracorum  (Basle). 


504 


SUMMARY. 


Reforms 
of  Diocletian. 


Reforms 

Completed    by 

Constantine. 


The      New- 
Capital. 


SECOND  PERIOD   OF   IMPERIALISM — 
A.  D.  284-476. 

Diocletian's  first  act  was  to  associate  Maximian  with 
himself  as  ruler,  under  the  title  of  '  Augustus.'  Then 
two  '  Caesars,'  who  were  to  stand  to  the  Augttsli  as  sons 
and  successors,  were  created  to  rule  the  more  unsettled 
provinces.  This  arrangement  secured  the  throne  against 
a  vacancy,  and  thus  deprived  the  soldiers  of  the  power 
of  making  or  unmaking  emperors  at  their  pleasure. 
Throughout  the  empire  anarchy  was  repressed,  and  the 
praetorians  were  diminished  in  numbers  and  made  to 
feel  the  restraints  of  discipline. 

The  reforms  begun  by  Diocletian  were  completed  by 
Constantine.  The  praetorians  were  abolished,  a  court  on 
the  oriental  plan  was  organized,  and  a  graduated  system 
of  titles  introduced.  The  army  was  reorganized,  the 
military  power  was  taken  from  the  legal i  and  reserved  for 
the  emperor.  By  transferring  the  capital  to  the  East, 
and  by  the  creation  of  a  new  senate,  Constantine  broke 
away  from  the  restraints  which  the  senate  had  hitherto 
exercised  on  the  authority  of  the  emperor,  and  Irecd 
himself  from  the  restrictions  which  the  old  constitution 
imposed  upon  him.  The  government  was  converted 
into  an  oriental  despotism. 

Constantine  showed  favor  to  the  Christians,  granted 
them  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  by  dis- 
associating the  government  with  Paganism,  he  founded 
it  to  a  certain  extent  on  Christianity. 

The  empire,  strengthened  by  these  reforms,  rallied 
and  continued  its  existence  for  several  centuries.  The 
creation  of  several  co-ordinate  rulers  was  a  source  of 
numerous  quarrels,  and  the  partition  of  the  empire 
into  praefectures  increased  the  tendency  to  break  into 
fragments.  Constantine  was  hardly  dead  before  a 
series  of  bloody  wars  commenced  between  his  ap- 
pointed successors.  The  empire  was  soon  divided.  A 
jealousy  sprang  up  betsveen  the  East  and  the  West.  The 
Eastern  emperor  often  turned  the  barbarians  towards 
the  West,  in  order  to  save  his  own  dominions.  Rome 
was  sacked  by  Alaric  (A.D.  410)  and  Genseric  (A.D.  455). 
The  western  provinces  were  overrun  by  the  barbarians, 
the  army  became  a  barbaric  horde,  and  province  after 
province  broke  from  the  empire,  until  finally  Italy  alone 
was  left.  This  also  the  barbarians  determined  to  pos- 
sess. The  emperor  was  deposed,  and  Odoacer,  the  bar- 
barian chief,  ruled  Italy  as  the  viceroy  of  the  Eastern 
emperor. 


Christianity. 


Disadvantages 

of  these 
Changes. 


Dissolution 
of  the  Empire, 

A.  D.  337-476- 


Reunion  of 

the  East  and 

the  West, 

A.D.  476. 


. 


INDEX. 


AbruzzI,  7. 

Accensi,  368. 

Actium,  battle  of,  358. 

Achaean  League,  158,  163,  166. 

Achaja,  a  Roman  province,  181. 

Ades,  372;  duplex.  372,  n.  ;  simplex,  372,  n.  1; 

triplex.  372,  n.  1  ;  373,  n.  4  ;  374,  n.  1. 
Adherbal,  216. 
Addicts,  56,  n.  1. 
Adolphus,  493. 
AdrianOple,  battle  of,  492. 
jEdiles,  385. 

JSgatian  islands,  battle  at,  136. 
^Elius  Sejanus  442. 
JSgatian  islands,  126. 
^Emilianus,  P.  Scipio,  169,  177  202. 
xEmillius  Paulus,  slain  in  the  battle  of 

Cannse. 
..Eneas,  26. 
^Equians,  3.  76,  93. 


jEmrium,  76. 

Stills,  494. 

^Etolian  League,  158  ;  dissolved,  165,  n.  3. 

^Etolian  wars,  161,  162. 

Africa,  a  Roman  province,  171. 

Ager  Oalftcus,  5,  n.  1  ;  Rmnanm,  11,  n.  1  ; 

114,  n. 

Agri  decumates,  45S,  4S4. 
Agrarian  law  of  S.  Ca.ssius.  62  ;  of  T.  Grac- 

chus, 203  ;  extended  by  G.  Gracchus,  209. 
Agricola,  454. 

Agrigentum  besieged  and  taken,  120. 
Agrippa,  minister  of  Augustus,  354. 
-  Menenius,  57. 
Agripplna,  449,  470,  n.  7. 
Alani,  493. 
Alaric.  493. 
Alba  Longa,  26. 
Alban  Lake, 
Alcmanni,  482,  497. 
Alesia,  taken  by  Caesar,  313. 
Alexander  SeySrus.  emperor,  481. 
Alexander,  king  of  Epirns, 
Alexandria,  332. 

Alimentus,  Cincius,  the  annalist,  25. 
Allia,  battle  of,  77. 

Allies,  184  ;  number  of  Italian,  232,  n.  3. 
AJlobroges,  embassadors  of  the,  295. 
Alps,  6  ;  Hannibal's  route,  136. 
Amphitheatre,  meaning  of,  411,  n.  4.;  411  f. 
Ancus  Marcius,  30  ;  conquers  Latin  cities 

and  removes  the  inhabitants  to  Rome,  30. 


Ancyra,  438 ;  Monumentnm  AncyrSnum. 
438. 

Andriscus,  166. 

Annus  confusionis,  339,  n.  2. 

Antiochus,  king  of  Syria,  156;  proposes 
partition  of  Egypt,  161 ;  receives  Hanni- 
bal, 101 ;  invades  Greece,  162 ;  defeated 
at  Thermophyhe,  162;  at  Magnesia,  162; 
cedes  all  his  territory  in  Asia  Minor  t« 
the  Romans,  162. 

Antium,  conquest  of,  96. 

Antisignati.%i-2,  n.  3. 

Antoninus,  M.  Commftdus,  emperor,  479. 

Antoninus  Pins,  emperor,  464. 

Antonius,  G.,  287. 

Antonius,  M..  the  orator,  246. 

Antonius.Marcus  (Mark  Antony),  830, 343  f» 
351 ;  death  of,  359. 

Apennines,  6. 

Appian  Way,  111. 

Apollonia,  345. 

Appian,  the  historian,  116a,  255,  n.  8. 

Appius  Claudius  Caecus,  106. 

AppulSjus,  227  ;  his  laws,  222. 

Apulia,  6. 

ApulSjus,  500,  n.  1. 

Aqua  Appia,  112, 11.  3;  Claudia,  199,  n.  1. 

Aquae  Sextiae,  battle  of,  223;  colony  at,  211 
n.  3  ;  214,  n.  4. 

Aquiieja,  221. 

Aquillius,  M',  226. 

Arabia,  432,  459. 

Arausio,  battle  of,  222. 

Arcadius,  emperor  of  the  East,  492. 

Archeiaus,  249. 

Archim5des,  146. 

Architecture,  modelled  on  the  basilica,  601, 
n.  6. 

Ariobarzanes, 

Ariovistus,  309. 

Aristobfllus,  282. 

Aristotle,  the  philosopher,  116a. 

Arius,  490. 

Armenia,  278, 279 ;  Lesser  Armenia,  a  prov- 
ince, 283.  n.  3. 

Arminius,  436. 

Army,  organization  of,  367,  368 ;  pay  of, 
374  ;  in  time  of  Augustus,  429. 

Armor,  23. 

Arrogatio,  52,  n.  1. 

Artaxata,  281. 

Aryan,  9,  n.  8. 

As  (coin),  22,  n.  5,  194,  n.  1. 

Asculurn,  battle  of,  106. 


506 


IXDEX. 


Assidui,  22,  n.  2,  387. 

Asellio,  8.  Sempronius,  praetor,  240. 

Asia,  a  Roman  province,  179. 

Asia,  3. 

Athenio,  226. 

Athens,  249. 

Attfla  invades  Italy,  491 

Atrium,  25,  n.  1 ;  887. 

Atallan  farces  (Atellanas  Fatntte),  413,  n.  1. 

Att&lus,  king  of  Pergamns,  204,  n.5;  283,  n.  3. 

Augurs,  39. 

Augustus,  420,  n.  6.    See  Octavius. 

Augusta  Praetoria,  423. 

Aulus  Gellius,  43,  n.  1. 

Aurelian,  emperor,  482. 

Aurelian  law,  271. 

Aurelius,  Marcus,  emperor,  466. 

Awpicia,  38,  39  ;  privafa,  puMica,  72,  n.  1 ; 
ex  calo.  88,  n.  2 .  ex  anous,  38,  n.  2  ;  ex 
trepudiis ;  ex  quadrupedibus.  38,  n.  2 ;  ex 
diris,  88,  n.  2. 

B. 

Baths,  407. 

Baecftla,  battle  of,  148. 

Bajae,  262. 

Balearic  slingers,  372. 

Ballista?,  880. 

Barbarians  press  upon  the  frontier?,  466 ; 
their  confederations,  482,  n.  2;  their  ir- 
ruptions into  the  provinces  and  Italy, 
484,  492.  49s  ;  their  civilization,  498. 

J9a*i/lca,  286. 

BatSvi,  revolt  of,  453. 

Bedriacum,  451  f. 

Belgic  war,  310. 

Berenice,  425. 

Bibulus,  M.,  consul  with  Caesar,  304. 

Bifrons,  36. 

Bissextus,  339,  n.  2. 

Boadicaea.  451,  n.  1. 

Boarding-bridge's,  121. 

Boji  conquered,  103. 

Bonna  Dea,  sacrilege  of  Clodius,  808,  n.  1. 

BonOnia  (Bologna),  road  to,  111. 

Books,  401. 

Bospftrus,  Cimmerian,  281. 

Brennus,  77,  n.  1. 

Bmndisitim,  327  ;  treaty  of,  852. 

Bruttii,  6. 

Kruttium,  6.  n.  2. 

Britain,  invaded  by  Caesar,  310 ;  second  in- 
vasion,  810 :  conquered  by  Claudius.  I  Hi; 
conquests  extended  by  Vespasian,  404. 

Brutus,  D.,  governor  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  put 
to  death,  341,  n.  1 :  348,  n.  1. 

Brutus,  342;  L.  Junius,  ill,  n.  1  ;  342,  349. 

Brutus,  M  Junius,  one  of  the  conspirators, 
retires  to  Macedonia,  350  ;  collects  an 
army,  349 ;  plunders  the  cities  in  Asia 
Minor.  .349  ;  crosse-  to  Greece,  350;  de- 
feated at  Philippi,  350;  kills  himself,  350. 

Burchana,  island  of,  433. 

Burgundians,  493. 

Byzantium  158,  489. 

C. 

Csepio,  commander  at  the  battle  of  Araiisio. 
222 :  gold  of  Tolosa,  227,  n.  5;  condemned 

tn  death,  •,",>•,!. 


Caesarea  Augusta  (Saragossa)  founded,  430, 

n.  I. 

Caesar,  Augustus,  his  early  career,  345; 
treaty  with  Antmiius,  : 

Caesar,  Gajus  (Caligula),  444;  succeeds  Tibe- 
rius, 444:  death  of,  1 1:>. 

Caesar,  Gajus  Julius,  ri-i-  of,  W  ;  qu;i-«tor, 
302;  aedlle,  303  ;  restores  the  trophietof 
Marius,  303;  greatest  man  of  antiquity, 
303;  propraetor  in  Spain,  304;  forms  a 
cabal  with  Porapejtu  and  Ora-sus,  304 ; 
consul,  304;  carnesan  Agrarian  and  oilier 
laws,  304 ;  proconsul,  305  ;  intrigues  with 
Clodius,  305  ;  campaign-  in  Gar.l.  3'IS-314  ; 


the     Rubicon,     325 ;     legality    of     his 
course,  325;   drives  his  opponents  from 
Italv,  *27:  enters  Rome.  3^8;  conquers 
in  Spain,  32'.) ;  dictatorship.  330  ;  <  > 
to  Greece,  330;  battle  of  Dyrrhachinm 
33Q;  battle  of  Phaisuh; 
drine  war,  331 ;  conquer*  Pharnaces,332 
returns  to  Rome.  333  ;  battle  of  Thapsus 
334;  powers  con ferred,3.'i5:  histriumiihs 
836;  tm])erdtor,  $i~ ;  his  work, 
policy,  338;  Spanish  war,  889 ;  n  • 
diadem,  340 ;  conspiracy  airainst  him.  340* 
•ion.  Ml ;  his'  will.  344;  his  ob- 
sequies, M44  ;  his  debts,  3(i2.  n.  5. 

Ca-sar,  L.  Julius,  consul,  :>3ti  ;  in  Socia" 
war,  237;  proposes  /<./•  Julia,  237. 

Calabria,  6. 

Calendar,  reformed,  339,  n.  2. 

Caligula,  emperor,  114. 

Calistus,  Pallas,  his  great  wealth,  282, 
n.5. 

Calptirnian  law,  183,  n.  1. 

Camillus,  M.  Furius,  49,  76,  n. 

C'ainpairiia,  7. 

Campania.  4  ;  (felix),  4,  n.  1. 

Camp ' i  i.  254,  n.  3. 

Cannae,  140  ;  Romans  defeated,  141;  plan 
of  battle,  141  ;  pian  of.  141. 

Canlfibri  conquered  by  Augustus,  430. 

Cannleian  iaw,  72. 

Capitol,  building  of,  18,  300,  n.  1. 

Capitolium,  14. 

Capua  opens  it*  gates  to  Hannibal,  142; 
sii-ire  of,  149;  retaken  by  the  Romans, 
ME 

Caracalla,  emperor,  480. 

Carbo.  Cn.  Papirius.  consul,  251,  253. 

Carrhae.  320. 

Oarinus,  emperor,  456,  n.  1. 

Carthage,  its  trade.  117;  government,  118; 
compared  with  Rome,  118:  sie-re  of.  170; 
captured  by  the  Romans,  170;  rebuilt, 
211,  n.:  capital  of  the  Vandal  kimrdom, 
47.");  Carthaginians,  their  descent,  116a  ; 
navy  and  army,  I  Ilia  ;  trade,  117. 

Cams,  emperor,  482. 

is,  L.  Longimis,  lieutenant  of  Cras- 
.-us,  319;  departs  to  M'-sopotamia,  319; 
leads  the  army  to  Carrhae,  320 ;  retreats 
to  Syria,  320;  originates  the  conspiracy 
against  Cn>sar,  341  ;  deparN  to  Syria,  344, 
n.  2  ;  plunders  the  cities  in  the  East, 
349;  marches  with  Brutus  to  Greece, 


INDEX. 


507 


850  ;  defeated  at  Philippi,  350  ;  his  death, 
830. 

Cabins,  Spurius,  Agrarian  law  of,  62. 
Catilln.-i,  L.  Sergius,"  early  career,  285;  first 
conspiracy,  283  ;  second  conspiracy,  286  ; 
accused  l>y  Cicero,  21)3  ;  leaves  Borne,  -J<i5; 
the  conspirators  betrayed,  condemned 
and  executed,  295-7  ;  defeat  and  death, 
298. 

Catilinian  orations,  date  of,  297,  n.  1. 

Cato,  M.  Porcius,  seni  to  Spain,  174  ;  pre- 
fers charges  airainst  Galha.  176;  efforts 
for  reform,  189  ;  consul,  190  :  resists  the 
repeal  of  the  Oppian  law,  190;  hostility  to 
theScipios,  1!K)  ;  his  censorship,  191  :  his 
avarice,  191  ;  his  opposition  to  Hellenic 
influences,  192. 
Catapulfa,  a<*0. 

Cato,  M.  P.  Uticensis,  334. 

Catulns.  Q.  Lutatius,  consul  263  ;  engages 
the  Cimori,  224  ;  his  death  by  order  of 
Marias,  240. 

Catulus,  Q.  Lutaiius  (son),  is  to  rebuild  the 
Capitol  ine  temple,  300. 

Oastra,  375  f  . 

Caudine  Forks,  battle  at,  99. 

Celtiberians,  war  with,  175. 

Censorship,  73. 

Census,  22,  73,  201  n.  2,  208  n.  2,  246  n.  2. 

Centurions,  pay  of,  374. 

CethSgus,  G.  Cornelius'  586. 

Chitons,  Huns  defeated  at,  494,  497. 

Christianity,  475,  490,  501. 

Christians,  persecution  of,  476. 

Cicero,  M.  Tullius,  birth  and  education,  287; 
firstappearancoat  the  bar,  289;  studies  at 
Athens,  289  ;  impeaches  Verres.  290  ;  his 
political  consistency.  291;  consul,  291;  de- 
fence of  Rabirius,  292;  prepares  to  oppose 
Catiline,  293;  denounces  Catiline,  294  :  ar- 
rests the  conspirators,  295  ;  third  oration, 
296;  speech  in  the  senate  on  the  fate  of  the 
conspirators,  296  ;  orders  the  execution 
of  the  conspirators,  297  ;  position  of 
Cicero,  298  ;  hostile  to  Clodius,  800,  n.  ; 
his  banishment,  307  ;  his  recall.  316  ;  tries 
to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  Caesar 
and  Pompejus,  326  ;  joins  the  assassins 
of  Caesar,  343  ;  acts  with  Octavius  against 
Antonius,  346  ;  his  activity,  347;  bin 
Philippics.  347,  n.  1  ;  his  death.  348. 

Cilicia,  Roman  province,  283.  n.  3. 

Cimbri.  222  ;  cross  the  Jura,  222  ;  enter  • 
Spain.  222  ;  enter  Italy.  223  :  defeated  by 
Catulus,  224  :  destroyed  by  Marias,  224. 

Cineas.  Pyrrhus's  envoy  to  Rome.  106. 

CincinnStus,  65,  M.  5;  dictator,  f:5.  n..  74. 

China,  L.,  consul,  243  ;  driven  from  Rome, 
245;  associated  with  Marius,  246;  mur- 
dered  by  his  soldiers,  252. 

Circus  JfaaAmw,  18,  n.  3  ;  Flaminim,  41  ; 
games  of,  408. 

Cisalpine  Gaul,  a  province,  257. 

Given  Komani,  number  of,  239,  n.  2. 

Civil;  s,  453. 

Civilization  (primitive),  13. 

cederata;,  182,  n.  7  ;  libera;,  182, 


.    . 

Claudius,  consul,  his  impiety,  126,  n.  2. 
Claudius,  emperor,  442. 


Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  332  ;  meets  An- 
tonius  in  Cilicia,  351  ;  queen  of  the  East, 
356 ;  her  wit  and  beauty,  356  ;  excites 
Antonius  against,  Octavius,  356  ;  war  de- 
clared against  her,  357  ;  defeated  at  Acti- 
um,  358  ;  deceives  Antonius,  359  ;  cannot 
deceive  Octavius,  360  ;  her  death,  360. 
Clients,  20. 

Cliivs  OapUottmu.  17,  n.  5. 
Cloaca  Marirna,  17,  n.  2,  30. 
Clodius  Pulchcr,  P..  excites  a  mutiny  in 
the  army  of  Lucullus,  279 ;  profanes  the 
mysteries  of  Bona  Dca,  306,  n.  1;  tribune, 
305;  his  legislation.  306;  procures  the  ban- 
ishment of  Cicero,  307;  killed  by  Milo,  320 
Clusium,  besieged,  77,  n.;  battle  of,  253. 
Cofiors,  182,  n.  3. 
Cohorts,  372  f.;  tents  of,  378. 
Collatia,  Collatinus,  46,  n. 
Colline  Gate,  battle  at,  253. 
Colonia  Agrippinensis,  446,  n.  2. 
Colonies,  92b,  110,  n. 
Colonization,  110. 
Colosseum,  453,  456,  n.  1. 
Comes,  489. 
Comitia  ctn/vriata,  23.  51,  n.,  55,  86,  87 ; 

change  in  the  order  of  voting,  189,  n.  1. 
Comitia  cvridta,  19,  51,  n. ;  calata.  37,  52, 

n.,  65,86. 

Comitia  triMta,  64,  n.,  71,  86,  87,  258,  n.  4. 
CotnmerciijM,  97,  n.  1. 
Commodus,  emperor.  479. 
Concilium  triMtitm,  58,  n.,  60,  n.,  64, 64,  n., 

70,  83,  83,  n.,  84,  86,  87. 
Concilium  pafri/m.  20,  n.  1,  85,  n.  3  ;  curiS- 

turn,  58,  n.;  populi,  78,  n.  2. 
Conmibiiim,  72,  97 ;  jvs  connvbii,  97,  n.  1. 
Constantine,  emperor,  487 ;  his   reforms, 
488;  makes  Christianity  the  state  relig- 
ion, 490  ;  removes  the  capital  to  Constan- 
tinople, 489  ;  his  character,  490. 
Constantius,  emperor,  487. 
Consul  sine  collega,  51,  n.  3 ;  &'ffectu$,  54, 

n.  3. 

Consuls,  50,  51,  n.  3  ;  how  elected,  50  ;  du- 
ties. 50  ;  invested  with  dictatorial  pow- 
ers, 212,  n.  4, 1166. 
Cooptatio,  21,  n  7,  58,  n.  1, 101,  n. 
Corflnium.  capital  of  the  "  New  Italy,"  236. 
Corinth,  captured  and  destroyed,  166. 
CoriolSnus,  G.  Marcius,  story  of,  60. 
Corn,  largesses  of,  209.  227,  316,  338,  427. 
Cornelia,  mother  of  the  Gracchi,  202  ;  how 

she  bore  her  misfortunes,  214,  n. 
Cornelia,   daughter  of  Cinna,  married  to 

Ctesar,  302  ;  her  death,  303. 
Cornelia  leges,  257,  n.,  258,  n.,  259,  n, 
Correctors,  489. 
Corsica,  8:  a  province,  128,  n. 
Cotta.  G..  290. 
<'ra~su-.  L.  Licinius.  232. 
Crassus,  M.  Licinius,  his  great  wealth.  262, 
n.  5 :  praetor.  266 :  takes  command  against 
the  gladiators,  266;  his  ovation,  268;  con- 
sul, 268:    his  popularity,   272;    Crassns 
fears  Pompejus,  300 ;  Crassns  and  Caesar, 
304 ;  one  of  the  triumvirs,  304 ;  his  second 
consulship,  317;  proconsul  in  Syria,  318; 
his  defeat  and  death,  320. 
CremOna,  131. 


508 


INDEX. 


Cretan  bowmen.  372. 
Crete,  a  Roman  province,  283,  n.  3. 
Cteslphon  captured  liy  Trajan,  41k), 
Cui-'iHin-t  trili'Hiiti,  5S.  n.  1,  03.  n.  1. 
Curia,  15,  n.  4,  19;  curia  Hostilia,  18,  29. 
Curio,  35  ;  maxim  " 
Curio,  Trfbonius.  :i24,  :',•£). 
Curius,  M1  and  Pyrrhus,  106. 
Curule  chair,  185,  n.  2  ;  offices,  185. 
Curtins  Mettius.  legend  of,  28. 
< 'ynosceplullie,  battle  at,  ItiO. 
Cjv.Icus,  158. 

D. 

Dacia,  conquered  by  Trajan,  459. 

Dacebalus  demands  tribute,  459  ;  his  defeat, 
459. 

Debtors,  oppression  of,  55,  56,  n.  1. 

Decemvirs  appointed,  67;  their  l;iws.  I'M  ; 
re-elected,  OS ;  their  tyranny,  68;  murder 
of  (r.  Dentatus,  0!J;  Virginia  slain  by  her 
father,  09;  expulsion  of  the  decemvirs, 
70. 

Dacians,  459. 

Decius,  emperor,  481. 

Decius  MU-  devotes  himself  to  death,  !H>.  n. ; 
his  son,  101. 

liirftin,i.  1S2.  n.  8;  limited  to  Africa  and 
Sardinia,  338,  n.  1. 

Decuridnes,  4-29. 

DejotaVus,  tetrarch  of  Galatia,  283,  n. 

UelatOres,442,  454. 

DemarStns  of  Corinth.  45,  n. 

Demetrius  of  Pharos.  Iviil. 

Dm(irius,  value  of,  22,  n.  5,  191,  n.  1. 

Dictator.  54  ;  his  duties,  1l6b. 

Dictat  -rship,  212,  n.  4. 

Diilius  Jnliunus,  emperor, 

DiodOrus.  llfin. 

Dies  fasti,  40.  n.  1,  84,  n.  4;  i-omiti'lles,  40, 
n.  3,  84,  n.  4. 

Diocletian,  emperor,  484  ;  reforms,  485 ;  ab- 
dicate-, H,S7. 

Dion  Caseins,  the  historian,  116a. 

Divfodfio,  Wl,  n.  2. 

/Uri^ortx,  2! (3.  n.  1. 

Dolabella,  Cn.,  impeached  by  Csesar,  302. 

Domitian,  emperor,  450:  his  cruelty,  457; 
he  is  worshipped  as  a  god,  457;  the  la-t 
of  the  "  twelve  Cu-sars,"  457;  Tacitus  and 
Domitian.  457. 

Damns  rer/ia,  35,  41 ;  publica,  37. 

DrapSna.  126. 

Drama,  Roman,  413. 

I>re^-  for  men,  404  ;  for  women,  406. 

Dnisus.  M.  Livius.  outbids  (;.-ijus  Gracchus 
for  popular  favor,  211. 

Drusus,  M.  Livius.  sou  of  the  former  Dru- 
ms, 888:  his  efforts  for  reform,  988;  his 
laws,  ^:JI ;  lii-  propo-al  to  give  the  allies 
the  franchise,  231  ;  hi-  d>-ath,  235. 

Drusus  Germanlcus,  432,  440. 

Dvo&ri  sacrorutn,  38. 

Ducfs ,  489. 

Duillius,  Roman  admiral,  121. 

Dyrrhachinm,  330. 

E. 

Ebnrones,  revolt  of  the,  311. 


EcnOmn*.  12-,'. 
Education,  399. 

condition  of,  150:  i he  succession in^ 

:ttl.  n.  1 ;  a  Roman  province,  300. 
Elaizahiiliis,  emperor,  480. 
Encampment,  ~y»iein  of,  375. 
EiiL'ines.  military,  37H. 
K'nia,  180. 
Ennius,  400. 
Eporedia,  2al. 

Eiinestriati  order,  rise  of  the,  367;  210,  n.  6 
Equltes,  •«,  n.  H. 
Etruria,  3. 
Etiusca-is.  11  ;  their  civilization,  11;  theu 

art,  11  ;  their  influence  on  the  Latins,  1;>. 

their  origin,  !:>;  defeated  at  Lake  Vac li- 

mo,  103. 

Euirenius,  emperor,  492. 
EumSnes,  king  of  Perj/amus,  170. 
Eunus,  the  leader  in  the  Servile  war,  180. 
Excavations,  15, 11.  1, 17,  n.  1,  31. 

P. 

Fabian  gens  and  Vejentines,  63;  all  plain 

at  the  CremCra,  63. 
Fabius  Maximus,  nrpointc-d  pro-dictator, 

UW;   his  policy,  138;   recaptures  Taren- 

tum,  150. 
Fabius  Pictor,  25. 

•rx,  82,  n.  1. 

Faustina,  wife  of  Antoninus  Pius,  465,  n.  1. 
FaustOliis.  -.>,>. 
Feria*  i/n/x  raflr,/-.  243,  n.  6  ;  rorrrepfce,  242, 

n.  6;  i>n/>fic<r.  'ili,  n.  0;  xtitHi- 1 .  242,  n.  6; 

L'ii>,,,i .  y, 

•.  college   of,   41. 

Fimbria.  defeated  and  slain,  251. 

/•V-r".v,  420,  n.  4.  4(W.  n.  2.  486. 

Flaccus  Valerius  1!M.  a:*;. 

Flamen.  :»i :  />/-//;*•.  36,  43. 

Flaminlnus.  T.  <^ui:  ctins,  commander  in 
the  second  >liici  donian  war.  1(K);  gains 
a  victory  at  CynocephaJa,  1^1 ;  procaima 
the  independence  of  I  he  (;ieek  states, 
161. 

Flamiuius   (  i  ian  Inw,  129;  de- 

feats  the  Gaul-  at  Telumon.  131 ;  defeated 
and  slain  at  Lake  Trasimenus,  137. 

Florian,  emperor,  483. 

215.  n.  2. 

Forum  Bomanvm,  17;  JlfMiiinn,  44,  n. 

l-'i-nin  !ltv.  208. 

Franks,  kingdom,  493. 

Frentanians,  5. 

Fulvia,  mistress  of  Q.  Cnrins,  293. 

Fulvia,  wife  of  Antonius.  349  ;  create-  di« 
tnrbance  in  Italy,  352. 

Fulviiis  Xobilior,"  M.,  caj)tures  Ambracia, 
1(>3. 

Funerals,  415. 

G. 

Gabinitis,  A.,  tribune,  273. 

Galatia.  283,  n. 

Galba,  Sulpicius,  his  treachery,  176. 

Galba,  emperor,  451 . 

Galerius.  emperor,  486. 

Gallia  CtealjjUna,  3,  n.,  305,  n.  I. 


INDEX. 


509 


Gallia  TransaJplna,  305,  n.  1. 

Gallic-mis,  emperor  (see  Analysis,  xxvii). 

(Julius  JSlius,  43'.'. 

Gaul,  conquered  by  Cu;sar,  308-315. 

Gauls  in  Italy.  7(i ;  march  against  Rome, 
77;  buttle  of  tlie  Allia,  77;  they  retire, 
77  ;  Livy's  account,  77. 

Gens,  46,  n. 

Gentes,  18,  n.  7. 

GenSbuni,  482. 

GensSric.  494. 

Gepldse,  kingdom  of,  495. 

Gi'i-maiilcus  adopted  by  Tiberius,  435 ; 
quells  a  mutiny  on  the  Rhenish  frontier, 
441 ;  his  campaigns  in  Germany,  441 ;  his 
death,  442. 

Geta,  480. 

Glabrio,  M.  Acilius,  280. 

Gladiatorial  games,  409. 

Glaucia,  a  demagogue,  227. 

Gonlian,  emperor,  481. 

Goths,  432,  485,  492. 

Gracchus,  Gajus,  proquiestor  in  Sardinia, 
208  ;  tribune,  208  ;  his  laws,  209  ;  Drusus 
outbids  him  for  the  popular  favor,  211 ; 
his  death.  212. 

Gracchus,  Tiberius  Sempronius,  his  con- 
nections, 201 ;  his  service  in  Spain,  202; 
tribune,  202 ;  his  measures  for  reform, 
202;  his  death,  205. 

Greecia  Magna,  103. 

GracontaAs,  386,  n.  1. 

Gratian,  emperor,  492. 

Greece,  158. 

Greek  colonies  In  Italy,  103. 

H. 

Hadrian,  emperor,  460;  he  returns  to  the 
policy  of  Augustus,  4fiO ;  his  travels,  463; 
his  buildings,  462;  his  villa  at  Tibur,462. 

Hamilcar  Barcas.  126  ;  takes  a  position  on 
Mt.  Eryx,  126;  he  departs  to  Spain,  128; 
his  conquests,  132;  death,  133. 

Hannibal  succeeds  Hasdrubal,  144;  attacks 
Saguntum,  133;  returns  to  New  Carthage, 
134  ;  crosses  the  Ebro  and  Pyrenees,  135 ; 
reaches  the  Rhone,  135 ;  his  route  over 
the  Alps,  135 ;  arrives  in  N.  Italy,  135 ; 
takes  the  capital  of  the  Taurinians,  135. 
skirmish  on  the  Ticinus,  136 ;  defeats 
Scipio  and  Sempronius  at  the  Trebia, 
137  ;  crosses  the  Apennines  and  reaches 
the  Upper  Arno,  137  ;  defeats  G.  Flamin- 
ius,  137 ;  his  treatment  of  Roman  pris- 
oners, 138 ;  his  plan  for  the  campaign, 
138;  eludes  Fabius,  139;  wins  the  battle 
of  Cannae, 111 ;  obtains  Capua,  142;  takes 
Tarentum,  149  ;  his  brilliant  campaign  to 
relieve  Capua,  149 ;  he  marches  to  Rome, 
149  ;  retires  to  Southern  Italy,  149  ;  loses 
Silapia,  150 ;  loses  Tarentum,  150 ; 
marches  northward  to  join  his  brother. 
150;  recalled  from  Italy,  152;  defeated 
at  Zama,  154;  flies  to  Antiochus,  161; 
then  to  Frusias,  162  ;  his  death,  162. 

Hanno  143 

Hasdrubal,  brother  of  Hannibal,  left  in 
Spain,  144;  defeated  by  Scipio,  144; 
marches  from  Spain  to  Italy,  150;  de- 


feated in  the  battle  of  Metaurus,  151;  bis 

death,  151. 
Hostel,  366,  369,  ff. 
Hantmctt,  42. 

Helvetii  conquered  by  Ciesar,  309. 
Heraclea,  battle  of,  105. 
Hereclium,  22,  n.  6. 
Hernlcans,  3  ;  treaty  with  Rome,  62. 
Hiero,  king  of  Syracuse,  119  ;  sent  against 

the  Mamertines,  119;    defeated  by  the 

Romans,  120 ;  makes  peace  with  Rome, 

1*0 ;  his  death,  145. 
HirtiiiSj  A.,  consul,  347. 
Hispania  Citerior  and  Ulterior,  181. 
Honorius,  emperor,  492. 
Horatius  (Horace),  4,  n.  2,  7. 
Hortensian  law,  84. 
Hortensius,  Q.,  84. 
Horteusius  the  orator,  291. 
House,   Roman,  387  ;   furniture  of,  389 : 

plan  of,  390 ;  method  of  warming,  391  ;  of 

lighting,  392. 
Huns,  492. 
Hyrcauus,  282. 

I. 

Tde-i,  259,  n.  8. 

Indo-European,  9,  n.  8. 

lapygians,  9. 

Icilian  law,  59. 

/r/noW/w,  185,  n.  3. 

Ilcrda,  328. 

Illyria  and  Illyrians,  130,  n. 

Illyi-ian  wars,  128, 132. 

lllyrlcum,  130,  n. ;  a  province,  188. 

ImperSfor,  252,  n.  2,  337,  418,  485. 

Imperium,  50,  n.  1,  52, 147,432, 419,  n.Sand 
4 ;  censorium,  74.  n.  1 ;  consuldre,  51,  n.  4, 
1 ;  plenum,  49,  337,  n.  3  ;  regium,  19,  n.  a 

Instruction,  400. 

Interrex,  20,  n.  1,  24. 

Iranian  plateau,  9,  n.  3. 

Istria, 

Italia,  1,  n.  3. 

Italic.  9,  n.  2. 

Italians  proper,  9. 

Italy  in  early  times,  1;  geography  of,  1; 
divisions,  1 ;  early  inhabitants,  9. 

J. 

Janicfllus,  14 ;  flag  on,  40,  84. 

Janus,  35;  temple  of,  36;  closed  for  the 
third  time,  361. 

Josephus,  the  historian,  453. 

Jovian,  emperor,  491. 

JwRou,  50,  n.  6,  204,  9. 

Juffirum,  22,  n.  4. 

Jugurtha  serves  under  Scipio,  216:  his  in- 
trigues for  the  throne,  216 :  bribes  the 
commissioners,  216 ;  puts  Adherbal  to 
death,  217:  war  declared  against  him, 
217;  comes  to  Rome,  218;  procures  the 
assassination  of  Massiva,  218;  defeated 
by  Metellus,  218;  tekeii  prisoner,  221 ; 
carried  to  Rome,  221. 

Julia,  aunt  of  Caesar,  303. 

Julia,  daughter  of  Caesar,  320. 

Julia,  daughter  of  Augustus,  435. 

Julian,  emperor,  491. 

Julian  laws,  237.  ! 


510 


INDEX. 


Juniores,  23. 

Juno  Jlonita,  temple  of,  211,  n.  1. 

Jupiter,  as,  n.  3. 

•In idler    t'airitoTuii/x,  :i7 ;     temple    of,   18, 
n.4;  Xtalor,  2*.  n.  1  ;  L<iti«ri.<,  34. 

••'/tn 'I i/i.  ?.'i.  n.,  IHti. 

Jits  mLSpid&i  <////,  vi.n:  -,  n.  4 ; 

intercenili.  58,  n.  4  ;  a,iiin<>  ,ri>,  \  I.  n.  (i; 

connubii,  109,  n.  ;  I,  n.  7;  cum 

pltbe  age/uli,  59.  n.  3  ;  nuffrayii,  309,  n.  3 ; 

prorocationis,  52,  n.  7,  10y    u.  :;. 

necwque,  20,  n.  1. 
Juatitium,  242,  and  n.  7. 
Juv6nal,  the  i>oet,  457. 
Jus  Latii,  237,  n.  4. 

K. 

Kseso  Quinciins,  65,  n.  5. 
Kalends,  259,  n.  3. 

Kings  (regal  period),  27  ff. ;  Caesar  rales  as 
king,  337. 

L,. 

LabiSnus,  313,  331,  355,  n.  1. 

Laelins,  201. 

Languages,  Romance,  499. 

Larcins,  T.,  54. 

Latin  cities,  !»4,  n.,  95,  4. 

Latin  confederacy  dissolved,  96. 

Latin  war.  revolt  of  the  Latin  league,  95; 

battle  of  Mt.  Vesuvius,  %;  defeat  of  the 

Latins,  96. 
Latins,  3,  116,  n.  7. 
Latium  (vetus),  its  limits,  3;  Latium  ad- 

jectnm,    3,   n. ;    incorporated  with    the 

Roman  state.  95.  n.  5. 
Law,  system  of  Roman,  67. 

.  n.2. 

Lrffatio  libira,  206,  n.  2. 
Legends  of  curly  Rome,  26. 
Legatus,  372,  488. 
Legion,  365,  371,  372;  number  in  time  of 

Constantine,  489. 
Lej;  64,  n    2  (defined):  annalb,  185.  n.  4, 

1166 ;  ^Emilia,  73,  n.  3 :  xnturiata,  74, 

n.  1 ;  Calpurnia  de  rejjelunifte,  183,  n.  1 ; 

Cornelia  de  tribunicia  pofetstate,  257,  n.  1 ; 

curia'a,  20.  n.  1.  24.  n.  3,  50,  n.  2.  85.  n. :! ; 

a  L.  ISr'ito  rffiftitio,  50,  n.  3;   <lt 

tore  crtantlo,  25(5,  n.  1.  54,  n.  1 ;  .-wra/a,  - 

57:  .FVzWa  ' '  "forum,  283.  n.  3; 

Horientia.  85,  n.  1;  iin.  n.  6; 

Pubiilia.K).  n.  1:  r- jx tnmlai  »>/>.  Oil.  n. 

7;  Riiptlia,  1S1. 11.  1  ;   - 

4;  "'  .    n   .">. 

lepldus,  M..  con.-ul.  2(i2  ;  favor-  the  repeal 

of  the    Sulhin    laws.  2<BJ ;     collect «    an 

army,  ~2Ki:    defeated,  SJ3  ;    flics  to  Sar- 
dinia, 2»S;  his  d-'ath.  2»>J. 
Lepldus,  M.,  one  of  tlic  trimin  irs  .'US.  35-t 
Letters,  how  written,  403  ;  Cicero's  to  At-  ! 

ticns,  290. 

I.icinian  laws.  80  ;  revival  of,  205,  338. 
Licinins.  emperor.  488,  n.  1. 
Lietors,  47,  n.  1. 
LilybnMim,  >iego  of.  125. 
Li  i-ia  Drusllla.  435 :  third  wife  of  Augustus, 

434,  n.  1. 
Livius  (Livy),  the  historian,  259,  n.  2. 


|  Locn pistes,  22,  n.  3. 

Locu-fa,  448. 

Londinitiiii 

Loiiglnu-.  q.  C.-is.-his,  325. 

Lucanla,  :.. 

Luccn-s.  Iti,  n.  2. 

Lucietia.  story  of,  45,  n.  1. 

Lucullus,    1. .,    condui'ts    the  war  against 
Mithridates,276;his  icionns  in  A> 
his  unpopularity.  2;s  ;   defeats  Tii:raiie<, 
278  ;  superseded  l>v  I'unipeju-. 
i1.  3. 

Luna,  last  Italian  colony  sent  to,  200.  n.  ]. 

Llisitanians.  17H. 

/.'/-// •<////.  2-1,  73,  n.  3. 

Luxury,  262,  469;  standard  of,  470. 

M. 

Macedonia,  kingdom  of,  156:  a  province. 
167. 

Macedonian  wars.  158, 159,  63. 

Macrlnus,  emperor,  481. 

Ma-ceiiu-,  niini-t'T  of  Augustus,  354,  434. 

Mii'liu-.  Sj).  (-lain i.  74. 

:\v  01',  442  :  denned.  258,  n.  6. 

Magint  !!),  i).  3,  54. 

Magna  Gnecia.  103. 

Magnesia,  battle  of.  1G2. 

Mainertines,  118. 

Manlius,  CapitolTn: 

Manilius,  G.,  tribune,  280. 

Mmiilian  law.  280. 

M'liiiin'ili.  :i»ii).  n.  3. 

Manlius  Tonjuatus.  %.  n  2. 

Marcellu-.  M  .  jinetor,  145;  captures  Syra- 
cuse, U.";  slain  in  Lucania,  150. 

MarcianOple.  4H2. 

Marcins.    See  Coric  ; 

r  i-(luituin.  ."4.  489. 

Ma^'i-tiT  IK  dituni,  489. 

M:ircoii,ani;i.  4K<. 

Marius,  (.',..  ri-e  of.  219  ;  services  in  Spain, 

1 ;  7  ;  tribune,  210,  n.  5  ;  his  reforms,  371 ; 

accompanies   Metellus   to   Africa.  219; 

elected  consul.  221  ;   finishes  the  Jugur- 

thine  war.  221;   elected   consul    for  the 

•  IK!  lime,  222;  defeats  the  Tditones, 

223;  he  faIN  into  tlie  hands  of  the  d.-.iia- 

utation.  2v. 

takes  part  ih  the 

1  war,  2-'J'i ;  intriirr.es  to  obtain  the 
command  hridatee,  -U  •.  es- 

capes from  Rome,  24.'i ;  his  wandeiing-, 
•-'l.'i  ;  returns  to  Rome,  '-M-'i  ;  )iro-cribe- 
the  nobility.  245  ;  con-ul  for  the  seventh 
time,  24»»:  'his  death,  ->4ti. 

Marius.  the  Younger,  253. 

Marria<: 

Marrnclui,  5. 

Marsian-.  .">. 

Mar-ic  or  Social  war.  236. 
1.  the  poet,  401. 

Masini-sa  forms  a  treaty  with  Sripio  153; 
makes  forays  into  the  Carthaginian  t«r- 
ricorv.  W.i  ;  aids  Scipio,  169. 

Ma -s ilia,  308.  329. 

Maxentius  declared  emperor.  488,  n.  J 

Maximin,  emperor,  481. 

Maximian.  486. 


INDEX. 


511 


Maximus  Velerius,  457,  n.  4. 

Meals,  392. 

Medical  men,  397. 

M  lilnn/'ix,  value  of,  194.  n.  1. 

Mediterranean  sea  infested  by  pirates,  273. 

Meininius.  G.,  218. 

Menenius  Agrippa,  •'!•">'!,  419. 

Mesopotamia  (province),  459. 

Mesial  Una.  448. 

MessSna,  119. 

Metaunu,  battle  of,  151. 

Metellus  Celer,  298. 

Metellus  Oretlcus,  299. 

Metellus,  L.,  victory  at  Panormus,  124. 

Metellus,  O.,  victories  in  Macedonia, 

Metellus  (Numidicus)  consul,  219;  conducts 
the  war  in  Africa,  219 ;  superseded  by 
Marius,  2-20. 

Micipsa,  216. 

'.Misenian  villa  of  Cornelia,  value  of,  262, 
n.  :j. 

Milan  (Mediolanum),  131.  489. 

Milan,  edict  of,  501. 

Military  system,  113,  365. 

Military  roads.  111,  425. 

Military  tribunes,  with  consular  power,  72, 
73,  n.  1. 

Milo,  320. 

Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  247  ;  his  con- 
quests, 2-18;  invades  Asia,  2-18;  massacre 
of  Italians,  249;  defeated  by  Sulla,  250; 
makes  peace  with  Rome,  250;  defeats 
Murena,  27<i;  invests  Cyzicus,  276;  re- 
tires to  Armenia,  277;  returns  to  Pontus, 
279  ;  defeated,  281 ;  escapes  to  the  Cim- 
merian Bosporus,  281 ;  his  death.  ?83. 

Mithridatic  wars,  first,  247;  second,  276; 
third,  276. 

Modius,  value  of,  209,  n.  3;  modius  of 
wheat,  cost  of,  227,  n.  2. 

Moesogotbs,  493,  n.  1. 

Mons  Saccr,  57. 

Morlni,  310. 

Mt.  Soracte,  7. 

Mucius  ScaevOla,  47. 

Multce  dictio,  53,  n.  3  ;  67,  n.  1. 

Mulvian  bridge,  296. 

Miiti'ti-'Hit't.  97,  n.  1, 110,  n.  1. 

Murgna,  L.,  invades  the  territories  of  Mith- 
ridates,  276. 

Mus,  Decius,  76,  101. 

Mutlna;  347. 

Mutiny  of  B.  c.  342,  82. 

Mylse,  battle  of,  121. 

N. 

Nsevius,  400. 
Xai— us,  battle  of,  482. 
Names,  395. 
Naples,  bay  of,  262. 
Narcissus,  his  great  wealth,  262,  n.  5. 
Naslca,  Scipio,  205. 
Naulochus,  battle  of,  853. 
Navy,  Roman.  101,  121  :  Etruscan,  121 ;  of 

the  Greek  towns,  121  ;  Carthaginian,  117, 

121. 

Neoplatonism,  500,  n.  1. 
Nepos,  Metellus,  299. 
Nero,  consul,  joins  Salinator  and  defeats 

Hasdrubal,  151. 


Nepos,  emperor,  495. 

Nero,  emperor,  448. 

Nerva,  emperor,  458. 

New  men.    See  novus  homo. 

Nexum,  56,  n.  1. 

NicomSdes  driven  from  hie  kingdom,  248; 

restored,  429. 
Nicopolis,  battle  of,  281. 
Nol/iti/ax,  185,  n.  3. 
Nobility,  85. 

NomenLalinum.  110,  n.  8. 
Nones,  259,  n.  3. 
Norgja,  222,  n.  3. 
Norbanus,  A.,  consul,  252. 
Novurn  Coinum,  304,  n.  6,  323. 
Novus  homo,  185,  n.  3,  287,  n.  1. 
Numa  Pompilius,  30. 
Nnmantine  war,  177. 
Numidia,  177. 
Numltor,  26. 
Nundinae,  84,  n.  4,  85,  829,  n.  2. 

O. 

Oboli,  value  of.  194,  n.  1. 

Occupatio,  61,  n.  9. 

Ochlocracy,  194.  n.  4. 

Octavia,  wife  of  Antonius,  352. 

Octavius,  heir  of  Caosar,  345  ;  comes  to 
Borne,  345  ;  unites  with  Cicero,  346  ;  col- 
lects an  army,  347 ;  consul,  347 ;  forms 
the  second  triumvirate,  348 ;  proscrip- 
tions, 348 ;  defeats  Brutus,  350 ;  agree- 
ment with  Antonius.  351;  settles  the  con- 
dition of  Italy,  352;  renews  the  treaty  with 
Antonius,  352;  defeats  S.  Pompejus, 
353  ;  restores  order  in  Italy,  354 ;  rupture 
with  Antonius,  357 ;  defeats  Antonius, 
358 ;  returns  to  Rome,  360 ;  sole  ruler, 
360 ;  his  policy,  417 ;  disguises  his  rule 
under  republican  forms,  418;  his  artful 
policy,  419  ;  imperator,  419  ;  powers  and 
titles  conferred  upon  him.  420 ;  death  of, 
437. 

Odenathus,  482,  n.  1. 

OdoScer,  495. 

CEnotria,  5,  n.  4. 

Ogulnian  law.  81. 

Oppian  law,  190. 

OpiimdUfi,  202. 

Oral  tradition,  25. 

Orchestra,  411,  n.  4.  413,  n.  2  ;  assigned  to 
senators,  186. 

Orestes,  emperor,  495. 

Osci,  10. 

Ostia,  7. 

Ostrogoths,  495,  n.  1. 

Otho,  emperor.  451. 

Otho,  Roscius.  292,  294,  n.  2. 

Ovatio,  181,  n.  2. 

Orleans,  483,  n.  3. 

P. 

Padus  (river),  3. 

Paganism.  500. 

PaheopOli-,  ;>7. 

Palla,  406. 

Pnllas,  a  freedman,  262,  n.  5. 

Pallium.  405. 

Palmyra,  482. 

I'ainionia,  130. 


512 


INDEX. 


Panormus.  124 

Pansa,  consul,  347. 

Papyrus,  402. 

Paterfamilias,  18,  n.  5  ;  pairalrus,  41. 

Patrla  potestas.  18,  n.  6. 

Patcrculns  VellCjiis,  457. 

Parthians  defeat  Crassus,  319. 

Patres  familian pa  </> ,  19,  n.  8,  20, 

n.  1  and  0,  38,  u.  1,  50,  n.  2 ;  amscripti,  52. 

Patres  majorum  et  minonun  gentium,  22. 

Patricians,  meaning  of  the  word,  20  ;  they 
alone  have  political  rights,  20;  contest 
between  the  patricians  and  plebeians,  55. 

Patron,  20. 

Patronus,  20,  n.  5. 

Patrum  auctoritas,  20,  n.  1,  21,  a  6,  64,  n. 
2;  transferred  to  the  senate,  83.  n.  5. 

Paiillus,  ./Emilius,  consul,  323  ;  bribed  by 
Cuesar.  323,  262,  n.  5. 

Paullus,  L.  .dSmilius,  conqueror  of  Perseus, 
164. 

Paulas,  spelling  of,  132,  n. 

Pedites,  22,  n.  7. 

P:i>] Simians,  5. 

PergSmus,  179. 

Perperna  serves  under  Sertorius  in  Spain, 
264;  procures  his  assassination,  264 ;  de- 
feated by  Pompejus,  264. 

Perseu*  succeeds  Philip,  king  of  Macedo- 
nia, 166 ;  defeated  at  Pydna,  167. 

PeregrT.nl  i/eclitidi,  21,  n.  8. 

Persius,  484. 

Pertinax,  emperor,  479. 

PharnSces,  son  of  Mithridates,  283 ;  con- 
spires against  his  father,  288;  defeated  by 
Caesar,  333. 

Philip,  emperor,  481. 

Philip  V.,  king  of  Macedonia.  132;  sends 
ambassadors  to  Hannibal,  159  ;  takes  Orf- 
cum  and  Apolionia,15!);  peace  with  Rome, 
159 ;  prepares  for  war  against  Rome,  159; 
unites  with  Antiochus  to  dismember 
Egypt,  160:  Rome  declares  war  anahist 
him,  160;  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Uyno- 
cephalae,  160;  harshly  treated  by  the 
Romans,  163  ;  his  death,  163. 

Philippi,  battle  at,  349  ;  treaty  of,  351. 

Phalanx,  -.i'l.V 

Pictor.  Fabins,  25. 

Phoenicians,  llfja.  117. 

Phaartes.  king  of  the  Parthians,  281. 

Philosophy,  193,  500. 

Piracy. 

Pirates,  war  with,  275. 

Piso.  297. 

Pius.  Antoninus,  emperor,  464. 

Placen  tia,  colony  at,  131 ;  taken  by  Hanni- 
lal.  136. 

Plague,  466. 

Plebiscltnm,  58,  n.  3,  64,  n.;  Atlnmm.  8S. 
n.  2  ;  Genucium,  82,  n.  5 ;  IcUium,  59,  66  ; 
Mieinum.i-5.  n.  3. 

Plebeians.  Plebs.  origin  of,  21,  n.  2  ;  their 
riirhts,  21 ;  contests^  with  patricians,  54. 

Pliny,  112. 

Plutarch,  202,  n.  5  ;  208,  n.  4  :  214,  n.  3. 

Po  (river),  boundary  of  Northern  Italy,  2?7, 
n.  4. 

Pollio,  360. 

Polybius,  27,  n.  1 ;  164,  n.  2. 


Pomerium,  15,  27, 58,  u.  5, 184,  n.  1 ;  i  xteud- 
ed  by  Sulla,  257 ;  by  Claudius,  447,  u.  1. 

Pompaedius  Silo,  235. 

PompejopOHs,  275. 

Pompejus  Strabo,  2.%. 

Pompejus  Cn.  (Pompey),  assists  Sulla,  252  ; 
takes  command  in  Spain.  263  ;  sides  with 
the  popular  party,  itk  ;  ends  the  war  in 
Spain.  21)4:  cu's  to  pieces  a  body  of 
gladiators,  266 ;  consul,  267  ;  restores  the 
tribunitian  power.  268 ;  puts  an  end  to 
piracy  in  the  Mediterranean,  275  ;  ends 
the  Mithridatic  war,  281:  his  return  to 
Rome,  283;  his  triumph,  300;  form-  a 
cabal  with  (U-sar  and  Crassus,  304:  mar- 
ries Julia.  C;vsar's  daughter,  :J.06  ;  rules 
the  capital,  315 ;  renews  the  triumvirate, 
316;  his  second  consulship,  317;  leans 
towards  the  senatorial  party,  318;  sole 
consul,  321  ;  rupture  with  "Cwsar,  324  ; 
retreats  from  Rome.  328 ;  besieged  at 
Dyrrhachium,  330;  defeated  at  Pharsalns, 
331  ;  liis  death,  331. 

Pompejus  Sextus,  master  of  the  sea,  351, 
353  ;  defeated  and  flies  to  the  East,  353. 
-.  Dtini:  bridges.  219,  u.  5. 

Ponfrfex,  40.  h.  9  ;  maxlmvs,  25,  37,  41. 

Pontiffs,  college  of,  40. 

Pontius,  G.,  defeats  the  Romans,  99 ;  de- 
feated and  put  to  death,  li>2. 

Pontus,  kingdom  of,  247 ;  a  Roman  prov- 
ince. 283,  n.  3. 

PoplicSla,  53. 

PopulSres,  202,  n  5,  203,  n.  2. 

Population  (see  Census), decline  of,  472;  of 
the  empire,  473,  n.  1. 

Popfilu*,  meaning  of,  20  ;  change  of  mean- 
ing, 81. 

Poppea  Sablna,  wife  of  Nero,  449. 

Porcian  laws,  184,  n.  1. 

Porcius  Cato,  M.    See  Cato. 

Porsenna,  Lais,  aids  Tarqtiiniiis,17:  makes 
peace  with  Rome,  48. 

Porta,  370. 

Portus,  Itius,  310.  n.  3  ;  miigionis,  28,  n.  1. 

Po**e*t<io,  61,  n.  10. 

Polestat,  67,  n.  1,  71,  n.  1,  73,  n.  1  ;  major, 
58,  n.  4 ;  patrta,  is.  n.  (i,  5-2.  n.  1  ;  regria, 

19,  n.  2 ;   tacrosonda,  58,  n.  4 ;  svnima, 

20,  n.  1  ;  tribiiTtida,  58,  n.  4. 
Praeneste,  14,  253. 

Praefectus  urbi,  424,  n.  4  ;  juri  dicvndo,  97, 

n.  1. 
Praetor,  office  of,  created,  80  ;  his  duty,  81  ; 

increase  iu  the  number  of,  182;  urbanvs, 

81,  1,  11W. 

Praetors  or  consuls,  50,  n.  5,  70,  n.  2. 
Pra;fectures,  488,  u.  2. 

i*  senatm,  81,  n.  3 
Prinniw,  262. 
Probus,  emperor,  482. 
Proconsul,  98,  182. 
Proprietors,  182. 

•  tioiis.  245,  2.54,  348. 
Prothyrum,  388,  n.  2. 

•  rid,  defined,  128,  n.  8. 
Provincial  system,  128;  extended,  181. 
Provinces,  number  of,  128  ;  how  governed, 

128;  number  in  the  time  of  Sulla,  257; 

number  in  time  of  Caesar,  338,  n.  1  ;   sen- 


INDEX. 


513 


atorial  and  imperial,  419;  number  in 
time  of  Augustas,  4;>0.  11.  1 ;  number  iu 
time  of  Constant  hie,  489. 

Provpcatio,  52,  n.  7;  211,  184,  n.  1. 

Prusias,  king  of  Bithynia.  102. 

Publilian  law  of  Volero,  63. 

Publilian  laws,  82. 

Publicani,  182,  n.  8. 

Punic  war,  first,  117;  second,  132:  third, 
167. 

Puzzolana,  4,  n.  3. 

Pydna,  battle  of,  163. 

Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epiras,  105 ;  invited  by 
the  Tarentiuea  to  assist  them  against  the 
Romans,  105  ;  gains  a  victory  at  Hera- 
cles, 105  ;  at  Aseuiiim,  106  ;  crosses  to 
Sicily,  107;  returns  to  Tarentum,  108; 
defeated  at  Beneveutuni,  108  ;  departs  to 
Greece,  108. 


Quastioperpefua,  258,  n.  5,  291,  n.  1  and  2  ; 

inter  xecarios,  289,  n.  3. 
Qucestdres  cerarii,  53, u.  4;  urMnl,  74,  n. 

2 ;  parrici/lii,  53,  n.  4. 
Quaestore:;,  53 ;  elected  by  the  people,  71 ; 

number  increased,  257,  337,  n.  4. 
Quintilian.  the  rhetorician,  474. 
Quintius,  P.,  defended  by  Cicero,  289. 
Quiiites,  15,  u.  4. 

R. 

Rabirius  defended  by  Cicero,  292. 

Ramnes,  14. 

Rasennae,  11. 

Regia,  386. 

Regia,  ijotestas,  19,  n.  2, 

Regillus,  Lake,  battle  of,  48. 

Regium  concilium,  19,  n.  5;  imperium,  19, 
n.  3. 

Regfllus,  M.  Atilius,  invades  Africa,  123  ; 
defeated,  123 ;  sent  to  Rome  with  an 
embassy  to  negotiate  a  treaty,  125,  n.  1  : 
returns  and  is  put  to  death,  125,  n.  1. 

Religio,  33,  91,  n.  1  ;  state  religion,  35. 

Remus,  27. 

/,'</<  /'//ides,  175,  183,  n.  1. 

Republic  established,  50. 

Revenue,  184,  n.  2  ;  how  collected,  182,  n. 
8. 

Hex,  19,  n.  1 ;  xacriftculm,  41, 42  ;  rexsacrti 
rum,  81,  2. 

Rhadagaisus,  403. 

Rhea  >?ilvia,  26. 

Riclmer,  Count,  495. 

Ri<jh';s,  public  and  private,  109,  n.  3. 

Rhine,  warfare  on,  432. 

Rhodes,  158  ;  school  of  rhetoric  at,  400. 

Roads,  military,  425.    See  vim. 

Rogtilio.  64,  n.  2. 

Roma  qiiadrata,  15. 

Roman  history,  sources  of,  25. 

Roman  law,  67. 

Rome,  a  Latin  settlement,  14  ;  its  situation, 
14;  its  growth,  15;  capital  of  Latium, 
16;  Livy's  account  of  its  origin,  26  ;  the 
king,  30;  burnt  by  the  Gauls,  77;  sacked 
by  Alaric,  493  ;  population  in  time  of 
Augustus,  4-37,  n.  5;  in  A.  D.  167,  4t>7,  n. 


3 ;  in  time  of  Diocletian,  473,  n.  1 ;  in  the 

time  of  Sevenif,  407,  n.  3. 
Romulus,  the  legend  of,  26. 
Romulus  Augustulus,  495. 
Rvrarii,  113,  368. 
Roscius,  288. 

Rostra  vetS  r  a,  17,  386,  n.  1. 
Rubicon    (river),    northern    boundary   of 

Italy,  257,  n.  4. 
Ruflnus,  492. 

Rnpilius,  P.,  in  the  Servile  war,  180. 
Rutilius,  Lupus,  P.,  consul,  236,  n. 

S. 

Sabellians,  5, 10. 

Sabine  virgins,  rape  of,  27. 

Sablni,  5. 

Sacred  mount,  57. 

Sacred  spring,  93,  n.  8. 

Saguntum,  133. 

Salii,  36. 

Sallust,  218,  n.  1. 

SalOna,  487. 

Salvius,  leader  of  the  slaves,  226. 

Samnites,  origin  of,  5 ;  their  migrations 
into  Campania,  93;  attack  Teamim,  95; 
war  with  the  Romans,  95 ;  second  war 
with  the  Romans,  97 ;  G.  Pontius  defeats 
the  Romans,  98;  treaty  rejected  by  the 
Roman  senate,  99  ;  peace.  100 ;  third  war, 
100  ;  defeat,  101 ;  peace,  102. 

Sammum,  5. 

Sardinia,  geography  of,  8 ;  taken  from  Car- 
thage, 128. 

Saturnalia,  33,  n.  1. 

Saturnian  metre,  400. 

Saturninus,  tribune,  227  ;  his  laws,  227  ;  re- 
elected  tribune,  228 ;  declared  a  public 
enemy,  229  ;  his  death,  229. 

Scanras,  ^Emilius,  president  of  the  senate, 
217,  238. 

Scipio,  Guseus,  sent  to  Spain,  185;  his 
death,  147. 

Scipio  AfricSnus  Major,  P.  Cornelius  takes 
command  in  Spain.  147  ;  his  success,  148 ; 
crosses  to  Africa.  148;  consul,  152  lands 
in  Africa,  153  ;  defeats  Hannibal,  154  ;  his 
triumph,  154  ;  prosecuted,  190 ;  his  death, 
190. 

Scipio  AfricSnus  Minor,  elected  consul, 
170;  takes  Carthage,  171 ;  sent  to  Spain, 
177  ;  takes  Nnmantia,  178  ;  favorable  to 
reform,  201 :  takes  up  the  cause  of  the 
Italians,  207  ;  his  death,  207. 

Scipio  Asiatlcus,  L.  Cornelius,  defeats  An- 
tiochus,  162:  prosecuted.  IdO. 

Scipio  Barbatus,  L.  Cornelius,  101,  n. 

Scipio  Naslca  opposes  Tiberius  Gracchus, 
205. 

Scipionic  circle,  193. 

iSH/iim,  64,  n.  2. 

Scrip/ am.  61,  n.  4  ;  182,  n.  8. 

Sejamis,  ^Elius,  442. 

Semitic,  9,  n.  3. 

Sempronian  laws,  209. 

Sempronius,  consul,  136. 

Senate,  its  origin,  19 ;  its  number,  88 ; 
vacancies,  88;  filled  by  censors,  88; 
ex-magistrates  admitted  to  the  senate, 


514 


INDEX. 


88,  n. ;  place  of  meeting,  88,  n. ;  how 
summoned,  88,  n.  ;  how  business  \vu- 
brpnght  before  the  senate,  88,  n.  ;  its 
original  powers,  MI  ;  it-  \eio  power,  85, 
n.  ;  the  centre  for  the  new  nobility,  s!) ; 
it  rules  the  republic,  8!l ;  its  nuuiber  in- 
creased, 418,  n.  4. 

Senators,  how  chosen  in  the  rei'al  period, 
19  ;  selected  by  the  censors,  8*  :  their  in- 
signia, 88,  n.  ;  how  they  ranked,  88,  n.  ; 
seats  at  the  public  gaine*  reserved  for 
them,  88,  n.;  how  senators  were  notified 
of  a  meeting  of  the  senate,  88,  n. 

Senatdre*  pedaril,  88,  n. 

SenHtus  consultum,  83,  n.  5. 

Seneca,  418. 

Senidrt*,  22. 

Septimitis  SevSrns,  emperor,  480. 

Sertorius,  victories  in  Spain,  264  ;  assassi- 
nated by  Paperna,  261. 

Servile  war  in  Sicily,  first  180 ;  second  226. 

Servili'is,  Gajus,  985. 

Servius  Tullius,  king  of  Rome,  30  ;  his  re- 
form of  the  constitution,  22. 

Sesterces,  p.  210,  n.  6  ;  262,  n.  8  and  5. 

Seven  hills  of  Rome,  15,  n.  a 

Sev6rus,  Alexander,  481.  , 

SevCrus,  deptimius,  480. 

Sextius,  L.,  first  plebeian  consul  81. 

Sibyl,  38  ;  Sibylline  books,  :M. 

Sicily,  geography  of,  8 ;  invaded  by  the 
Romans,  120 ;  province,  except  the  terri- 
tory of  Syracuse,  128  ;  governed  by  a  pas- 
tor, 128 ;  all  Sicily  a  province,  147  and 
181,11.:!. 

Sicinius  Dentatus,  69. 

Sidiclni.  95. 

Silo  Q.  Pompadiua,  235,  236. 

Slaves  180,  n.,  225. 

Slavery,  incre:i»e  of,  179. 

SooU,  110,311,  KL 

Solarium,  18o,  n. 

Soleae,  405. 

Soli,  afterwards  Poinpejop61is,  275,  n.  3. 

Spain,  two  provinces  in,  181. 

Spanish  wars,  114  ff. 

Sparta,  158. 

Spartacus,  leader  of  the  gladiators,  265 ; 
lays  Italy  waste,  266 ;  his  defeat  and 
death.  266. 

.^/Ill/ill   <:/,l'lltt,    28. 

stiitciio.  i'.i2,  r.i;. 

Stipendivm,  171,  n.  6  ;  183,  n. 

Stola,  406. 

Sulla,  O.  Cornelius,  his  life,  211  :  pra-tor, 
241  :  serves  as  quaestor  in  the  Jiigurthine 
war,  221  ;  serves  in  the  Social  war,  •.':)•;  : 
consul,  ill;  cotite-t  witti  Marius  21  >: 
his  legislation,  243  :  leave-  Koine  for  the 
East.  213:  his  vic'orie-  in  Q 
makes  peace  with  Mithridates  250:  his 
return  to  Italy.  251;  defeats  his  oppo- 
nents, 253;  annihilates  the  Sminites 
253;  proscribes  his  opponents,  •.>:,; 
pointed  dictator,  2.VJ ;  his  legislation, 
257  f.;  date  of  259.  n.  4  :  his  death,  -jt;  P. 

Sulpicius,  P.,  tribune,  242  ;  his  laws,  242. 

Summaries.  90.  114,  195,  361,  602. 

Sundav.  502.  n.  1. 

ftwoetavrWa,  24  n.  4. 

Syphax  and  Scipio,  148. 


Syracuse  captured,  145  ;  a  Roman  province, 

283,  n.  3. 
Syria,  condition  of,  150  ;  becomes  a  Roman 

'province,  282. 
Syiio-.Etolian  war,  161. 

T. 

Tabella,  402,  n.  4. 

Tabulaiivm,  199,  n.  1. 

Tacitus  emperor,  482. 

Tacitus,  historian,  8,  n. 

Tarentia,  wife  of  Cicero,  287,  n.  1. 

Tarentum,  104  ;  falls  into  the  hands  of  the 

Romans,  108  ;  captured  by  Hannibal,  149  ; 

recaptured  by  the  Romans,  150  ;  treaty  of 

Tarentum,  353. 
Tarquinius  Priscus.  21. 
Taxation  on  public  land,  61  ;   evaded  by 

patricians,    61  ;    Romans   exempt   from 

taxes,  145:  in  the  provinces,  182,  8,  209; 
em  under  Cje.-ar,  338,  n.   1  ;   under 

Augustus,  420.  and  n.  5  :  under  Cotistan- 

tine.  4s'j  ;  taxes  remitted.  407. 
Tarquinius  Superbus,  30,  45,  n.  1 
Teaching,  method  of,  401. 
TclSmon,  battle  near,  131. 
Temple  of  Diana,  18  ;  of  Jupiter  Capitoll- 

nus,  18  ;  history  of,  300,  n.  1. 


Teutftnes.  ail,  222. 
Thapsus,  334. 
Theatre,  413. 

Theodosius  emperor,  492,  497. 
Thurii,  l.">5.  n.  1. 
Tiberiw,  17,  n.  ii  ;  386.  n.  1. 
Tiberius,  440  ;  death  of.  443. 
TheodOric.  king  of  the  Ostrogoths,  4%,  n.  3. 
Ticlnus,  skirmish  on.  136. 
TicrS  lies.  kiiiL;  of  Armenia,  277:  defeated 
by  Lucullus,  27s  :  Mil'inits  to  Pompejus, 

TigrSnes  the  Younger,  282. 

Tirocinium,  289,  n.  1. 

Titles,  15. 

Titus  I'Mperor,  454. 

Tiv51i.  3. 

Thernue.  407.. 

Toga,  404;  pic/a,  181,  n.  2  ;  jrralexta,  288, 

n.  2  ;  fin,  -a,  288.  n.  2  ;  pitrpurea,  181,  n. 

2  ;  ririlix.  288.  n 
Tolfi-a  (captured1,  '.>-.'2. 
Traces,  398. 
TrajSnus,  M.  Ulpius,  emperor,  458. 

81,  n.  5. 

TrasimCnus.  Lake.  Romans  defeated,  137. 
Trebia,  battle  of,  136. 
Trdves  480  n.  2. 

:Vn  IT. 
Triariu 

Tribes,  meaning  of  the  word,  15,  18,  n.  8; 
•aibly  of,  58,  n.  3  ;  64  ;  number  of,  97, 

100. 
Tribunes,  their  original  powers,  58  :   how 

elected,  58.  n.  3  ;  elected  in  the  plebeian 
mbly  of  tribe-.  f>4  :  number  increased, 

ff<  :  degraded  by  the  laws  of  Sulla,  257  : 

their  powers  re-tored.  268. 
Tribunes,  military.  370,  and  n.  10. 
TribUftun,  56,  n.  3  ;  76,  n.  1. 


INDEX. 


515 


Triumph,  181,  n.  2. 
Triumvirate,  first,  304  ;  second,  348. 
Triumviri  sent  to  Athens.  <>7. 
Tullianum,  18,  and  n.  1  ;  221,  n.  2. 
Tullus  Hostilius,  king  of  Rom«.  30. 
Turmce,  372. 
Twelve  tables,  67. 
TyndSris,  battle  of,  122. 
Tyrants,  thirty,  482. 

IT. 

Ulpian,  the  jurist,  481. 
"Jmbria,  geography  of,  4. 
TJmbrians,  10. 
Umbo-Sabellians,  10. 
Utlca,  defended  by  Cato,  334. 


Vada  Sabata,  155. 

Vadlmo,  Lake,  defeat  of  the  Etruscans,  99; 

defeat  of  the  Gauls,  103. 
Valens  emperor,  481. 
Valentiniau  emperor,  491. 
Valerio-Horatian  laws,  70. 
Valerian  emperor,  xxvii. 
Valerius,  M',  57. 
Valerius  Corvus,78,  n. 
Valerius  PoplicOla.  51  ;  his  laws,  52. 
Vattu  Jfurcia.  18.  n.  2. 
Vandals  plunder  Rome,  494,  495. 
Vandalusia,  493. 
Varian  prosecutions,  238. 
Varius,  Q.,  tribune,  238. 
Varronan  era,  27,  n.  1. 
Varus,  Q.,  defeated  by  Arminius,  430. 
Vatia,  P.  Servilius,  carries  on  war  in  Isau- 

ria,  272. 

Vecflyal,  61,  n.  6;  182,  8. 
Veji,  conquest  or,  75. 
VeRtf*,  369,  372. 
Veneti  defeated  by  Caesar.  310. 


Ventidius,  355,  n.  i. 

Ver  sacrum,  93,  n.  3. 

Vercellse,  battle  of,  234. 

Vercinget6rix  defeated  by  Caesar,  312  f. 

Vergil,  400. 

Verres,  261 ;   praetor   in    Sicily,  268 ;   his 

exactions,  270 ;   his  trial,  271 ;  value  of 

plunder,  862,  n. 
Vespasian,  452. 
Vestal  virgins,  36. 
Vesta,  34 :  temple  of,  44. 
Vestinian.s,  5. 
Vesuvius,  Mount,  eruption  of,  4,  n.  4 ;  455 

battle  of,  96. 

Veto  of  the  tribunes,  59. 
ViaAppia,  111 :  Emilia,  111 :  Cassia,  Hi 

Flaminia,  102,  111,  129,  n.  3. 
Via  sacra.  17  and  n.  4 
Vicarii,  489. 
Vtci,  14,  n.  1. 
Visigoths,  402  and  n.  1. 
View  Scderdtus,  45,  n.  1 ;  Tuscus.  21,  n.  4 
Viriathus,  176. 
Virgil,  see  Vergil. 
Vjrginius,  69. 
Vitellius  emperor,  451. 

W. 

Wallia,  493. 

War,  declaration  of,  86,  n.  1. 

Weapons,  defensive  and  offensiye,  870 

Westgoths,  492. 

Writing,  materials  for,  401. 

Z. 

Zama,  battle  at.  154. 

Zanthippus,  123. 

Zeno,  Eastern  emperor,  495. 

Zenobia,  queen  of  Palmyra,  4ft? 

Zeugma,  319. 

Ziela,  battle  at,  332. 

XoaOras,  116/j. 


\ 


17280 


AText-Book  on  English  Literature, 

With  copious  extracts  from  the  leading  authors,  English  and  Ameri- 
can. With  full  Instructions  as  to  the  Method  in  which  these  are 
to  be  studied.  Adapted  for  use  in  Colleges,  High  Schools, 
Academies,  etc.  By  BRAIXERD  KELLOGO,  A.M.,  Professor  of 
the  English  Language  and  Literature  in  the  Brooklyn  Collegiate 
and  Polytechnic  Institute,  Author  of  a  "  Text-Book  on  l.het- 
oric,"  and  one  of  the  Authors  of  Reed  &  Kellogg's  "  Graded 
Lessons  in  English,"  and  "Higher  Lessons  in  English." 
Handsomely  printed.  12mo,  478  pp. 

The  Book  is  divided  into  the  following  Periods  : 

Period  I.—  Before  the  Norman  Conquest,  670-10GG.  Period  II.— 
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From  Chaucer's  death  to  Elizabeth,  1400-1558.  Period  IV.— Eliza- 
beth's reign,  1558-1603.  Period  V.— From  Elizabeth's  death  to  tho 
Restoration,  1603-3660.  Period  VI.— From  the  Restoration  to  Swift's 
death,  1660-1745.  Period  VII.— From  Swift's  death  to  the  French 
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1789,  onwards. 

h  Period  is  preceded  by  a  Lesson  containing1  a  brief  rosume  of  the 
crrcat  historical  events  that  have  had  somewhat  to  do  in  shaping  or  in  color- 
lug  the  literature  of  that  peril  «1. 

The  author  aims  in  this  book  to  furnish  the  pupil  that  which  ho  onnnot 

help  himself  to.     It  groups  tin1  authors  so  th:it  their  plauesin  the  line  and 

their  relations  to  each  other  can  be  seen  by  the  pupil;  it  throws  light  upon 

:hors"  times  and  surroundings,  and  notes  the  ^reat  influences  at  work, 

to  make  their  writings  what  they  are;  it  points  out  such  of  these 

as  should  lie  studied. 

racts,  as  many  and  as  ample  as  tho  limits  of  a  text-book  would 

allow,  have  been  made  from  the  principal  writers  of  each  J'erind.  ^uch  are 

1  as  contain   the  characteristic,  traits  of  their  authors,  both   in 

thoughtand  ..and  but  lew  of  these  extracts  have  ever  seen  the 

liirht  in  tiooks  of  selections    none  of  them  have  been  worn  threadbare  t  y 

have  lost  their  freshness  by  the  pupil's  familiarity  with  them  in  the 

school  readers. 

It  i. -aches  the  pupil  how  the  selections  are  to  be  studied,  soliciting  and 
oxaetiiitr  his  judgment  at  every  step  of  the  way  which  leads  Irom  tl.e 
author's  diction  up  through  his  style  and  thought  to  the  author  himself, 
and  in  many  other  ways  it  places  the  pupil  on  the  best  possible  footing  with 
the  authors  whose  acquaintance  itis  his  business,  as  well  us  his  pleasure,  to 
make. 

Short  estimates  of  the  leading  authors,  made  by  the  best  English  and 
Ameri<  have  been  inseried,  most  of  them  contemporary  with  us. 

The  author  has  endeavored  to  make  a  practical,  common-sense  text- 
book: one  that  would  so  educate  the  student  that  he  would  know  aud 
enjoy  good  literature.  __ 

"  I  find  the  book  in  its  treatment  of  English  liteniture  cnperior  to  any  other  I 

have  examined.     Its  main  feature,  which  should  he  the  lending  one  of  all  >-imilur 

:-  that  it,  is  a  means  to  au  end,  simply  a  guide-hook  to  the  study  of  En^li-h 

ire.    Too  many  students  in  the  pa* t  nave  studied,  not  the  literature  of  the 

.  language,  but  some  author's  opinion  of  that  literature.    I  know  from  ex- 

<•  that  your  method  of  treatment  will  prove  an  eminently  successful  oue." — 

Joints  n.  Shults,  Prin.  qf  the  Weft  High  School,  Cleveland,  0. 

CLARK  &  MAYNARD,  Publishers,  New  York, 


A^-j"*  w-^  Mil  II    I    111    III    II  II        III  II    I   I  I  II  I  I  I     I    II 

TEXT-BOOK  A    000  676299     1 

SUPPLEMENTING  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OP  THE  SCIENCE  WITH 
EXHAUSTIVE  PRACTICE  IN  COMPOSITION. 

A  Conrse  of  Practical  Lessons  Adapted  for  use  in  High  Schools  and 
Academies,  and  in  the  Lower  Classes  of  Colleges. 

BY 

BRAINERD   KELLOGG,  A.M., 

Professor  of  the  English  Language  and  Literature  in  the  Brooklyn 

Collegiate  and  Polytechnic  Institute,  and  one  of  the  authors  of 

Heed  &  Kettogg's  "  Graded  Lessons  in  English " 

and  "  Higher  Lessons  in  English." 


In  preparing  this  work  upon  Rhetoric,  the  author's  aim  has  been  to 
write  a  practical  text-book  for  High  Schools,  Academies,  and  the  lower 
s  of  Colleges,  based  upon  the  science  rather  than  an  exhaustive 
treatise  upon  the  science  itself. 

This  work  has  grown  up  out  of  the  belief  that  the  rhetoric  which 

the  pupil  needs  is  not  that  which  lodges  finally  in  the  memory,  but  that 

whioh  has  worked  its  way  down  into  his  tongue  and  fingers,  enabling 

him  to  speak  and  write  the  better  for  having  studied  it.     The  author 

\es  that  the  aim  of  the  study  should  be  to  put  the  pupil  in  posses- 

•  >t'  an  art,  and  that  this  can  be  done  not  by  forcing  the  science  into 
him  through  eye  and  ear,  but  by  drawing  it  out  of  him,  in  products, 
through  tongue  and  pen.  Hence  all  explanations  of  principles  are  fol- 
lowed by  exhaustive  practice  in  Composition — to  this  everything  is  made 
tributary. 

"This  is  jnst  the  work  to  take  the 
place  of  the  much-stilted  'Sentential 
Analysis'  that  is  beini;  waded  through  to 
little  purpose  by  the  Grammar  ami  Hiirli 
School  pupils,  of  our  country.  This  \voik 
not  only  teaches  i  he  discipline  of  analyz- 
ing fbOMght.  but  leads  the  student  to 
feel  that  it  is  /ii,«  ihoutrht  that  is  being 
dealt  with,  dissected,  and  unfolded,  to 
efficient  expression."— /Vo/".  U.  S.  Alfce, 
Pregt.  if  Stale  Sornml  tic/tool,  OstJcoth, 


.  RHETORIC  is  evidently  the 

fruit  of  scholarship  and  larire  experience. 
The  author  has  collected  his  own  mate- 
rials, and  disposed  of  them  wiih  the  skill 
of  a  master :  his  -tatcinents  are  precise, 
lucid,  and  sufficiently  copious.  Nothing; 
is  sacrificed  to  show  ;  the  book  is  intended 
for  use.  and  the  abundance  of  examples 
will  constitute  one  of  its  chief  merits  in 

of  the  thorough  teacher.''— .Pw/. 

>ok,  Johns  Hopkins  I'niittniii/, 
Baltimore,  Md. 


276  pages,  12mo,  attractively  bound  in  cloth. 


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